LETTER XII.

To-daythe King set out from Lyons on his way to Rheims, where he is to be crowned—as he told me himself—on the 13th.

I will not weary your Majesty with a full description of the state of France, but content myself with a sketch.

Ever since the commencement of the civil wars which are distracting the country, there has been a terrible change for the worse. So complete is the alteration, that those who knew France before wouldnot recognise her again. Everywhere are to be seen shattered buildings, fallen churches, and towns in ruins; while the traveller gazes horror-stricken on spots which have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds and inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: the farmer’s stock and tools have been carried off by the soldier as his booty, he is plundered alike by Frenchman and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled; the towns lately thronged with merchants and customers are now mourning their desolation in the midst of closed shops and silent manufactories. Meanwhile, the inhabitants, ground down by ceaseless exactions, are crying out at the immense sums which are being squandered for nought, or applied to purposes for which they were never intended. They demand a reckoning in tones which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of experience, members of the oldest families in France, are in many cases regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to come to Court, or left to vegetate at home. Besides the two parties into which Frenchmen are divided by their religious differences, there are also feuds and quarrels which affect every grade of society.

In the first place, the feeling against the Italians who are in the French service is very strong; the high promotion they have received and the important duties with which they have been intrusted, arouse the jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French business, and hold that they have neither merit, services, nor birth to justify their appointment. Birague, as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices in the kingdom; Comte de Retz40is a Maréchal; Strozzi isin command of the infantry of France; Guadagni is Seneschal of Lyons; and in the same way other Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen murmur.

Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact their dues so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are unaccustomed to such extortion, to the very verge of rebellion; there will be another Saint Bartholomew41if they do not take care, and they will be the victims.

The feuds which separate the leading families of France are more bitter than those described in ancient tragedy; this is the state of feeling which exists between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon, not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through its alliances and connections, has a considerable party of its own.

The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have most influence at Court, but this is an advantage which they may lose any day by the death of the King, and then their fall is inevitable.

By his nearest relations the King is feared ratherthan loved, for, knowing the designs they entertained before the death of his brother (Charles IX.), they have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness, though he professes to have pardoned them, and think that his vengeance is only deferred for a time. On the other hand, the King must see clearly from the flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family are towards him.

The district in which the rebellion on religious grounds has struck its deepest roots begins at Rochelle and reaches to the Rhone, comprising the whole of Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou, the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round Narbonne, &c., &c. Nor is this all; across the Rhone, in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has seized places, as, for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the Royalists.

In making the statement that the rebels are powerful in Languedoc and Guienne, I must not be understood to say that the principal cities of those provinces do not obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, which enable them to render both life and property insecure; there is no peace or quiet for those who are loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable positions and strong fortifications, garrisoned by veteran soldiers, who have made up their minds to die rather than trust the King’s word. Such, undoubtedly, is their determination, for though peace, which is the only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, and certain men were at Avignon from Condé and his party, still, up to the present moment, no arrangement has been concluded. True, the King is ready to pledge his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no oneshall be troubled on account of his religion; but the memory of Saint Bartholomew42is a fatal obstacle: they will place no confidence in his promise, and believe that it is only a stratagem to destroy the survivors of that night.

Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer in the long run, whatever the advantage at the time may be!

Some people have a notion that the idea of peace is not seriously entertained, but is simply a manœuvre to break up the confederacy by making overtures to some of its members.

Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to Rochelle, but in the meantime both parties are busy fighting: the King is pressing on the sieges of Livron and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means in their power to harass and perplex him. After the King’s departure from Avignon, they took possession of Aigues-Mortes,43where they found a store of cannon, which will be of great service to them. One fort, however, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the Duc de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not despair of retaking the town under cover of its fire.

It is not that I should regard the situation as hopeless, if there were a prospect of matters taking a turn for the better, but, bad as is the present state of things, it is nothing compared to what we may expect any day to see.

Having given my ideas as to the state of the country, I will now give my opinion of the King. Of his character your Majesty has had opportunities of judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment might turn out a pattern sovereign. But his companions are wild young men, the tone of French society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers who are seeking their own advantage; under such circumstances, who can say that he will not go astray? Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a weakly constitution and not likely to be long-lived.

The ambassadors who came from Poland have been ordered to remain at Lyons, and there await the King’s arrival; it is supposed that his Majesty will not care much for the despatches which they bring, as they are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. It seems that the King has thoughts of keeping Poland, for, though he is still a bachelor, he has announced his intention of bestowing it on one of his future children, and with this view is negotiating for an alliance with the King of Sweden’s daughter; for my own part, however, I am inclined to suspect that this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in France the idea is that the Transylvanian44is the candidate most popular with the Poles. The King is dissatisfied with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with regardto Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past could be recalled, he would not be so liberal with his towns.45

It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long business; for, though the wall has been battered with cannon, and there is as wide a breach as the besiegers could desire for them to mount to the attack, two assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. There are several reasons to account for these failures: in the first place, the attacking column has to climb up hill through the rubbish anddébris, which crumble away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments have been made within the circuit of the walls, and the besieged are so confident of holding the town that they may almost be said to laugh at the efforts of their enemies.46I saw this with my own eyes when I passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, when they come to close quarters, not only do they meet with a most stubborn resistance from the men, but many of them are also wounded by the women, who rain stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. I saw six ensigns on the walls of the town, whence it is assumed that there are 400 soldiers in the garrison; they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law, who was in command of the town, having been killed by a cannon-ball, Montbrun, the night before I arrived, sent four more gentlemen into the place with a party of soldiers; it is said that they passed through the outposts of the German horse commanded by Count Nogarola.

Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence longago of the death of the Cardinal of Lorraine.47He died of fever, after an illness of eighteen days. The attack was brought on, people think, by his walking in a procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother has been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter (Marguerite), wife of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), had a troublesome cold, which lasted several days.

There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; the Cardinal enrolled himself in one of them, and advised the King to do the same; his Majesty’s example was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one occasion, when they were walking in procession with these societies at night, which is the usual time for such ceremonies, there was a very cold wind, and this is supposed to have been the cause of the Cardinal’s illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he fell sick.

He was a great man, and took a prominent part in the government of the country. In him we have lost a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker, an experienced statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the interests of his party and his family, and I am by no means sure that the State did not sometimes suffer in consequence. The King visited him during his illness, and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. When the body was being removed from Avignon, on its way to Rheims, the King and four Cardinals accompanied it to the gates of the city. They were attended by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother and the King of Navarre (as they style him here) at their head. These last, I imagine, were by no means sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to his corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was so upset by his death that the next day she fancied she saw him bidding her farewell, and could hear him saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried to point him out to those who were with her.48

Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan had surrendered to Montpensier. The garrison are to be allowed to retire to Bouteville and Pons with their arms and property. I hear also that the siege of Livron has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; themen being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from which they are to watch the town and see that no provisions are brought in. They will have a hard task, methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to be sometimes given the slip.

Lyons, January 24, 1575.

[The whole of this letter is occupied with business connected with the dower. It is dated Paris, February 9, 1575.]

I receivedyour Majesty’s letter of December 31 on February 5, in which your Majesty graciously acquaints me with the information touching the dower given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I wrote at such length in my former letter that there is no need for me to recur to the subject again. Your Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons said that the Queen would be treated in the same manner as during her husband’s lifetime, a statement which, I think, must be considered one of mere politeness—in short, a French compliment!

With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the manner in which the Queen will return, I understand that the King will see that she is escorted to Vienna, or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen of high rank and a distinguished retinue, following inthis respect the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom his predecessor (Charles IX.) sent to Scotland at his own charges. The only expense that will fall on your Majesty will be the presents that must be made to those who accompany her, and the cost of their journey when they return.

Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes were with regard to the cipher I was to use. I was desired to draw up a code on my way, and forward it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and put it in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If the letter arrived, I presume that the cipher arrived too; in the other case, they will both have been lost together. I send another code, which seems to me less difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has not received the letter I wrote at the end of November, before setting out for Avignon. Some of your Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those dated December 11 and 16.

As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. They would fain be at peace, for war means ruin, and the very sinews of war are failing; but still they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns as a matter in which his honour is concerned. On the other hand, the insurgents do not care for any peace which does not furnish guarantees for their safety. As to confidence, which is the very bond of human society, they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save walls and fortifications.

Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. I think that anyone who offered to act as mediator would be welcomed by the King, as he would then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one else’s word. His own is absolutely worthless. But who would care to pledge himself, when there are ahundred ways in which his guarantee may be set at nought?

Some, however, wish that a league could be made against the Turk, and Condé sent to Hungary, with large forces both of foot and horse, by way of pumping out the water from which, according to their idea, France is foundering.

But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels in making war is to protect their altars and firesides, their children and their wives; and I fail to understand by what argument they can be induced to abandon all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be sent to Hungary. This also is the opinion expressed to me lately by Bellièvre,49who was the late King’s ambassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when the King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great weight. He assured me in the most solemn manner that the King, at his suggestion, had written during his stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his ambassador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your Majesty’s interests, and that if he had done otherwise he had distinctly disobeyed the orders of his master.50

The advice that your Majesty gave the King51—viz. that he should avoid war—is frequently mentioned both by the Catholics and their enemies. They say the King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred to enter his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead of closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only man for taking your Majesty’s advice, and stood alone as the advocate of peace, though at first evil spoken of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the Queen Mother, the first of whom allowed his animosity to carry him too far, while the other was afraid that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced to the level of a subject and find her reign at an end.

I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of which your Majesty must be already aware—viz. that my funds are completely exhausted by my long and expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been obliged to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition for the payment of my half-year’s salary to Jerome de Cocq, who will arrange for its being remitted to me here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable to retain my services for the Queen.

Paris, February 9, 1575.

I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I have been occasionally addressed as ambassador in France; for, in spite of my protestations, I cannot prevent their sometimes giving me this title. It matters the less because it is quite clear that I am not your Majesty’s ambassador.

The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there is a general report, which she hears on all sides, that the King is on the point of marrying the daughter of Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know how she ought to treat her with regard to precedence, when she comes to Paris. I trust your Majesty will deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly your Majesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave Paris and go somewhere else—for instance, to her daughter at Amboise, or to any other place your Majesty may prefer.

I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of the King’s—in my letter dated November 16, if I remember rightly. It is quite certain that this engagement, which was a secret to all but a very few, and might almost deserve the epithet ofclandestine, will cause a bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s sister,52who is now of marriageable years, is intended for Alençon, so that he will ally himself with the Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am doubtful and fear that they will only add to the miseries of France.

I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer of this letter as soon as possible with full instructions on all points.

The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the daughter of a sister of Count Egmont.

The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me a letter from the Queen Mother, informing her of theapproaching marriage of her son the King, and telling her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday; she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to wait on the new Queen.53Accordingly, many of her people have left, in order to oblige the King; a few have refused to change their mistress at such short notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco and his wife. I should be glad if your Majesty would notice their loyal conduct in your next letter.

I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what ought to be done; we must have a clear and distinct answer.

Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to go? It is impossible for her to remain in France without seriously compromising her position, for here all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying that if one loses one’s position in life, life is not worth the having. I will not say more, as I rely on your Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your most loving and obedient daughter.

In the first place, we must have either cash or credit, and for that reason I am going to the Netherlands. As soon as the messenger shall have returned to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, and return with it to the Queen.

By this means I trust we shall be able to get away from Paris before the King returns, or at any rate leave soon after his arrival, and thus save our eyes and earsfrom a great deal of vexation; for when changes of this kind take place there is much that is unpleasant.

The same day.

As to the dower question, of which I wrote from Lyons, the Queen’s advisers at Paris think that it will be impossible to obtain a settlement on Crown lands for the whole of the 60,000 francs per annum due to the Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, and her uncle, the Cardinal,54was absolute master of the realm.

Paris, February 9, 1575.

I havenow been four days in Brussels waiting for your Majesty’s orders; I am sure your Majesty will see how important it is that I should have them as soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to the Queen with all speed.

Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I have heard some remarks which make me uneasy; people warn me that the French are most liberal in their promises, but very niggardly in their performances, and think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining her revenues, and not receive more than half the nominal amount. They quote the case of Queen Leonora.55

I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not prove quite so bad.

With the end of this month the quarter will expire during which the King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, and she will then be left to her own resources. I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless your Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that we should demean ourselves so far as to go begging to the King, we should expose ourselves to be taunted with holding out on the question of the dower as an excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. The only available remedy is for your Majesty to place 8,000 or 9,000 crowns to our account, and this I trust will be done. As to the rest, I find that some people here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment offered to one of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition that there should be an obstacle in the way of such an arrangement—as is by no means impossible—or in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting offer elsewhere, people have much to say as to the advantage which the public would reap from the Queen’s acceptance of the post.

Within the last few days, negotiations for peace have been opened at Breda,56where both parties are represented by delegates. God grant they be successful, as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men, however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the religious difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle on account of the great number of Hollanders and Zealanders who have publicly renounced the Catholic religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell their property and go into exile, especially as they are for the most part sailors and fishermen, and the loss oftheir trade would mean to them absolute starvation. The King, on the other hand, is determined to allow none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most people despair of a solution.

After writing my last letter I had some conversation with a gentleman as to the Queen’s return; he told me that he knew for certain that the Cardinal of Este57had long ago applied for the honour of escorting the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a great deal of rich preferment: they say his income amounts to 100,000 crowns.

There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the King will take care that the Queen is sent to your Majesty with every mark of honour.

Brussels, March 7, 1575.

I returnedto Paris March 21, where I found the Queen in excellent health, and delighted at the prospect of a speedy return to her august parents.

I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and laid before him your Majesty’s request that the Queen might have what was due to her under the marriage settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and said he would take the opinion of his council. The Queen Mother has also kindly offered her services on our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not words!

It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will be made to the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown lands. The property, even in the most prosperous days, never produced 60,000 francs.

You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter will be permitted to accompany her mother to Austria. I am not sanguine, as I know of no precedent of the kind in the history of France. The end of it will be that, when they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length of the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender years, they will fall back on the argument that it is contrary to all the precedents of France, and I hardly see how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty should decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend letters being sent to the King and Queen Mother, and I myself will leave no stone unturned to forward the arrangement; but I should advise your Majesty simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, the situation will be reversed, and her return to France will depend on your Majesty’s pleasure.58

As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that I thought it impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless theyarerapidly growing worse. Damville, with his friends, is carrying war through Languedocand Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his standard.

Words cannot describe how unpopular the King and Queen have become throughout France. So gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable men, I see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating to some distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations are still going on, for delegates from the rebel party are in Paris, and more are expected. They demand, I hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly, the convening of the States General with a view to reforming public abuses.59This last demand is supposed to be aimed at the Queen Mother and certain Italians of rank who occupy high offices. But, though everything is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of all. It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he can here and there from those who have, or are thought to have, money; but even then he cannot get enough. It was determined to send a large sum of money with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 crowns, people say—but I do not believe such a sum can be raised; they will have to be content with much less.

The new Queen has been troubled with constant sickness for several days, and some fancy she is with child. She is no favourite with the Queen Mother, who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice.

The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind to visit Amboise60after Easter, for the purpose of taking farewell of her child. She is afraid to let her travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away for a month or thereabouts.

I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the request which I have already preferred, and order my half-year’s salary to be paid to Don Rodolph Khuen,61Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may pay off my creditors, and have something in hand.

Paris, April 1, 1575.

Findingthat Count Nogarola was on the point of returning to Vienna, I felt I must send a letter to your Majesty, although the Queen’s business is still on hand, and I am expecting every day to have it settled. I shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of last month, and gave me a letter from your Majesty. On learning your Majesty’s instructions, I demanded an audience of the King, but he was so much engaged in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see59me, and referred me to the Queen Mother and the young Queen. By the King’s orders, I went first to the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as usual, spoke of the great regard she entertained towards your Majesty, mentioning the deep obligation under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s attentions to her son the King. She inquired after your Majesty’s health, asked where your Majesty was, and whether you would shortly pay a visit to Frankfort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask for her support in the Queen’s business.

Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen (Louise de Vaudemont) entered the room, and I took the opportunity of offering her your Majesty’s congratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most humble thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her services to the Queen with many expressions of regard.

After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and two days later I had an interview with the King. When I had laid before him your Majesty’s message, he replied that he on his part would always be glad to be informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, he said, in order to promote the interests of his subjects and gratify their wishes. One of his inducements, he added, for allying himself with the House of Lorraine was its connection with your Majesty.62For the rest, he placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, and concluded by asking me to let him know when I intended sending back the courier, as he wished him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to have patience a little longer, till the negotiations which were now going on should be concluded. He wouldthen place the matter in the hands of his Council, and would himself do everything in his power for the Queen.

The peace negotiations which the King alluded to have occupied his attention for some time past, and I hardly yet know what the result will be.

Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, but the terms offered by the insurgents are very hard, as your Majesty will see from the paper I enclose.

The extravagant nature of their demands will, in my opinion, make it difficult for the King to grant them. The delegates will shortly be sent back to their friends with the King’s answer, and are to return with their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile there seems to be a good prospect of peace; everyone is anxious for it, and so everyone assumes that it is certain.

Well, I am afraid it will be easier tomakepeace than tokeepit, and also I am apprehensive that peace for the French means trouble for their neighbours, for nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in France.

Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of war have made them more restless than ever; consequently it is a matter of the first importance to France that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals.

Peace has been concluded between the King and the Queen of England, on the same terms as before.

The Ambassador who returned from England brings back a story of a joke the English Queen (Elizabeth) made at his first audience.

She at once asked whether the King was married. He replied in the affirmative, and began telling herwho the new Queen was. Her Majesty broke in—‘Yes, exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! What is to be my fate? I had counted on marrying the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope left—perhaps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’

About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, Bellegarde63and Pibrac, set out from Paris; the former was to go by way of Venice, and your friend through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told me so.

There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’sdétour, as they have promised to send 200,000 crowns to Poland, and it would be easier to draw blood from a stone than to make up such a sum just now in France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at Rome, the Duke of Savoy at Turin, and also to the Venetians, to raise funds; they are supposed to be thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for 400,000 crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect they will get more in the way of promises than in the way of cash, and will carry into Poland plenty ofgoldenwords, but very fewgoldencoins. I think alsothat the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the road, in order that the Diet may be opened before they come. They will thus be able to gain some idea of how matters are likely to go; and, if they find that their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or lack of funds. Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, and the Diet waits for them, they will be able to employ the interval in sending agents before them to prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine promises, which, with such aid as the lapse of time will afford, may be expected so to soothe people’s minds as to render the avoiding of the threatened Diet and election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no great difficulty. I give this as my own explanation.

As I was penning these lines, news came that Pibrac had been waylaid in the territory of Montbéliard,64which belongs to the Duke of Würtemberg, by some French exiles. They killed two of his party, and took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor of Montbéliard came to the rescue, the neighbourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained hisliberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate and his money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The King was greatly disturbed at the news, but when he heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard, he gave him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling him to go to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain what was needful. This shows that the King has by no means given up his hopes of Poland.

If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to your Majesty that agents had been sent to Sweden to procure a picture of the King of Sweden’s daughter.65The picture has now come. Strange to say, it greatly resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and features; the resemblance is increased by her having been taken in a French dress.

I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors have come from Switzerland to take part in the negotiations for peace as mediators.

It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, will also offer his services as peacemaker. He is expected here in the course of a few days with the Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming, however, is not connected with the negotiations forpeace, but with a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, Vaudemont’s son, being about to marry the wealthy daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de Martigues.66

May it please your Majesty, Ilsing67has just sent word that of the 8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s service he has not been able to raise one farthing at Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that of the Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your Majesty to inquire whether there is any merchant about the Court who would, on their security, place that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter.

The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to see her daughter before leaving France. She has been ready to go to her since Easter, but has been stopped by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still longer unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to fear that she will have to leave without seeing her child, to her great sorrow. But this is not the only point to be considered, for the Queen may have many other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest importance that she should be supplied with money, if she is to maintain her position, live in comfort, andtake advantage of such openings as may occur. I hope it will not be long before I have more certain tidings to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I will then write at length by Peter the courier.

Paris, May 15, 1575.

I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the Queen 10,000 crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. If this be so, and the money can be obtained at a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will accept his offer, since our business may any day take such a turn as to render the possession of money indispensable, if we are not to be exposed to delay and loss. For instance, it is essential to have a valuation made of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in order to make sure that they are not passed off for more than they are worth. Now, this valuation will cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns, and so without this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again, I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for the Queen’s expenses after the Feast of St. John (June 24), and wishes her to live at her own charges from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their pressing the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible. For we must admit that the King, when surrounded with difficulties himself, has done his utmost for the Queen. It is now more than ten months since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been paid, and her people have received only paper cheques, or drafts. How many of these are ever likely to be paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants are so utterly destitute of money that they have often had to undergo a hardship quite without precedent. On some days there were not funds in the palace to provide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and thosewho did not care to fast had to procure their own dinner.

Those who understand the arrangements of the Queen’s household declare that it would be to the advantage of the Queen and her household for her to live at her own charges, instead of being hampered with the present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other royal ambassador, who was to go through Italy, is said to have fallen sick.

[A businessletter with reference to the dower, and therefore omitted. It is dated June 1575.]

[Anotherbusiness letter. It is dated June 1575. To it is attached the following postscript.]

News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle de Bourbon,68daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, who ran away from the nunnery of which she was abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere.

I sentquite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements as seemed necessary, and I think my despatches must have already reached your Majesty.

I now write by order of the Queen.

To-day she summoned me into her presence and told me she was quite certain from the present aspect of affairs, and specially from the greater severity with which Montmorency was guarded, and the circumstance that the King was levying troops, that there was every prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must necessarily follow in its train.

She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and urge this additional reason for expediting her journey home. She says she has borne her position patiently as long as she could, but she foresees that it will soon become intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly obey her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, after reading my last despatches, would do all that was possible towards forwarding her return, and that on this account my letter would be unnecessary.

Having informed your Majesty of my conversation with the Queen, I consider I have executed her commands, and do not think any petition or prayer necessary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to accede to the natural desire of your most loving daughter.

If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at our gates, and a war which holds out no prospect of relief, but, on the contrary, will aggravate the misfortunes and miseries of France; this is saying a great deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that to make it worse seemed a downright impossibility.

But if the report be true that Condé and the other exiles will bring strong forces to the support of their friends, there are no bounds to the mischief that will ensue; in that case the existence of the presentrégimewill hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger; for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion shall have weight in council, or who shall stand first in honour and rank, or who shall administer the affairs of the kingdom, but simplywho shall wear the crown.

If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see that he will stand upon his rights, and punish the rebels as traitors; while, if the other party should prove victorious, they will bring the King to trial for his tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness; he has often tried issues with them, and still oftener broken his word, until at last none will believe it. It is to be feared also that the flames of civil war are likely to spread over a wider area than existing appearances would seem to indicate; for there are many who smother their grievances at present, though they are disgusted with the treatment they have themselves received and the miserable condition of the country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock to Condé’s standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly on his side, as all are dissatisfied with the manner in which the government is at present conducted.

The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, stands thus. His prospects (of regaining his liberty) appeared to be good, and he was being treated with much more indulgence than before, when tidings came of his brother, Damville69; then all of a sudden therewas a complete change, and the prison rules were made much stricter: by the King’s orders all his servants were removed, and, though seriously ill, he was not allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, new servants being appointed by the King. This alteration in his treatment has caused the greatest alarm to his mother and other relatives, for they think that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison.

The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that he has already given away every one of his offices and commands. He is supposed to have died of the plague fever on the last day of last month.

His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console themselves with a vague hope that he is still alive.

I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with regard to the Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been finally settled otherwise, I am not sure that the route by the Netherlands would not be the most convenient.In any case, that road will always be open to her, should the others be blocked. But your Majesty will decide what is best.

The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called yesterday on the Queen. The King was indisposed, but is now better.

Paris, June 13, 1575.70

TheDuke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, expected here in the course of two or three days.

The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace have kept Paris in suspense for a long time. The following appears to be the result: the deputies from the insurgents have not been able to carry all their points, and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing them to accept his terms. They have therefore agreed upon a compromise, the clauses of which are to be referred to Condé, Damville, and the confederate towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared; in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be much easier to declare war than to carry it on, as France is terribly reduced, and the King himself is in the greatest straits for want of money.

The religious question, which in the Netherlands is the only obstacle to peace, has not been considered here as a matter of paramount importance, and the King has made no difficulty about granting liberty of conscience; there were other points which were more difficult for him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should have possession of two cities in each province, in addition to those which they now hold, as places of refugein time of trouble. They demand also that members of their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, and that the King should pay the wages of the German reiters who have taken service with them; and, again, that the States-General be convened. If this last should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great danger of losing her authority. There are some other points, which your Majesty will learn from the enclosed paper.

Never did France so hunger after peace; never was the country so unanimous in desiring it. On other occasions it has been sometimes the Order of the Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which has been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with one voice that war means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, will not last long,71since it has been obtained by compulsion, and granted by necessity.

Moreover, I have observed that the authority of the Crown has marvellously declined; men have shaken off their respect for the King’s name, and are like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some people are extremely unpopular; feuds among the chiefs run high—these feuds are of old standing and cemented with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle and arrange such differences would require much trouble, ample time, and infinite tact. I see that some people in a high position think that it would be to the advantage of France if certain illustrious gentlemen were to quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their country of anxiety and trouble. From all this we may safely conclude that quiet in France (if quiet be possible!) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, perhaps—remember with regret, how useful Milan72was as a training-school for the education of young French soldiers, and also as a means of letting out, without injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which France has such store.

The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead a force into the Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, for it is thought that it will be no small gain to France if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is himself possessed of considerable resources, and will be well supported by his party, who wish to see him famous and great; they will the more readily fall in with this plan because it will remove him from the scene of danger and place him where he will be safe under the shadow of that great Prince (Orange).

Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity of delivering France from a troublesome and restless crew, and congratulate themselves that the quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands instead of France.

I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your French gentleman as quiet and repose. He would rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus than keep still;he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would fain do something great; if that something be honourable, all the better, but if there be difficulty on that score, he is not particular; so long as it affords a field for the display of courage and skill, and is thought dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which nature has planted in him, and example confirmed, while long years of lawlessness and licence have made their practice a habit.

Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to enter your Majesty’s service; as no better post is to be had, he has applied for the comparatively humble position of librarian. He has asked me to recommend him.

I am fully aware how little weight my word can be expected to carry, feeling as I do that I have need to be recommended myself instead of recommending others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended at my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be both a good scholar and an honest man; there are, however, two people who will be able to give most positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius73and Lazarus Schwendi,74for they both selected him totake care of their boys—he was their tutor for several years in Italy—and if they judged him fit to take care of theirboys(liberos) I conclude he is quite fit to take care of your Majesty’sbooks(libros).

I do not wish to press the matter further. I have now given my testimony on behalf of an excellent gentleman, and at the same time I feel I have done my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty will now come to a decision as to the appointment, and of the wisdom of that decision, whatever it may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.75

The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of Medina de Rio Sicco is coming hither from his Sovereign to congratulate the King of France on his marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal on the same errand: I believe he has been six months on the road, although he arrived a few days ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany.

The King is suffering from influenza, but is not supposed to be in any danger. There was a report quite lately that the Duke of Savoy had taken Savona, but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton, of whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, your Majesty’s orders shall be obeyed.

Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Constable of France, who was then in such high estate, is now in great misery and affliction on account of her sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking him to release her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, from his long imprisonment. The Queen has given me instructions to write to your Majesty about this business. I should have had some hesitation in complying with her wishes, if any ground still existed for the dreadful suspicions which were at first entertained with regard to his case; but facts have now transpired which tend to show that these suspicions rested on little or no foundation, and people are beginning to take a juster view; indeed, the Queen Mother could not be kept from visiting Montmorency, and chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, I feel that I cannot do wrong in obeying the Queen’s orders, and that your Majesty might write to the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release in perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be taken amiss in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great and honoured lady (Madame de Montmorency) has shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen during the whole of her residence in France; she has never failed to support her in every way, and on her assistance, advice, and loyalty the Queen has been always able to reckon; such services may well claim your Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity of manifesting your gratitude.

By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, your Majesty will not only gratify the Queen, but will also lay the whole House of Montmorency—which now, indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise again—under an obligation so great that it can never be forgotten.

Paris, June 7, 1575.

Notlong ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s Ambassador, and a few days later he returned my call. I had a conversation with him which is perhaps of no great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty should hear of it.

He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and then let fall some words of regret at the bereavement she had undergone. Her husband, he remarked, had died in the flower of life, and she was very young to be a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, and we must accept His decrees without murmuring, the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark that the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a second husband of such rank as would justify her in marrying him, seeing that her first husband had been a very great and powerful King.

Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an unusual thing for the queens of great kings, on the death of their husbands, to marry potentates of inferior rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their husbands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the sister of Henry VIII., King of England, who on the death of her first husband, Louis XII., King of France, was, at her brother’s desire, married in England to the Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I am any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone lower in rank than her first husband.’ Thereon I replied, that I had good reason to know that any idea of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen, who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband she had lost, but never could forget. Still, I observed, she was a lady of great judgment and discretion, onewho would, I was sure, always be willing to take her parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador expressed his appreciation of such discretion, and we proceeded to discuss other topics, coming back at last to the old subject, and talking of the connection between the Houses of Austria and Portugal, which dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.76He concluded his remarks by saying that he hoped to see the old alliance renewed by another marriage between the two Houses.

By the way, I must not forget to say that just before this he had been expressing his regret at the Queen’s leaving France, and going so far away.

Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, I see no reason for hiding them from your Majesty.

As to the other matters, Damville,77who was lately reported as dead, appears to have come to life again; the prayers of his friends have had more weight than those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very common thing in France for people to accept idle rumours as established facts, without suspending their judgment or giving themselves time to ascertain the truth. It is quite certain that he was very ill, and some declare that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is now more gently dealt with, and receives the same treatment as he did before the rigour of his confinement was increased.

The delegates of the insurgents are expected here in the course of a few days, with the answer of their party as to peace or war. Endless people have endless reasons to give for expecting that the answer will be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry toexpress an opinion one way or the other; indeed, so many changes take place, and so many rumours are about, that I should not like to pledge myself for anything I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile war is going on, but it does not seem to promise any decisive result calculated to affect the issue of the struggle. Insignificant towns and places are daily lost or recaptured, and the most important news we have had this long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss received the other day in Dauphiny,78some companies being completely annihilated.

The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting at the delay. She longs to return home; she is also yearning to see her daughter; her wish, however, cannot be gratified, as she has not funds for the journey; indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served at any table save that at which the Queen herself sits. Rations of bread and wine are issued to the rest of her people, and with this they have to content themselves as best they may.

Paris, July 7, 1575.

If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, and your Majesty is disposed to consent, advantage might be taken of the opportunity now afforded of sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal without much expense.

I see our friends in France have not yet given up all hope with regard to their claims on Poland, for they are said to be sending thither 200,000 crowns,which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. He has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security for his advances. Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be able to do some good by visiting the Palatines79one by one, and making an appeal to them in the King’s name.

Itis not long since I gave your Majesty an account of my conversation with the Portuguese Ambassador, to be taken for whatever it might be worth. I have nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was threatened with an illness. Fever was apprehended, and there were some premonitory symptoms, but they passed off without developing into anything serious. Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble of mind. She is much distressed at the long postponement of her visit to Amboise, on which she had set her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention in France, from which she has long been panting to fly. I hope to find on the arrival of the next courier, that your Majesty has made such arrangements as will relieve the Queen’s anxiety.

As for other news, the condition of things here is unchanged, except that Montbrun is said to have been taken prisoner. After cutting to pieces some companies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a concentration of Royal troops. Charging them with more courage than discretion, he advanced too far, could not cut his way back, and, after receiving severalwounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great joy here, as of all the men in arms against the King none was considered more determined than Montbrun. When all the rest of the party were stunned by the slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s day, he came forward as the most valiant champion of the cause; his was the first sword that was unsheathed, and his the example that roused others to action. Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his doom, I fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; well for him if his wounds prove mortal, so that he may die a soldier’s death. But he is not altogether unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.80

On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de Nomeny was celebrated, in the presence of Vaudemont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his kinsman.There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent entertainment. None of the Princes were at the banquet, not even Alençon, the King’s brother, who came only to the ball, and his sister did not go even to that.81I must not forget to mention that, when the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the King, the sons of the late Prince de Condé quietly slipped in, and anticipated them. It is not the first prize they have taken from them. It is strange that Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for rivalry.

People would fain believe that there are good hopes of the peace negotiations succeeding. The King, however, they say, after Montbrun was taken prisoner, ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he has done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one thing, that, if peace is made, it will not be because he wishes for it, but because he cannot help himself.

Paris, July 16, 1575.

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