"A general assembly at Kuessnacht, with one accord make answer: Your community has been sore wondered at and annoyed by the other confederates, who have brought themselves and their posterity into a danger, which will last for a long while, and may result in great damage to their people and cantons. Yet as for all, so the entire assembly with one accord, and with the greatest zeal, thank our lords for the true, friendly commands, brought by our two lords Walter Hans Berger and Thomas Spruenglin of the Small and Great Council, and also for the pious, honorable, just and Christian resolution, to suffer grievance themselves rather than mischief should befall us and our posterity in the course of time. Therefore, the assembly offer the earnest and friendly prayer to our lords, that they will stick to their resolution to give the go-by to all lords, so that they who belong to them can remain unhampered, and every father also be aided by his sons, if he has need to use them for himself. In this, the entire assembly dares to pledge to our lords their lives and property and all that they have, wishing them also to help to punish their own sons, when they will not remain true, and act in a rebellious manner. The assembly also desire our gracious lords, when troublesome persons stray into their city or canton, and act in an unbecoming way, striving to seduce the young men, that they will drive them off by authority, to prevent greater disturbance, which might arise from their overbearing dispositions."
Meila replied in a similar strain; and Mænedorf likewise.3
"A meeting at Stæfa has agreed on this: Because, for several years past it has unfortunately happened, that many honest people have been lost and killed, it ought to be plain now, that it came by treachery, and by means of the same lights, which burn in one confederacy at this day. Therefore they agree that these lights ought to be put out. For such cause it is to be feared, if our people unite with the people of the twelve cantons, that they will be brought to dishonor by them, for it is the common talk, that the twelve cantons wish to appoint the Duke of Wurtemberg, and, if it then go well or ill with the Confederates, that it would be little to the credit of our lords of Zurich and their honest people (it would not redound to their honor to have separated themselves). Therefore, they do not the less think, that the alliance would be neither godly nor right and altogether against the welfare of the soul, and they beseech our lords to withdraw themselves therefrom, if they can, and set the hearts of their honest people at rest, when they can bring it about. Then will they pledge to you their lives and property as far as they can. The assembly at Stæfa would commend themselves to your regard, since they more than others will have to meet with reproaches."
"A general assembly in the department of Grueningen have unanimously resolved to give this answer to our envoys, saying: Worthy lords, to come to us for counsel was not needful, for the reason that we own you as our lords and superiors and willingly esteem you as such. Hence we ought to be rightly obedient to you in all your plans, and cheerfully aid you. But since you desire to know our wishes and feelings, great praise and honor are given on all sides to our gracious, loving lords, who have hitherto pleased us so well, for their excellent management; and it gives us great satisfaction, that you have so faithfully remembered your own, and are not willing, for the sake of money, that they should be bound; and we beseech you by the Most High God to stick to your resolution and give the complete go-by to foreign lords, and foreign wars and foreign money, as clearly shown in the contents of the paper concerning its removal, sworn to, years ago, in Zurich and all its dependencies. So we hope it will be adhered to and followed up. But if any one acts contrary thereto, or has acted, then you, our lords, well know, what punishment is due to him, and therefore we desire that you will consider the profit and honor of our country: so will we pledge to you our lives, honor, goods and everything else, God has given us, as a true child to his father; and will stand by you, like pious, honest people. Further, it is our urgent petition, that by some means you will drive Albert von Stein and others, who serve the French for pay, from your city and canton, so that honest folk be not corrupted and good comrades brought to sorrow, for it would not be to the credit of the city and our lords to have an honest man and his children stirred up to sedition and led astray. And it is also our prayer and desire, that our lords warn the several cantons of the dangers of such an alliance. And to this and all the articles, as here written, and whatever else it may please our lords to add, the honest people of this bailiwick, pledge their lives and goods, as poor folks ought to do to their lords and masters."
"Greifensee is not at all pleased with the alliance, since the up-shot of it would be, to make the king of France our master instead of our gracious, loving lords of Zurich."
Duebendorf, Dietikon and Rieden declare themselves in the same way, thanking, agreeing and resolving; Hœngg likewise, the department of Old Regensperg and New Regensperg, Neuamt; the Schultheiss, Council and general assembly at Buelach; the burgomaster, councils and general assembly of the department of Eglisau; the bailiwicks of Maschwander, Freiamt and Hedingen; Wædenschweil also, and Richtenschweil with the addition: "If our dear lords thus hold fast and keep always in the right way, it is our prayer, though they have heretofore eaten and drunk with the French, that they still drive them off; and that it be done by the Councils in the city and in the country, and finally, that they maintain the hereditary union of His Imperial Majesty, all as they have written."
Horgen adds this request: "Even though it should result in suffering and trial to our lords, to expel the foreign and German French from their city and canton, yet they would then be, neither French nor Imperial, but good Zurichers and Confederates."
"A general assembly at Thalweil has resolved firstly, that the paper which has reached them from Luzern is in no wise acceptable, for they do not believe that such a letter has been prepared honestly and at the command of delegated ambassadors, lords and rulers, but suspect that it has been hatched in corners and is chiefly the production of the German French. Accordingly it is their will and opinion, and very urgent prayer, that our lords will stick to their praiseworthy design not to enter into alliances and treaties either with the French or other foreign lords and ever boldly keep to their honest way--and then, that judgment and authority be immediately exercised, in the city of our lords, against certain German French, who travel about here and there, using haughty and improper language in order to stir up your own and other people--it is the friendly petition of this whole assembly that my lords will drive off such seditious characters, and should this not be done, persons can be found perhaps, who will themselves undertake to drive them off and restore quiet, for the reason that heretofore and now every disturbance has arisen from these German French--so will they place body and blood at the disposal of my lords."
Kilchberg, Altorf, in the upper part of the county of Kyburg, and Kloten give thanks and vote decidedly in favor of declining.
Upper Winterthur, having heard the paper read, resolved to return this answer: "Our lords have hitherto acted honorably and well in other similar affairs, hence, in good hope they will do so in the future, we confide in our lords as honorable men. Therefore it is their humble prayer and desire, that, as far as may be, our lords will not separate themselves from the Confederacy, but continue one with it; so will they ever act as dutiful subjects and pledge to our lords their lives and property and whatever else God has given them."
"The bailiff, council and general assembly at Elggau thus answer, that, not having understanding and skill enough to speak and advise in this or in matters of much less moment, they leave the business in the hands of our lords; yet it is their prayer, that our lords hold the Confederacy in friendship and favor, but none the less will they pledge to our lords their lives and fortunes."
"The burgomaster, bailiff, council and general assembly at Stein vote for declining the alliance, since, if it should be accepted, they would be afraid lest it should prove a great disadvantage and injury to the inhabitants of Stein and cause them sensible loss if war should arise therefrom, namely in their tolls, licenses, market-monies, quarter-dues, pasturing and watches, for lying on the borders they would have to bear the first brunt, and hence wish our lords to care for them in the most faithful manner."
Upper and Lower Stammheim and Marthalen leave the business in the hands of their lords.
"Andelfingen has framed this answer: As our lords have hitherto managed well for us, they are wise and prudent enough to act in this affair. Yet finally, they pray that our lords may remain in peace and quiet and continue one also with the common confederates, and, in case it may be reasonably effected, that our lords do not separate themselves from the Confederacy, desiring which, they place at their disposal their lives and property, and will be found as faithful and obedient subjects."
The opinion of the citizens was altogether the same as that of the great majority of the country-people. Everywhere the heads of corporations were commissioned to make this known to the Council, so that it was resolved in the end, after deliberating a long time yet with little opposition, to give a decided refusal to the alliance. But the answer was sent to the twelve cantons and Francis I., couched in moderate language, that Zurich would honestly hold to the Perpetual Peace with France, faithfully maintain all the treaties sworn with the Confederates, and not separate herself from them but place life and property at their disposal, that she also begged for the continued good will of France and allegiance to the Confederation on the part of the Swiss; and yet at the same time was firmly resolved henceforth to renounce the pensions of princes and foreign alliance, trusting in the help of God.
From now on every public voice in favor of foreign mercenary service was compelled to silence, and its avowed or secret promoters hid their resentment or left the canton. In fact the most notorious among them threw up their citizenship in Zurich. But the entire party of those, who remained in their native country, conceived the fiercest hatred toward Zwingli. "He was blamed," says Bullinger, "most of all for having prevented the union by his preaching and divided a brave confederacy. The distinguished pensioners and soldiers, as well as others, who had heretofore run after him and praised his sermons, now reviled Zwingli as a heretic. Many, to whom religion had never any special charms before, now pretended a great interest on its behalf, saying, they would defend the old, true faith against the heretic Zwingli, yet the secret of their zeal was not in their faith, but in the bags of the royal exchequer. Hence there arose among the other confederates a strong hostility against Zurich and abuse and slander against Zwingli." Still the cause of the people and the uprightness and fidelity, which maintains an oath, triumphed in the end.
The ground-pillar of all national prosperity is confidence, faith on the part of the people in their government, and on that of the government in the sound and just sense of the people. No constitution or laws, sacred as they may be in the eyes of the honorable citizen, no so-called policy, which rests on a system of deceptions, no rude strength of a dominant party, can ever supply the place of faith--faith, which alone inspires to nobler action. Hence the necessity in the state for religion also, which is the same as faith purified In every wise government therefore it will be a chief concern that the religion of the people be a sound one,i.e.one that will be justified by its practical results, for in regard to these only can we look for unanimity of opinion.
Christianity, freed from all the unwarranted additions with which national prejudice, narrowness and love of spiritual domination have striven for centuries to disfigure it, has no reason to shun this trial, out of which it can only come forth more glorious and divine. Of this Zwingli had been fully persuaded by his zealous study of the Holy Scriptures. Hew naturally the idea rose in his mind, to make this trial before the people themselves, who had hitherto been bound in the fetters of a religion, which addressed them only by authority, instead of before councils exclusively composed of clergymen and lords! Still it was a great venture. The weakened eye, when suddenly brought forth from the darkness, is blinded even by the purest light; the healthy one alone can endure the splendor of the sun. And yet upon this very power in a decided majority of his countrymen Zwingli relied, and the memorials, which we have just read, might have fully convinced him that sound sense was really at hand. But ought this claim to be preferred in political matters, and not in ecclesiastical also? Thus much is clear, that from this time forward Zwingli's endeavors took this direction.
If the bishop would deny him a hearing or condemn him contrary to justice, he intended to appeal not to ultra-montane Rome, ignorant of the German language and the German character, but to the judgment of his own nation, to the decision of an independent government entitled to act in the case, and the rule should be the Holy Scriptures, an unassailable code of laws acknowledged by all. And thus the fundamental idea of the Reformed Church naturally arose, which in its development has been more clearly defined rather than corrupted,--limited rather than extended. To follow out and discuss this subject is not our business; hence we turn back to Zwingli.
He had now preached for three whole years in Zurich, and the agitation, as we have seen, was certainly great. Still no one had as yet violated existing church-usages or actually assailed them. No opportunity for public interference on the part of the temporal and spiritual authorities had yet occurred. Indeed it was the policy of the Nuncio to keep in with the influential Reformer, since, as the deputy of a prince then at war with France, he was proscribed by the other twelve cantons, and could only hope for protection in neutral Zurich, where he anxiously sought it.
During Lent in the year 1522 several individuals ventured for the first time to transgress the episcopal ordinance in regard to the eating of meat, in a dissimilar manner it is true. Christopher Froschauer, a printer, having in the course of his business visited the Frankfort Fair, and become thus acquainted with Luther's writings and a witness of the spiritual awakening in Germany, had, when compelled by labor severer than usual, partaken along with his workmen of more strengthening food than was allowed, yet without concealment on the one hand and without seeking publicity on the other. For quite different reasons William Roubli, an outlawed clergyman from Basel, whom Zwingli himself has styled a rash and foolish babbler, and Hans Gunthelm, an impudent deserter, had not only done the same with great parade and loose talk, but had attempted also to induce other families to join them. Gladly did Zwingli's enemies seize this opportunity to lodge complaints before the Council. An investigation was held and Froschauer defended himself with dignity. The Council desired the opinion of the chapter of canons, the three people's priests in the two cathedrals and at the church of St. Peter, and thus the battle began in the very midst of the authorities. The parties were nearly balanced, more talent on the one side, greater numbers on the other.
The result was an affirmation of the rights of the Pope and the bishops, and a feeble explanation, which left the government free scope to act for itself--and it all ended in a simple reprimand to the transgressors. But Zwingli's opponents were by no means satisfied. They applied now to the bishop, and a few days after, Melchior Vattli, suffragan of Constance, John Wanner, cathedral-preacher, and Doctor Brendlin appeared with an embassy to the chapter of canons. At this very first interference of the high ecclesiastical dignitaries, the affair took a direction, which it retained in every step that followed. "What Zwingli himself has to say in regard to this event deserves careful attention.4
"When"--he writes to his friend, the canon Erasmus Fabricius, then pastor at Stein--"on the seventh of April the ambassadors, of whose approach I had already been apprized, had reached Zurich, I wished much to learn what their purpose might be. But night had set in, before my faithful assistant, Henry Luethy, came with the news, that thenotarius(as he is called) had an order to summon all the priests to attend early in the morning in the hall of the convent. I esteemed it a good omen, that the business was to be opened by a courser so dull and limping. Scarcely had we assembled on the morrow, when the bishop began in a fashion, which I will portray further on in the conduct of affairs before the Council. The whole speech was violent, threatening and haughty, although he carefully abstained from any personal allusions to myself and even avoided calling me by name. His declamation over, I stepped out, thinking it unbecoming and pusillanimous not to neutralize an address, that might do so much injury, especially because I could perceive by their smothered sighs, and read in the paleness of their faces the strong impression it had made on several priests, who shortly before had been won over to the Gospel and were not yet firm as rocks. Concisely and boldly I replied to the suffragan, in what sense and spirit, let the valiant ones, who have heard me, judge. The most important part of it you will learn meanwhile, when I come to describe the session of the Council. The speakers withdrew from this wing, as though he were beaten or put to flight, and hastened to another field of combat, namely the hall of the Council, where, as some of the members informed me, they brought it forward, likewise sparing my name, yet with the declaration, lest I might perhaps be called in, that they had nothing to do with me. After a short discussion, it was resolved to have as full a meeting of the Great Council as possible on the following day, and also to guard against the admission of the people's priests, as there was no dependence to be placed on them and their language, so unexceptionable, could not be contradicted. Through the whole day I tried my utmost to gain admission for us, but in vain. The burgomasters refused me, falling back on the resolution of the Council. I was now compelled to retire, but besought Him, who hears the sighing of the prisoner, that he would not leave the truth helpless, and that he would protect His Gospel, which he had commissioned me to preach. On the ninth the Great Council came together. 'It is unfair,' many were heard to say, 'if the people's priests are not allowed to appear;' but the Small Council protested, holding firmly to its resolution. Nevertheless the vote was carried against its protest, and the majority decided in favor of our presence with the privilege at the same time of making replies, if we should find it necessary. Thus, as Livy says, the greater number did not overcome the better; no, the greaterandthe better triumphed. Not in the least degree do I permit myself to censure the Small Council for this; no: I wish only to show how powerless intrigues are. Now, after the ambassadors had been introduced, they suffered us also to enter,the bishops of Zurich, Henry Engelhart, doctor and people's priest at the cathedral of the Virgin--Rudolph Rœschli of St. Peter, and me Ulric Zwingli.
"After the exchange of salutations and the episcopal benediction the suffragan began with a voice so mild that I never heard a sweeter, so that if head and heart had only been in unison, Orpheus and Apollo would have been obliged to yield to him in grace, and Demosthenes and the Gracchi in eloquence. In vain would I attempt to communicate to you the discourse entire. It was confused and much too long. Meanwhile I had noted down the chief points in my tablets. It is greatly to be deplored--said he--that there are some who teach in a perverse and rebellious spirit that we are no longer bound to observe human precepts and ceremonies. Thus not merely the civil laws, but the faith of all Christendom also must go to the ground. Yet ceremonies are amanuduction(he employed this word, instead of the German 'introduction,' before men, who did not understand Latin) to virtue. Indeed ceremonies are asource(he afterwards denied having used the word) of virtues. We may teach that fasting is superfluous, because some have dared to separate themselves from other Christians and from the Church by the eating of meat. We may appeal to the Holy Scriptures whilst they contain no direct expressions bearing on the subject, go against the decrees and Councils of the Holy Fathers of the Church, against most venerable usages, which without the aid of the Holy Ghost could not possibly have endured so long, for Gamaliel once said: If the work be of God, it will stand. Then he reminded the Council that outside of the Church no one can be saved, and as though he had not talked enough, he came back once more to ceremonies. At last he concluded with a neat peroration and rose up to retire along with his companions.
"Sir Suffragan--said I, (I, peasant, ought to have used 'Gracious Lord')--may it please you and your associates to stay, till I have justified myself in my own name and in that of my colleagues? He replied--We have no commission to dispute. I do not intend to dispute but to utter publicly and freely what I have hitherto taught in presence of these honest men, before you, learned scholars and ambassadors present with a commission from the bishop, so that it will be deemed the more worthy of belief if you yourself are obliged to find it true; if not, then let the contrary happen. We have not--said the saffragan--spoken against you, hence there is no need of your vindication. You have indeed kept back my name; but your speech was none the less aimed at me. As the combatant in the water said to his antagonist, you say to me: My blow is not aimed at you, it is aimed at the fish. For this reason you were not to use my name, because you could thus charge me, who am called Zwingli, with the greatest crime in the safest manner. Whilst we were contending in this style, the burgomaster Roist tried to induce the deputies from Constance to give us a hearing. The saffragan answered, that he knew very well whither this thing would lead; that Ulric Zwingli was too violent and rude, so that he could not meddle with him honorably and keep the path of moderation. By what then--I asked--have I ever injured you? Or according to what law must I, an innocent man, zealous for the cause of Christ, be so heavily and bitterly assaulted, and yet not be allowed to defend myself? Indeed--or do I deceive myself? I would have ventured to hope, that the Bishop of Constance, though opposition to the pure doctrines of the Gospel had found foothold elsewhere, before he took the words of others instead of mine, would make himself acquainted with the whole affair, especially through you, whom he has now chosen as his legates on account of your learning. What would you do if in your absence I would turn to the Council and refuse to hear you as judges? And now, since I wish your presence so much, in order to be able to give in an account, how dare you deny me? The deputies repeated what they had said before. If I wished to lay anything before the bishop, in regard to his doctrine, I could write to him. Now--said I--if no arguments can persuade you to show me this favor, I beg you by our common faith, our common baptism, for the sake of Christ our Lord and Saviour, if you durst not listen as ambassadors, do it then as Christians. Here arose an indignant murmur among the councillors and at last, being exhorted by the burgomaster, and feeling themselves the unworthiness of the opposition, they took possession of their former places."
The people's priest began now by referring to the internal harmony of Zurich and her peaceful position toward foreign countries. He asked whether these could be a result of seditious doctrines, and such especially as were derived from the Gospel, which commands us to render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's and obey our rulers? He showed what human ordinances were, and denied that he rejected them without discrimination. Their beneficial tendency ought to be proven, and they, who enjoin them, ought to observe them also. He had never encouraged a violation of the rules of fasting, but rather advised them to be kept, in order to spare the weak. Yet he esteemed such restraint pharisaical and in conflict with the letter and spirit of the Gospel. Vattli was about to make objections, when Engelhart drew out his Greek Testament, and, having opened it at the beginning of the fourth chapter of the first epistle to Timothy, handed it to Zwingli. Zwingli translated the passage. Then the suffragan said nothing on this point, but exhorted the Council to respect the decrees of the Fathers and their usages, and not to sunder themselves from the Church. "Do not suffer yourselves to be persuaded, my dear lords"--replied Zwingli--"that anything permitted by us can produce such an effect. Among all people, he who does righteousness and loves God, he who believes the words of Jesus and follows Him, belongs to his Church."--This was succeeded by many speeches on one side and the other, which gradually became so warm that the burgomaster dissolved the meeting. But a unanimous resolution was passed by the Great Council, to request the Bishop, so to influence the highest authorities that by means of a council of learned men and synods an opportunity should be afforded for explanation and reply in regard to the point in dispute. The people's priests were to be exhorted meanwhile to enforce obedience to the rules of fasting.
By this important event, happening in the midst of the highest authorities of the canton, the fire, which had hitherto existed only in scattered sparks was now suddenly fanned into a clear blaze. The laity and priests, the bishop, the government and even the Confederates took steps, which compelled Zwingli, in the course of the same year to vindicate himself on all sides, to buckle on his armor for the conflict and declare himself openly.
The canon Hoffman, stirred up by the legation of the Bishop, was the first to take the field. A good scholar of the old type, pure in his morals, in former years a frank and fearless orator of the people, devoted, as was natural for an old man, to the forms in which he had moved during a long life, he esteemed it a duty to defend them, and that so much the more, because he was summoned to the task by the other clergy. He was lacking, however, in two particulars. According to his own confession he had heard Zwingli but seldom. Still he received as truth what was reported to him about his sermons, and boasted too much of his riper experience against a man scarce forty years old. Making skillful use of these weak points, the armed warrior advanced the more resolutely against the rusted weapons of his antagonist. The old man could not maintain his position. At a later period he once more regained his courage, and certainly it must be said to his honor, that, though vanquished, he did not shun the knightly combat.
With great bluntness, and not to a limited circle of associates like Hoffman, the monks poured out their wrath from the convent-pulpits. The more tasteless, silly, and ridiculous their revilings were, the more did they expose themselves to the edge of Zwingli's keen argument and wit. Without mercy he fell upon these people, among whom, as far as the monasteries of the city are concerned, not a single one is known, to whose praise anything can be said. We need only read his writings to see how, dealing blow upon blow, he pursued them into every corner, and brought out the truth in the clearness of sunlight against their loose harangues. But then, in the pride of victory he suffered himself to run perhaps into an extreme, which did not comport well with the earnestness of the pulpit or of controversy conducted in a dignified manner, and zealous use was made of this fact to his reproach.5
Remarkable phenomena began to develop themselves from this pulpit-battle against the monks. Hot-headed characters, old and young, impelled sometimes by a conviction of the truth, but oftener by conceit and a desire to make a noise in the world, interrupted the awkward preachers in the midst of their discourses, and accused them of teaching error and even lies. A tumult arose in the church. It might easily become a theatre of dishonorable strife. The Council arrested several of the most violent of these stormers and forbade all such disorderly behavior in future. Already the monks were in hopes they had won the day; but Zwingli did not suffer them to escape, and probably at his suggestion the preachers of the three orders were unexpectedly summoned to the house of the provost, where with a deputation from the government, the burgomaster Roist at its head, the three people's priests, the commander Schmied and all the canons were assembled, and Zwingli, being called on, began to read aloud from a written document to each individual, the errors which he had taught. They were greatly amazed, and denied some things, but admitted others. An attempt was now made to have the chapter of canons appointed as umpire and mediator, but Zwingli instantly opposed it with all his might: "I"--said he--"am bishop and pastor in Zurich; to me the care of souls is committed, and I have given my oath thereon, the monks not. They should hear me, not I them. Indeed, if they ever again preach lies, I will mount the pulpit and rebuke them publicly." Only in the conviction of his own strength durst he venture to use such language. Only their felt weakness struck his opponents dumb. Dr. Engelhart and the Commander Schmied also sided with Zwingli. The Councils saw themselves obliged to follow the men of learning, and the burgomaster concluded the act with the words: "Yes, Masters of the Orders, this is also the opinion of my colleagues, that henceforth vi u must preach the Gospel, Paul and the Prophets, and let Scotus, Thomas6and such stuff lie."
The monks, compelled now to restrain themselves somewhat in the pulpit, renewed their attacks the more stubbornly in private houses, confessionals, drinking-gardens and wherever else they could do so with safety. From Bunden, Constance, Luzern and Schwyz reports of their calumnies reached him through his friends. Nothing pained him so much as that he should be charged with distorting the Gospel. "Though I had firmly resolved"--so he says in a sermon--"not to answer those, who invented stories as to how many children were born to me this year, and as to how much money I got from princes and lords, yet I never could bear that such slander should be believed concerning me. Any one may say what he pleases about my morals, but blasphemy I will not tolerate." But then, the best citizens of Zurich roused to the highest pitch of enthusiasm clung to him, especially the younger generation, who trooped around him like a body-guard; and besides these, friends sprang up beyond the canton on all sides, who came out boldly, or watched over him in secret, were active on his behalf, and sympathized in his struggles. In Luzern, Myconius and the canon Kilchmeier advocated his cause even against statesmen and envoys of the Confederacy with danger to themselves, holding out as long as it was possible. In St. Gall, the same thing was done by Vadianus, who had returned from Vienna and settled in his native city; in Constance by the prebendary Wanner, who, when a member of the Episcopal embassy, had been won over by the weight of his arguments; in Bern by the Franciscan, Sebastian Meier, and in Freiburg by the youthful organist Kother, who expressed his love for him in verses after the manner of a capuchin-sermon. Martin Sænger, a native of Graubunden, sent him a poem against his and Luther's enemies, from the fictitious pen of the Abbot von Pfæffers, with the request that he would revise and prepare it for publication. He also received an evidence of faithful friendship in an anonymous letter of a more serious kind, written half in Latin and half in Greek. "Keep a special guard over thy health and life"--so it runs--"for it is high time. Verily thou art everywhere begirt by snares and spies; sharp poison is ready for thee. The knaves durst no longer rail against thee openly. But in secret they are plotting to mingle poisonous mushrooms with thy food, as was done for the Emperor Claudius. Hence take as much care of thyself as possible. If thou art hungry, then eat at home bread, which thine own maid has baked. Abroad thou canst eat nowhere with safety. There are persons living within your walls, who will venture everything to destroy thee. Who they are, from what oracle I have learned their design, I cannot write thee; but it utters more truth than that of the Delphian Apollo; yet it were a gross sin in a priest to give names either by mouth or pen. Thou art sharp-sighted, and able to guess with ease, whence that has come, which, out of brotherly love, could not be withholden from thee. Preserve thyself for thine own sake, for thy followers, for the cause of Christ, whose Gospel is proclaimed by you with such blessed results. Whoever I may be, I am thine. Thou wilt find out hereafter." This was the case. The writer was Michael Hummelberg, preacher at Ravensburg. Of the same import were the warnings of others, to guard the approaches to his dwelling, to take care, if he should be called from home, the breaking of his windows by stones hurled at them, and the attack, which was actually made one night on his assistant as he was about to go forth at the feigned call of a sick person, instead of the people's priest, who was expected by the bandits.
How little power all this had to frighten Zwingli from the course he had marked out for himself, is seen in a yet bolder step, which he took the same year--the sending of a petition to the Bishop of Constance in the Latin language and to the governments of the Confederacy in German, asking them to approve the marriage of priests. No proof is needed to show that the noblest endeavor of man is after self-rule, spiritual purification, the attainment of the supernatural. A few rarely-gifted individuals press up this steep path with ease; by far the greater number follow slowly and with toil. Before deliverance from the fetters of earth, no one achieves a complete victory. This world is a school not the home of perfection. They, who are nearest the goal, know best how far they are yet distant from it. The following reflections are suggested by this subject.
The statesman, zealous for the good of his country, as well as the thinker, busied with the higher interests of mankind in general, must both acknowledge in the difference and mutual wants of the sexes, in their union by marriage, the chief source of all civilization, the ground-pillar of all domestic, social and political well-being. Far be it from us to oppose merely natural impulses to purity of heart, endeavors after improvement, struggles for self-dominion; nay rather, marriage requires and makes all these the more easy. What victories over ease and self, what offerings of renunciation do not our duties to husbands, wives and parents demand? They are only the purer and nobler, because they spring from love, not compulsion. Still more--it is proved by all experience, that just in proportion as the marriage tie is worthily apprehended and held sacred, the heart is at the same time expanded with love for all men, and the sharing of common joys and sorrows in our own families teaches us to understand and share those of others also.
Hence Christianity has declared marriage to be pure and by no means placed him, who feels called to it by God and nature, below another, who has the power or inclination to remain independent in order to labor for the good of his brethren. The latter ought to be highly esteemed, but the choice left free to each one according to his own will, or necessity.
This is not the place to quote the passages, in which the Holy Scriptures speak of marriage, even in the case of preachers of the Gospel, the shepherds of the congregation. They are too numerous, too decided, too striking for any one to overthrow or weaken. Laying hold of these, Zwingli had drawn up the papers just mentioned. Ten of his associates signed with him the one addressed to the Bishop. Others approved of the thing, but did not yet venture to avow it openly. The concluding words of the memorial to the Confederates will here exhibit the character of the author in the clearest light:
"These and many other reasons, derived from the Holy Scriptures, have moved us, O honorable Lords, to petition Your Worships in regard to marriage, which we design to enter into, yea to make known several among us, who have entered into it, that Your Worships may not be adverse thereto, seeing the great scandal thus given to all men; seeing our wounded consciences, with which we daily attend to the administration of God's Word and the sacraments, though everywhere our continual weakness is acknowledged and no peace is left to us. Therefore we exhort Your Worships as our Fathers (for we have all sprung from one glorious Confederacy, and are yours and of yours); by God, our Creator, who made us all ofoneclay, so that we recognize each other as brethren; by the blood of Jesus Christ, which he shed for all alike, so that no one can claim for himself more than another; by the Holy Ghost, who is God, and in all his illuminations and inspirations has never forbidden marriage to the priesthood, but rather enjoined it: Take pity on us your true and willing servants, so that, though it be not sinful for us before God, it may not be shameful for us before men. And since we have been faithfully devoted to your honor all our lives long at home and abroad, grant us deliverance from this disgrace of unchastity, that we may lead honorable lives among you. For it were indeed unkind, if they, whose honor we have increased, would not at once place us in an honorable position, not only before friends and associates, but strangers also. Not inonehour of calamityonly, have we shared love and sorrow with you, and ever adhered to you as good, honest people. We have not been prompted to bring this before Your Worships by a spirit of wantonness, but by a desire after pious, conjugal purity. For had it been by wanton desires, these might have been better gratified by having no wives. We also know well that troubles, cares and labors attend the married estate. We know well how very easily we can, any day, abandon the women with whom we have taken up. Therefore it has not been suggested by wanton desires, but by shame and love for the souls, committed to our care, that they do not become eternally polluted. The greater part of us have worn out our children's shoes, and are nearer 40 than 30 years of age. You should not listen to those who may cry out and cast up unjustly many things against us on the other side. 'How dare they marry? Have they not taken an oath of chastity?' Hear this, gracious Lords! No one has promised chastity in other words than those I will now write. The Bishop, when about to consecrate a priest, asks if he will remain pure; the candidate answers: 'Yes, as far as human frailty can bear and suffer.' See, gracious Lords! with this condition have we sworn and not otherwise. This we can prove by the Lord Bishop himself, but there is no need of it. No one, we hope, will deny it. Since now, neither oath nor promise binds us, and St. Paul speaks as above quoted, suffer yourselves to be moved by this public confession, which we make before you, for, were not the desire of honor so great, we would not have uncovered our shame."
Whatever may be our opinion of this affair, it must be admitted that Zwingli did not wish to appear better than he really was. Nothing was more foreign to him all his life long than hypocrisy. For this we ought not to honor him, but the Lord and blaster, whose word he proclaimed. Wholly unconcerned about the reproach it might occasion, the author took the position we have represented. A noble spirit was never yet injured by candor; but hypocrisy has ruined millions weaker. Truth no less than love is a fundamental requirement of the Gospel.
The astonishment, to which this step gave rise on all sides, can readily be imagined. It was so much the greater, because Zwingli had purposely provided for a wider circulation of the Latin and German memorials, and sent copies of them to his friends for gratuitous distribution. Neither from the Bishop nor the governments did he receive any answer. The decision in the department of Zurich was very decided and of the most favorable character as might be expected. From Luzern, Myconius wrote to him: "Only a few give their approval to your petitions. Many express neither praise nor blame. They say: 'You attempt a thing you can never carry out. The Bishop, yea the Pope cannot grant your request. Only a Council can do it.' The priests are dissatisfied. How the people think, I do not know. This much only I can see, that they neither know, nor wish to know anything about the Gospel. The demon of war has laid hold of them. They are blind to all that is higher." The prebendary Botzheim of Constance informed Vadianus that there was a powerful movement among the people. The canon Kilchmeier at Luzern, and Trachsel, pastor at Art, who had signed with Zwingli, as well as John Zimmerman of Luzern and the assistant Bernhardin of Cham put their lives in jeopardy by betrothing themselves, and were compelled to prepare for flight. Even in Zurich, though individuals gave Zwingli a firm support, there was yet a wide gulf between approval and simple permission of public marriage by the authorities.
Just then the Government of Zurich was obliged to be particularly prudent in its relations to the other Confederates. An immediate result of this step of Zwingli was, that ecclesiastical innovations were for the first time discussed at the diet, in the summer of the year 1522. Urban Weiss, pastor at Fislispach, in the bailiwick of Baden, though a member of the Zurich chapter, as he returned from a meeting of his associates, declared from the pulpit, by their unanimous resolution, that henceforth nothing should be preached, except it could be proven by the Holy Scriptures--hence, that the saints ought to be no longer invoked, that the marriage of priests was in no wise contrary to the commandments of God, and as soon as it was approved, (and he hoped it would be shortly), he intended to take a wife himself. The Bishop complained of him to his superiors at the diet, and new indignation broke loose in their midst. The pastor would have been led off immediately to prison, had not several of the clergy in connection with the congregation prevented it by heavy bail. But, on their return home the deputies found the petition of Zwingli, and this made the prospects of the pastor rather worse, so that at the next sitting of the diet, in the beginning of winter, it was actually resolved to send him to Constance.
But the Confederates gave matter for serious thought to the Council of Zurich not by this act alone. In spite of every refusal of the French alliance, in spite of all the vigilance of the authorities, there were still seventeen captains in that service, who succeeded by cunning arts in enticing to themselves several troops of inveterate deserters and disobedient youth, partly citizens of Zurich and partly of other places, and leading them to the army, for which so severe a chastisement was kept in store at Biocca. Justly indignant, the Council ordered all its officers to bring these seducers captive to Zurich, whenever they would again enter the canton; only if they came of their own accord, to answer for their deeds, a safe conduct should be promised to them. The Confederates declared this proceeding to be a violation of the compact. Zurich appealed to the fourth article of the treaty of Stanz, which was certainly in her favor. But the exasperation increased the more. It rose to a still higher pitch, when Zwingli took occasion from the defeat at Biocca to address a written exhortation "to the oldest Confederates at Schwyz, to beware of foreign lords and to get rid of them." He counted on the aid of his friends there at Einsiedeln, and the clerk of the court, Balthasar Staffer, was his devoted adherent, having at an earlier period received assistance from him during a season of trial in his family. With a perception at once intuitive and full of power he contrasts in this letter the strength of even a small nation, that trusts in God and a good conscience, with the windy boasts of the reigning corruption. "Our ancestors"--says he--"overcame their enemies and established their liberty, by no other power, than that of God. For this end they never slew Christian people for pay, but fought for freedom alone, that their persons, lives, women, children might not be so painfully subject to a licentious nobility. Therefore has God multiplied to them on all sides victory, honor and fortune, so surely, that no lord has ever conquered them, though never so strong; which, without doubt, is not to be attributed to human ability, but to the power and grace of God. Yea, when they defended their fatherland and freedom at Morgarten, Sempach and Næfels, where three hundred and fifty men attacked fifteen thousand for the twelfth time in one day and at last beat them, among whom ye good people of Schwyz had thirty, and in many other places, when they went to battle and returned home always with joy and honor, then they rested in peace, stained by no disgrace. But now, since we are lifted up in our own conceit, and think ourselves wise; since we have become filled with pride and boasting, though it is nothing but air; how should we escape not having shame and loss imputed to us by God, though we have spread our names so far with such vainglory:Wehave done this;wewill do this;wecan do this; no one is able to withstandus; as if we had a covenant with death; although a heavy scourging and punishment passes by, may it not yet come overus; since we place our hope in lying and tricks and are protected thereby--just as if we were iron and other men gourds; just as if no one could harm us like the heroes, who saved themselves from the deluge by that enormous pile, the tower of Babel. It is very certain that our pride is not His gift. He waits long, and that only, for us to do better. If we do not, then it will be done unto US as it was done unto Sodom and Gomorrah." This letter alone, or in connection with other reasons, which may have brought it about, actually prevailed at Schwyz, after a stormy meeting, over the national inclination toward the French, and it was resolved for the next 25 years to reject foreign alliances and pensions; Nidwalden also joined in the resolution. As may easily be imagined, this greatly strengthened the hatred against Zwingli. "Thy truly Christian summons to the people of Schwyz"--writes Berthold Haller from Bern--"is severely condemned among us, indeed in the highest degree." Embassies were sent to Schwyz and Nidwalden, to warn them back, and one also to Zurich with the request, that if they wished always to keep apart, they would at least abstain from influencing other members of the Confederacy, and keep careful watch over the seditious libels that issued from their city. The government remained firm to the principles laid down for its guidance in political affairs. Transgressors of the prohibition against desertion and pensions were punished with severity and even executed; in ecclesiastical measures it was at variance and wavering.
Zwingli felt more and more, that, though many individuals on all sides were proud of his course and defended his cause, he yet in reality stood alone; that many mad-caps, coming out far more rudely than he, did him more injury by their eccentricities than they gave him help; that his true friends, unless he continually kept them in breath, informed them and encouraged them, were in danger of yielding to faint-heartedness. Even his faithful Myconius wrote to him in such a moment: "What canst thou do, when the whole world speaks against thee, yea, opposes thee with all its powers?" When some, who, on account of his extraordinary acquirements, had ranged themselves among his most prominent supporters, began to draw back, Vadianus became cooler and Erasmus put into his scanty and formal letters expressions of ill-humor. How worthy of all honor did the man stand here, who did not suffer himself to be bowed by all this!
It was evident to him, notwithstanding that his work, in order to have stability, needed a firmer basis, that the acknowledgment and protection of the government of the canton was indispensable to its success. But the authorities, far more than Zwingli, thought themselves bound to the existing church-order, and no support from them could be counted on against the protest of the bishop. Thus the Reformer had first to come to a clear understanding with them, and the Bishop himself opened the way. He had carefully abstained from instituting an examination of the erroneous doctrines said to be preached in Zurich, after the Council had invited him so to do, and only exhorted the government in general terms to allow no changes in church matters amongst them; on the contrary he addressed a pastoral letter to the collective clergy of his diocese, complaining of manifold heretical teachings, warning against them, yea, condemning them, as well as a special admonition at the same time to the convent of canons at Zurich not to suffer them in their midst. Not less than sixty nine points of complaint and wishes for amendment were contained in it. When the letter was read before the assembly every eye was turned toward Zwingli. "You find yourselves"--said he--"indebted to me for all these accusations. I desire that they be placed in my hands, so that I can answer." This was done, and now he was determined to battle for life and death against the spiritual powers. Hence a glance at their present condition and influence becomes necessary.
On the 1st of December, 1520, Pope Leo X. died, and on the 9th of January the Cardinals had elected his successor Adrian VI. But he did not come to Rome before the 29th of August. Till then, he staid in Spain as vicegerent of Charles V., who was also king of that country. The College of Cardinals, empowered to rule in the interim, had pursued the policy of the deceased Pope in regard to Swiss affairs. Ecclesiastical matters were kept in the background, and Zurich, although verging toward revolt, was treated with special favor, because she not only continued averse to the French alliance, so hated by Rome, but besides this, faithful to former treaties, had dispatched a body of troops for the immediate protection of the Papal government. The short reign of Adrian (he died on the 13th of September, 1523) brought about no change. On the contrary, even by him, who, as Grand Inquisitor in Spain, had seized on Luther's collective writings, brilliant offers were made to Zwingli. Franz Zingg, his friend and the same time chaplain of the Pope, received a commission to treat with him, and expressed himself thus scornfully against Myconius: "In Rome everything will be granted to a bold preacher except the Papal Chair." During the following year, 1523, two letters from Adrian, addressed to Mark Roist and Zwingli, were delivered by the legate Ennius. In the first the burgomaster was assured, that the Pope, fully aware of his public and private services in behalf of the Roman See, would exhort him to persevere in his friendly disposition, that he also was mindful of it, as the legate would detail at large. In the second, to Zwingli, this passage occurs: "Although our legate is enjoined to conduct our affairs with your nation in a public manner, yet, because we have a certain knowledge of thy distinguished merits, and especially love and prize thy loyalty, and also place particular confidence in thy honesty, we have commissioned our chosen Nuncio to hand over to thee separately our letter, and bear witness to our most favorable intentions. We exhort thee also, reverend and faithful in the Lord, to give all credit to it, and with the same disposition, in which we are inclined to remember thy honor and thy profit, to bestir thyself also in our affairs and those of the Apostolic See, wherefore thou wilt be gladdened by our very special grace."
It is not to be doubted that Adrian had been informed by his legates of the condition of the church in Zurich; still we may be allowed to conjecture at least, why he made another attempt upon Zwingli. Of German descent and himself a friend and judge of German science, conscious moreover of an honest purpose, he might perhaps have cherished the hope, that he would be better able to exert a reconciling influence upon the Germans than his Italian predecessor. On the Saxon Reformer, over whom ban and outlawry had already been pronounced, such a thing was no longer possible; but the Switzer was untouched as yet. Still the Pope was greatly mistaken in regard to him. It was not the person but the court, which Zwingli would avoid. Let us hear what he has to say in regard to the relation in which he stood to the latter, as it appears in the 'Explanation of the Final Discourse:'
"For three whole years now I have preached the Gospel in Zurich with earnestness, for which the Papal Cardinals, Bishops and Legates, whilst the city has not been well spoken of, have often sought to blind me by their friendship, prayers, threats, and promises of large gifts and benefices; these I did not wholly reject, having accepted a pension of 50 florins, which they paid me yearly (indeed they would have given me 100, but I would not be enticed); I had declined it in the year 1517, though they would not stop it till three years after in 1520, when I refused it in my own hand writing. (I acknowledge my sin before God and all men; for prior to 1516 I adhered too closely to the authority of the Pope, and deemed it becoming to receive money from him, although I always gave the Roman envoys to understand in plain language, when they exhorted me not to preach anything against the Pope: they should not at all expect me to suppress a single word of the truth for the sake of money, on which account they might either take it back or not, as it pleased them). When now I had laid down the pension, they saw well I would have nothing more to do with them, and then they made public my refusal and receipt, both of which stood in one letter, through a spiritual father, a preacher-monk, for the purpose of driving me off from Zurich by it. But in this they failed, because the honorable Council knew well that I had not spared the Pope in my teachings; that I had not been wrought upon by money; that I had not aided them in their plans, and now for the second time refused a pension; and also, since it was the doctrine of former ages, that I could not be convicted of a violation of honor or my oath. And thus the above-named honorable Council has acknowledged my innocence.--So each and every one may see, if I had wished to enrich myself with the gold of foreign lords, I would not have refused the pension of the Pope, for to receive it from him would have been disgraceful in the least degree to one in clerical orders. But I declare it before the Judge of all men, God, that I have never received pension or wages from prince or lord, or been bribed in any way. And what I do to-day I do alone, because my office demands it of me. I pray also that it may aid in checking the evil. For I would be ever a murderer in the eyes of pious people, if I did not continue to rebuke it severely. I am ready also at all times to give answer to all men for my teachings, my writings and my actions, and dare take it on my soul, that hereafter I will use all diligence to bring the word of God clearly before all men, yet not I will do it, but God, and therefore it deeply concerns me that our glorious Confederacy may remain in existence. Although every one may think of me, as seems good to him, yet I am conscious of innocence in regard to my teaching and actions in that whereof my enemies accuse me. Moreover, though I exceed many men in other faults, yet shall they not injure the truth of God and a pious government. Let each for God's sake regard in the best light my simple explanation of the affair of the foreign lords, which I might have presented with far greater lustre to my reputation, had I desired it.For, a few days back, I received a letter from the Pope and mighty verbal commands, which I have answered by God's grace in a Christian manner, without being moved; since I do not doubt, I would become greater than any other man, if the poverty of Christ were not dearer to me than the splendor of the Papists. Let every one regard it in the best light. Since I must look to the wants of many, who have claims on me elsewhere, I ought not to conceal my innocence of the thing in my own spirit, but reply, after the example of Paul, in a becoming manner; for the enemies of Christ often injure his doctrine through my name, against which they utter falsehood; whom I have followed now and to whom, as I hope, done no injustice."
With this we have enough about Zwingli's relation to the Papal See. That he had broken with it decidedly will be inferred from what has been quoted. By the government also Rome was not particularly feared. It seemed to set more value on its connection with the Bishop, which leads us now to take a glance at affairs in Constance.
Since the year 1496 the episcopal chair in that place was occupied by Hugo of Hohenlandenberg. History has a great deal to tell about his legations in the name of the Emperor, his treaties with the Confederates, his synodal constitutions, his ordinances and his pastoral letters. He was, particularly in his old age, an active, grasping man, restlessly employed in the maintenance and extension of his cathedral chapter, especially of its revenues. Scandalous facts could be adduced to prove the latter. The knowledge of his character made the Confederate governments shy of him, so that he was not always successful in his negotiations with them. In regard to scientific culture he needed foreign support, and when with the beginning of reform circumstances became more difficult, he was forced to a greater dependence on his general-vicar.
In the latter, who was at an earlier period Zwingli's friend, we now find his most bitter and decided enemy. John Heigerlin, son of a smith in the village of Leutkirch, had, according to the prevailing custom, assumed the Latin name of Faber (Smith). To the clerical estate, to which he devoted himself, after completing his studies in Vienna, he brought talent of no common order, and ambition to turn it to the best account. First a popular preacher in Linden, and esteemed likewise as an author, he afterwards accepted a call from the Bishop of Constance, who, as well as the Diocesan of Basle, wished to have him in his service. At the same time the degree of Doctor of the Common Law was conferred on him by the University of Freiburg. With all the better minds of the age he took a lively interest in the awakening of science, which immediately preceded the Reformation. He it was, who chiefly prevailed on the Bishop to declare against the wretched trade in indulgences, and encouraged Zwingli in his battle against it. Every improvement was altogether right in his eyes, if it only proceeded from the priesthood; every light, so long as it remained under its patronage. But nothing is more foreign to the spirit of caste than the fundamental idea of the Gospel, and between Christianity as represented by it and priestdom (by no means to be confounded with churchdom) the antagonism is irreconcilable. Hence all priestdom is in absolute need of supplements to the Gospel; it must have tradition; it cannot give it up without self-destruction. This is not the place to pursue this observation further; but it could not be wholly overlooked, because thus only are we able to account for the sudden change of feeling in a man liberal in other respects. As late as May 1521, he had ridiculed Doctor Eck, Luther's opponent, and accused him of traveling to Rome to offer his services to the Pope against Luther, and yet at the end of the very same year, he himself took the very same road. The extensive circulation of Luther's writings had stirred him up, because by this means religious questions were dragged down to the circle of the people, skillful and unskillful speakers arose among them, individual princes and governments sought to extricate themselves from the fetters of the spiritual power, and against all ordinances of the church, which were not clearly warranted by the Holy Scriptures, a growing indifference prevailed. He himself also wrote from Rome against Luther. "You cunningly strive"--he says in his book--"to subject the spiritual to the worldly, but the Lord will not suffer his anointed (Christos suos) to go to the ground." He came back to Constance completely transformed, and his influence was very soon observable here.
In the abduction of the pastor of Fislispach he had a hand, and the pastoral letter of the Bishop, to which we have alluded, as well as the address to the Zurich chapter of canons had, according to the universal opinion, proceeded from him. We saw that Zwingli put off answering the letter. He took some time for it. But then an ample vindication appeared. "May your Highness, illustrious Chief Shepherd"---he thus begins--"pardon, if I trouble you with this paper in your manifold labors. The Lord procure it a hearing! For six years I have preached the Gospel, and am now represented to thee not as a dutiful guardian, but as a robber and destroyer in the sheep-fold. By their continual, unwearied outcries they have prevailed on you to send an admonition, as illiterate as it is unbecoming, to the chapter of our convent. Thou wouldst have done nothing of the kind of thine accord; thou couldst not have written, of thyself, anything so vain and boasting; thou wouldst also have made known thy thoughts to us in the German language. Therefore I send thee this epistle calledArcheteles, because I hope it is the beginning and end of my quarrel with thy counsellors." After this somewhat diffuse introduction follow the sixty-nine points of complaint, again printed, and an answer appended to each one separately. As he proceeds in the letter we see his courage and assurance increase; the style becomes bolder, his judgment more decided, and the interwoven sallies of wit more cutting, till here again in a feeling of triumph, and prompted by the lugubrious tone of the last point of the Bishop, he gives a mock-review of it somewhat in the manner of the litany:
That we may remain in the unity of our Holy Mother, the Church;--for this we beseech thee, O Lord, hear us.
That we may obey our Superiors,i.e.the pious governments;--for this we beseech Thee, hear us.
That Thou wilt teach the false bishops humility enough not to think themselves supreme lords but co-pastors, according to the word of Peter; for this we beseech Thee.
That Thou wilt enlighten them with thy light, first to acknowledge Thy true Church itself;--for this we beseech Thee, hear us.
That Thou wilt open for them the fountains of living water;--for this we beseech Thee, hear us.
From the troubled fountains, which they have dug, out of which no wholesome water flows;--set us free, O Lord.
From the intolerable burdens, which they have piled upon the shoulders of christians;--deliver us, O Lord.
Command them to bear and to do what they require from others.
And if they cannot be brought by other means to make Thy yoke easy to us and Thy burden light--force them to it, O Lord.
From his continued good-will toward Erasmus, Zwingli had sent him a copy of this production. But the tone of it did not please the elder and more considerate friend, although he himself in former years had made sparing use neither of ridicule nor censure. "I adjure thee"--he wrote--"by the honor of the Gospel, to which, as I know, thou hast consecrated thy whole heart, as we are all bound to do, that thou wilt treat serious things in a serious manner, and not forget evangelical modesty and prudence. Take counsel first from thy learned friends, before thou makest anything public. I fear thy apology will bring thee into great danger and be prejudicial to the Gospel." Though Zwingli felt the warning and returned thanks, it was not able to change his mind. For directly after the appearance of the LatinArcheteleshe lent a helping hand in the publication of an address designed for the people, which was still more rough in its language. It consisted of comments on the above-quoted pastoral letter of the Bishop, and was edited anonymously and scattered everywhere by the Franciscan, Sebastian Meier of Bern, and his friends. A single passage, and that not one of the most severe, may serve to show its spirit:
"Dost thou see, dear Christian, where the shoe pinches them? They complain that Paul is preached. He pictures them so near to the life, and points out the office of the true bishop. When we preach up this, then a sheep can see, that those horned idols are not bishops but carnival-spectres, and such as the children make on St. Claus' day. Would to God they were as harmless! Why has it not vexed them that Aristotle, Cicero, fables, examples, Scotus, Thomas and silly stories are preached? I will tell thee. It does not injure them in their pomp. But Paul, who is now by common consent preached in many places, is consistent with himself, and pierces them in their princely splendor, voluptuous wantonness, and insatiable avarice. Hence they complain. Dear younkers, because you deal thus with facts and Paul teaches the contrary, what shape will you take, if we preach St. Peter? He snatches off your hoods and shows as well as St. Paul what horned cattle you are."
It is easy to see that writings like these must have made the breach incurable, and we durst suppose, that Zwingli himself perceived the possibility of it, and in such an event was clear in his resolves. The end of the subordinate relation of Zurich to the Bishop, as well as the beginning of a changed order, was closely connected with theArcheteles. For the origin and founding of this new church-government we pass on to the following chapter.