Midshipman Monkhouse had been on a ship which was leaking at the rate of forty-eight inches per hour, and had seen the operation called "fothering" so successfully performed on her, that, without further repair, she had sailed from Virginia to London. This being brought to Cook's ear, he gave Monkhouse the charge of carrying out a similar experiment. A studding sail was taken, on which oakum and wool was lightly sewn and smothered with dirt; it was then lowered over the bows and dragged by ropes over the place where the worst of the leak was situated, and there secured, with the result, according to Banks, that in a quarter of an hour after it was in position they were able to pump the ship clear, and Cook says one pump was sufficient to keep her free.
Of the conduct of the crew, Cook says:
"In justice to the ship's company, I must say that no men ever behaved better than they have done on this occasion; animated by the behaviour of every Gentleman on board, every man seem'd to have a just sense of the Danger we were in, and exerted himself to the very utmost."
Banks adds his testimony:
"Every man exerts his utmost for the preservation of the ship. The officers during the whole time never gave an order that did not show them to be perfectly composed and unmoved by the circumstances, however dreadful they might appear."
A point off which the reef was situated was given the suggestive name of Cape Tribulation, and some small islands near, Hope Islands, because, as Cook says, he hoped, at the time of their greatest danger, they might be able to reach them. What a prospect to hope for! No possibility of ever seeing a friendly sail, and but little probability of ever being able to reach a civilised port.
A boat sent off to search for some spot where temporary repairs could be executed, soon returned and reported a small river had been found which appeared suitable. This was the Endeavour River, and into it the ship was safely taken, and deep water being found close to the bank, a stage was rigged, and most of the stores and ballast were taken on shore; a hospital was erected for the sick, "which amounted at this time to some eight or nine afflicted with different disorders, but none very dangerously ill." Green and Tupia were showing symptoms of scurvy, but the remainder appear to have been free from it.
As soon as the ship was sufficiently lightened she was warped a little further up the river, and at the top of the tide her bows were hauled well into the bank, so that when the tide fell they were able to examine the leak. The damage was found to be very serious; the rock had cut through four planks into the timbers, and three other planks had been badly injured. The manner in which the ship had been injured was "hardy credible, scarce a splinter was to be seen, but the whole was cut away as if done with a blunt-edged tool." A piece of the rock was found wedged in the hole, and had greatly assisted in arresting the influx of water. The sheathing and false keel were very badly damaged, but it was believed that she was not much injured aft, as she made but little water when once the main wound was dry.
At what is believed to be the exact spot at which the Endeavour was beached, a monument has been erected by the inhabitants of Cooktown, a seaport now at the mouth of the river.
There being no danger from the natives the crew were allowed as much liberty as possible, and a good supply of fish, a few pigeons and a small quantity of vegetables, in the shape of yam tops, cabbage palm, and wild plantains, had a very beneficial effect on their health. The longitude was calculated from an observation of "the Emersion of Jupiter's First Satelite," as 214 degrees 42 minutes 30 seconds West, which Wharton remarks on as being an excellent observation, the true longitude being 214 degrees 45 minutes West.
On 4th July the good ship was afloat again, so well repaired that only about an inch of water per hour was taken in, easily kept under by the pumps. She was laid over on a sandbank on the opposite side of the river and more carefully examined, the sheathing being found to be very badly damaged. The carpenter, in whom Cook had every confidence, reported that, with the means at his disposal, he could not make a satisfactory job, but he thought they might push on to some place where greater facilities could be obtained. She was therefore taken alongside the staging, the stores and ballast replaced, everything got ready for the prosecution of the voyage, and the Master sent off in the pinnace to look for a passage to the north-east; but was unsuccessful. He was again sent out, but again reported badly; the shoals appeared to get worse the further he went. He, however, brought back with him three turtles weighing about 800 pounds, which were most welcome as the crew had now been some months without fresh meat; a second trip to where these were caught resulted in getting three or four more, and a large supply of shell-fish. They had made several attempts to get on good terms with the few natives they had seen, and on one occasion two or three who were fishing had a long and animated conversation with Tupia, in which neither party could understand the other, though one or two were persuaded to visit the camp. Shortly before the last of the stores were taken in, Cook and Banks received friendly overtures from a small party, and ten of them visited the ship. They were offered various gifts, but seemed to set little value on anything except the turtles. They made signs they wanted them, and when they found these signs ignored, attempted to carry off two, and when their aim was frustrated, went ashore to where some of the crew were at work. One of them took a lighted stick from under the pitch kettle, and, making a wide circuit round the place, fired the grass as he ran. Fortunately there were not many things left ashore, and the powder had just been safely got on board, so the most serious damage appears to have been the premature roasting of a young pig. They then went off to where others of the crew were washing, and drying the fishing nets, and another attempt was made to burn the grass; but a charge of small shot caused a retreat, and on their way they set fire to the undergrowth to cover their repulse. Banks was greatly impressed with the manner in which the grass and undergrowth burnt, and declared he would never pitch tents again without first burning the grass for some distance round.
Gore, Banks, and three men made a few days' excursion up the river, but, with the exception of a kangaroo being shot by Gore, the first ever killed by a European, they met with nothing worth noting. On 18th July Cook, Banks, and Solander went up a hill some six or eight miles along the coast to see if they could form any idea of the general run of the coast and the surrounding reefs, and Cook says: "In whatever direction we looked, it [the sea] was covered with shoals as far as the eye could see."
Before leaving the river, Banks gives some notes as to the country, and puts it down as "in every respect the most barren country we have yet seen." The animals were not numerous; he gives kangaroo, wolf (the dingo or native dog), bats (flying foxes), wild cats (dasyurus), and opossums. Amongst the birds, several kinds of duck, shags, pelicans, crows, and flock pigeons, all, with the exception of the last, difficult to shoot. Of the crow he says: "A crow in England though in general sufficiently wary is, I must say, a fool to a New Holland crow." None of the beasts or birds seem to have come amiss to the pot; all that was necessary was the meat should not be salt, "that alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy." He quotes the description given by a sailor of an animal he saw:
"It was as black as the devil and had wings, indeed I took it for the devil, or I might have catched it, for it crawled away very slowly through the grass."
After some little trouble Banks discovered this to have been a large bat (flying fox). Of the insect life seen, he was particularly struck by the white ants and their nests, and formed a very respectful opinion of the mosquito.
Cook's opinion agrees fairly well with that of Banks, but on the whole he thought the east coast was not so barren and desolate as Dampier had described the west coast, and adds:
"We are to consider that we see this country in the pure state of nature; the Industry of Man has had nothing to do with any part of it, and yet we find all such things as Nature hath bestowed upon it, in a flourishing state. In this Extensive Country, it can never be doubted, but what most sorts of grain, Fruit, roots, etc., of every kind would flourish here were they once brought hither, planted and cultivated by the hands of Industry; and here are provender for more cattle, at all seasons of the year, than ever can be brought into the country."
This is a fair example of the observations and deductions to be found scattered through Cook's Journals, and an improvement on the would-be scientific and classical rubbish put into his mouth by his editors.
At last, on 4th August, they got away from the Endeavour River, only to find themselves surrounded by difficulties. Cook or one of the other officers was continually at the masthead on the look-out, and at length, by keeping very close in shore, they managed to creep past Cape Flattery, and thought the worst was over, but a landing at Point Lookout showed a very unsatisfactory prospect. In hopes of getting a better view Cook went out to Lizard Island, and from there could see, far away to the east, the white breakers on the Great Barrier Reef. This island, on which the only living things to be seen were lizards, they found, from the large piles of shells and remains of fires, was visited periodically by the blacks; a remarkable voyage for their miserable canoes.
Having only three months' supplies at short allowance left, Cook, after a consultation with his officers, made out through an opening in the Barrier Reef that he had seen from Lizard Island, and observes:
"Having been entangled among Islands and Shoals more or less ever since the 26th May, in which time we have sailed 360 leagues by the Lead, without ever having a Leadsman out of the chains, when the ship was under sail, a Circumstance that perhaps never happened to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely necessary."
But their satisfaction in getting outside was diminished when it was found that the increased working of the ship's timbers necessitated the continual use of one pump.
Cook was afraid that being forced outside the Barrier Reef he would be unable to put to the proof the opinion he had formed that New Guinea and New Holland were not joined. He did not know till after his return to England, that the point had already been settled in 1606, by Louis Vaez de Torres, and he readily yields the honour of the discovery in the Introduction to his Second Voyage. The log of Torres's voyage was lost for many years, and was found at Manilla, when that place was taken by Admiral Cornish in 1762. Cook had with him a copy of De Brye's Voyages, published in 1756, which contained three charts that he found to be "tolerably good" with regard to New Guinea, and he evidently formed the opinion that both the Spaniards and the Dutch had circumnavigated that island.
"I always understood, before I had a sight of these maps, that it was unknown whether or no New Holland and New Guinea was one continued land, and so it is said in the very History of Voyages these maps are bound up in. However, we have now put this wholly out of dispute; but as I believe it was known before, but not publickly, I claim no other merit than the clearing up of a doubtful point."
With this question of New Guinea and New Holland in view, he again made to the west, sighting the Barrier again on 15th August, and on the following morning, the wind having changed in the night, the breakers were heard very distinctly. The lead gave no bottom at 140 fathoms, but at daybreak the reef was not a mile away, and they found themselves in a dead calm, rapidly drifting with the current towards the breakers. The yawl and long-boat were got out, the pinnace being under repair, and the sweeps were used from the gun-room ports. By six o'clock she was heading north again, but:
"not above 80 or 100 yards from the breakers. The same sea that washed the side of the ship rose in a breaker prodigiously high the very next time it did rise, so that between us and destruction was only a dismal valley, the breadth of one wave, and even now no ground could be felt with 120 fathoms."
The carpenter had by this time fastened a temporary streak on the pinnace, and it was sent off to assist in towing. Cook had almost given up hope, but he says:
"In this truly terrible situation, not one man ceased to do his utmost, and that with as much calmness as if no danger had been near."
Admiral Wharton draws special attention to the fact that in the very height of the danger, Green, Charles Clerke, and Forwood, the gunner, were engaged in taking a Lunar for the longitude. Green notes:
"These observations were very good, the limbs of the sun and moon very distinct, and a good horizon. We were about 100 yards from the reef, where we expected the ship to strike every minute, it being calm, no soundings, and the swell heaving us right on."
When things seemed perfectly hopeless, a small breath of air, "so small that at any other time in a calm we should not have observed it," came, and every advantage being taken, the distance from the reef was slightly increased, but then again it fell calm. A small opening of the reef was seen and an attempt was made to push through, but the ebb tide was found to be "gushing out like a mill stream." Advantage was taken of this, and they succeeded in getting about a quarter of a mile away, but the current was so narrow they soon lost it. A second opening was seen, and, the tide having changed, they were carried rapidly through Providential Channel and safely anchored in nineteen fathoms of water. Cook says:
"It is but a few days ago that I rejoiced at having got without the Reef, but that joy was nothing when compared to what I now felt at being safe at an anchor within it."
Having arrived at a place of safety, Cook resolved to remain till he had his boats in thorough repair and had made a complete study of his difficulties. From the masthead it appeared as if the shoals and reefs offered less obstruction than he had previously towards the north, and he hoped, by keeping as close to the shore as possible, to be able to solve the problem of the passage between New Guinea and New Holland. At this place, boats that had been out fishing brought back a sort of cockle, some requiring two men to lift them, and containing "as much as twenty pounds of good wholesome meat."
Proceeding slowly through a network of reefs, shoals, and islands, the boats always sounding ahead, he had the satisfaction of passing the straits between Cape York and New Guinea, leaving Torres's track considerably to the north. On getting clear of the straits, they landed for the last time in Australian waters, and hoisting the English flag:
"took possession of the whole Eastern Coast from the above latitude (38 degrees 0 minutes South) down to this place by the name of New Wales. We fired three volleys of small arms, which were answer'd by the like number from the ship."
Admiral Wharton says that in the King's and the Admiralty's copies of Cook's Journal the name is given as New South Wales, and in a letter written to Mr. John Walker, of Whitby, dated 13th September 1771, Cook says: "The East coast of New Holland, or what I call New South Wales."
After a narrow escape of running on a reef near Booby Island, from which they were only saved by letting go the anchors with all sails set, they left the difficulties of the New Holland coast behind and sighted New Guinea on 29th August.
***
"The great number of New Plants, etc., our Gentlemen Botanists have collected in this place occasion'd my giving in [sic] the Name of Botanist Bay."
Extract from the only page known to exist of the Journal of the first voyage written by Cook, and dated 6th May, 1770. It was, July 1911, purchased by Mr. F.T. Sabin for 451 pounds.
The water on the New Guinea coast was very shallow, and kept them far out in running westward, but on 3rd September they got a little nearer in, so Cook decided to attempt a landing, and then to leave, as he considered it was only wasting valuable time to go over ground that had already been explored by the Dutch. Banks says the crew were rather sickly, they:
"were pretty far gone with the longing for home, which the physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia. Indeed, I can find hardly anybody in the ship clear of its effects, but the Captain, Dr. Solander, and myself, and we three have ample constant employment for our minds, which I believe to be the best if not the only remedy for it."
They were also on short allowance of food, which would necessarily have a depressing effect, and when they learnt that Cook would return to civilisation where fresh supplies could be obtained, there was a marked improvement in the general health.
Calling in at the island of Savu, some supplies were obtained, and the country is described as very lovely, although there had been no rain for seven months; the contrast with the monotonous and barren-looking country of New Holland was very marked.
According to strict orders from the Admiralty, Cook on 30th September collected all logs and journals that had been kept on board the ship, and enjoined every one that they were on no account to divulge where they had been on their arrival at Batavia. Off Java Head the main topsail was split in a squall, and Cook remarks that all his sails are now in such a condition that "they will hardly stand the least puff of wind." No observations had been possible since leaving Savu, and the strong western current had thrown out their dead reckoning, causing them to run past the Straits of Sunda; but, picking themselves up on 1st October, they got into the straits, and after a wearisome beat up arrived in Batavia on the 10th; and Hicks was sent on shore to announce their arrival, and offer an apology for failing to salute the Dutch flag in a proper manner—the reason being that they had only three guns available.
The ship was thoroughly surveyed, and on the carpenter's report, Cook applied to the Governor for a convenient place in which to heave down and repair, and for permission to purchase such stores as might be necessary. Every assistance was promised, and on Cook's finding a difficulty in getting any private person to cash the bills he would have to draw for his expenses, the Governor ordered the officer in charge of the port to supply whatever amount might be necessary.
During a heavy thunderstorm on the 12th, a Dutch East Indiaman, about two cables away from the Endeavour, had mainmast "split all to shivers." The Endeavour was also struck:
"and in all probability we should have shared the same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the electric chain which we had but just before got up; this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear of the ship."
On 25th October Cook reopened communication with the Admiralty, forwarding to Mr. Stephens, by the Dutch East Indiaman Kronenberg, Captain F. Kelgar, a packet containing a copy of his Journal (sold to Mr. John Corner in 1890), charts of the South Seas, New Zealand, and the East Coast of Australia. He also wrote a letter giving an outline of his voyage up to date, and concludes:
"In this Journal, I have with undisguised Truth and without gloss, inserted the whole transactions of the Voyage, and made such remarks and have given such descriptions of things as I thought was necessary, in the best manner I was capable of. Although the discoverys made in the Voyage are not great, yet I flatter myself they are such as may merit the Attention of their Lordships, and altho' I have failed in discovering the so much talked of Southern Continent (which perhaps do not exist), and which I myself had much at heart, yet I am confident that no part of the failure of such discovery can be laid to my charge. Had we been so fortunate not to have run ashore, much more would have been done in the latter part of the Voyage than what was, but as it is, I presume this Voyage will be found as compleat as any before made to the South Seas on the same account.
"The plans I have drawn of the places I have been at, were made with all the care and accuracy that Time and Circumstances would admit of. Thus far I am certain that the Latitude and Longitude of few parts of the World are better settled than these, in this I was very much assisted by Mr. Green, who let slip no one opportunity for making observations for settling the Longitude during the whole course of the Voyage, and the many valuable discoverys made by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander in Natural History and other things useful to the learned World, cannot fail of contributing very much to the success of the Voyage. In justice to the officers and the whole of the crew, I must say, they have gone through the fatigues and dangers of the Whole Voyage with that cheerfulness and alertness that will always do honour to the British Seamen, and I have the satisfaction to say that I have not lost one man by Sickness during the whole Voyage. I hope that the repairs wanting to the Ship will not be so great as to detain us any length of time; You may be assured that I shall make no unnecessary delay either here or at any other place, but shall make the best of my way home."
Banks, too, notes that there were no sick on board, and contrasts the rosy, healthy appearance of the crew with the pallid faces of the Europeans of Batavia. But on 26th October a series of disastrous entries commence in the Journal.
"Set up the ship's tents for the reception of the ship's company, several of them begin to be taken ill, owing as I suppose to the extream hot weather."
Batavia had an ill-omened reputation, and it has been estimated that from 1735 to 1755 no less than 1,000,000 deaths took place, chiefly from malarial fever and dysentery, and Cook had soon cause to regret that the Dutch had undertaken the repairs of the ship, leaving his men to look on. He knew well the evil effects of want of occupation in such a climate, though he could not guess what it was to cost him. Up to this time he had only seven deaths to record since leaving Plymouth; three from drowning, two frozen (Mr. Banks's servants), one consumption, and one alcoholic poisoning: probably a record never equalled in the history of navigation. On 5th November Mr. Monkhouse, the surgeon, died, and Cook, Banks, and Solander were very ill. The two last went up into the hills, but Cook would not leave his ship.
Meanwhile the repairs went on; the ship was found to be worse than had been expected; two planks and a half had been rasped by the rocks to the thickness of one eighth of an inch for a distance of six feet:
"and here the worms had made their way quite into the timbers, so that it was a matter of surprise to every one who saw her bottom, how we had kept her above water, and yet in this condition we had sailed some hundreds of leagues in as dangerous a navigation as in any part of the world, happy in being ignorant of the continual danger we were in."
By the 14th her bottom was thoroughly repaired, and Cook speaks highly of the Dutch workmen:
"I do not believe there is a Marine Yard in the World where work is done with more alertness than here, or where there are better conveniences for heaving ships down, both in point of safety and Despatch."
The water, a perquisite of the Commodore of the Dutch East Indian fleet, was very unsatisfactory, and was found to keep very badly at sea, although its keeping properties had been loudly vaunted by the Commodore. Cook was present at his appointment:
"one of the grandest sights Batavia afforded; that may be too, and yet it did not recompense us for our trouble. I thought that the whole was but ill conducted, and the fleet appeared to be very badly mann'd."
A seaman who had run from a Dutch ship entered on the Endeavour, was claimed by the Dutch on the grounds that he was a Dane from Elsinore. Cook promised he should be given up if he proved not to be a British subject, and enquiry by Mr. Hicks resulted in a report to the Governor that he was an Irishman, so the matter dropped. His name was James Marra, and he will be again met with as gunner's mate on the Resolution.
Before leaving Batavia there had been seven deaths, including Mr. Reynolds, artist, and Tupia and his boy servant, and Cook gives the number of sick as "forty or more." Hoping the sea breezes might have a beneficial effect, preparations were hurried forward, and they managed to leave the day after Christmas Day, being duly saluted by the garrison with fourteen guns, and the Earl of Elgin with thirteen guns and three cheers, "all of which we return'd."
Calling at Prince's Island in the straits of Sunda, where some of the Batavian water was replaced by better, the sailors were allowed to purchase whatever they fancied in hopes of diminishing the dysentery which was rampant. Every precaution that could be thought of was tried, but in vain. Mr. Banks lost Messrs. Sporing and Parkinson, and on 29th January Mr. Green died; he had been long ill, but Cook says he would not take proper care of himself. To judge from his own Journal, he must have been rather a difficult man to get on with, but his services as observer were invaluable, and he at all times and seasons was devoted to his special duty: indeed, at times he appears to have thought that every other work should give way to his. It is a somewhat suggestive fact that Banks hardly makes any reference to Mr. Green throughout his Journal. On 27th February the terrible list of losses was closed by the deaths of three of the crew, making in all thirty deaths since their arrival at Batavia.
It was afterwards discovered that the season in Batavia had been unusually unhealthy, and several ships that had called in there had to report heavy losses. Cook says:
"Thus we find that ships which have been little more than twelve months from England have suffer'd as much or more by sickness than we have done, who have been out near three times as long. Yet their sufferings will hardly, if at all, be mentioned or known in England; when, on the other hand, those of the Endeavour, because her voyage is uncommon, will very probably be mentioned in every News Paper, and, what is not unlikely, with Additional hardships we never Experienced; for such are the dispositions of men in general in these Voyages, that they are seldom content with the Hardships and Dangers which will naturally occur, but they must add others which hardly ever had existence but in their imaginations, by magnifying the most Trifling accidents and Circumstances to the greatest Hardships, and unsurmountable Dangers without the immediate interposition of Providence, as if the whole merit of the Voyages consisted in the real dangers and Hardships they underwent, or that the real ones did not happen often enough to give the mind sufficient anxiety. Thus Posterity are taught to look upon these Voyages as hazardous to the highest degree."
On 6th March land was sighted at daylight, about two leagues away, near Cape Natal, and on the 15th the Cape of Good Hope was seen. The first thing to be done was to provide shelter ashore for his sick, of whom he landed twenty-eight, and during the stay the remainder of the crew were given every possible opportunity of being on land, as Cook recognised the value of an entire change of life in shaking off the remnants of sickness. He lost three more of his men here, and hearing from a Dutch ship just in from Europe that war was threatening between England and Spain, he hurried up his preparations for departure and got all his men on board, though some were still very ill. In addition he managed to enter some half-dozen men for the voyage home.
In writing of the Cape, Cook draws attention to the fact:
"that a stranger is at once struck with surprise and disappointment, for no country we have seen this voyage affords so barren a prospect as this, and not only so in appearance but in reality."
Then further on he says:
"Notwithstanding the many disadvantages this country labours under, such is the industry, economy, and good management of the Dutch, that not only the necessary, but all the Luxuries of Life are raised here in great abundance, and are sold as cheap, if not cheaper, than in any part of Europe, some few articles excepted."
On the other hand, he complains of the exorbitant charges made by the Dutch East India Company for naval stores. As at Batavia, they were sold at a certain fixed price from which there was no deviation.
Calling in at St. Helena, they found H.M.Ss. Portland and Swallow, with a convoy, in the roads, and received some few much-needed stores from them, together with the information that all danger of war between Spain and England was over. They all sailed in company on 5th May, but after a few days Cook explained to Captain Elliott, of the Portland, who had come on board the Endeavour, that his ship, sails, and rigging were naturally not in very good order after his lengthy voyage, and therefore he should probably be unable to keep up with the other ships. He requested the Portland to take charge of letters, charts, and journals for the Admiralty. These papers only arrived in England three days in advance of the Endeavour. For some days the good Bark kept within easy reach of the fleet, and was able to obtain extra medical advice for Mr. Hicks, who was suffering from consumption when he left England, but had held out well till stricken with the Batavian fever, when he gradually sank and died on 25th May; Mr. Charles Clerke was appointed third lieutenant, in place of Mr. Gore, promoted. Since leaving the Cape they had also lost their Master, Mr. Molineaux, of whose intelligence Cook speaks very highly, but deplores his want of steadiness, the true cause of his early death. Mr. Pickersgill was appointed to the vacancy.
On the 21st June they were still in sight of some of the convoy, but during the night they had their main topgallant sail split, and the topmast sprung, in a heavy squall; in fact, their gear was in such a bad state that something gave way daily. On 7th July they spoke a brig from London, three days out from Scilly, and learnt that no account of their proceedings had yet been made public, and that wagers were being laid that the Endeavour was lost. On 10th July Nicholas Young, who had sighted New Zealand, sighted the Land's End, and the Lizard was seen the next day. On Saturday, 13th July 1771, "at 3 o'clock in the P.M. anchor'd in the Downs and soon after I landed in order to repair to London."
Before leaving, Cook wrote to Mr. Stephens informing him of his arrival, and announcing that he was coming up to the Admiralty to lay before their Lordships a full account of the whole voyage, and that the ship was to await further orders. He hopes that the appointments that he has made will meet with approval, and requests that his charts, plans, and drawings may be laid before the authorities.
On 2nd August, Stephens wrote to him at Mile End, saying he had received the papers sent from Batavia, those by the Portland and those from the Downs, and that they had been laid before their Lordships. He goes on:
"I have the pleasure to acquaint you that their Lordships extremely well approve of the whole of your proceedings and that they have great satisfaction in the account you have given them of the good behaviour of your officers and men and of the cheerfulness and alertness with which they went through the fatigues and dangers of their late Voyage."
He also notifies at the same time that the appointments made have all been confirmed.
Cook himself was appointed Commander of the Scorpion on 29th August, but owing to other arrangements being made did not put in an appearance on his new ship. Isaac Smith and Isaac Manly were appointed respectively Master's mate and midshipman, taking part in the Second Voyage, being too young for further promotion.
The newspapers, of course, blossomed out into paragraphs on the subject of the voyage, more or less correct, and Bingley's Journal on 23rd July stated:
"In consequence of this discovery, more ships will be destined in search of this new terrestrial acquisition."
Evidently it was quickly decided that Cook's rest was to be short. On 27th the same Journal says:
"His Majesty's Ship, the Endeavour, which is lately arrived in the River from the East Indies, lost by the unhealthiness of the climate, 70 of her hands, tho' they were picked men, and had been several times in the Indies. However, those who survive will have made their fortunes by traffic, having brought home some of the richest goods made in the east, which they are suffered to dispose of without the inspection of the Custom House officers. This, our correspondent says, is allowed them by the Government as a reward for their hard and dangerous service during a voyage of three years."
The amount of the "richest goods made in the East" obtained from New Zealand, Australia, and Otaheite would be but a poor reward for three years' strenuous service; and Cook here finds his premonition as to his losses being exaggerated, only too true.
It is worthy of note that the number of punishments throughout the voyage was remarkably small, those entered in the ship's log being twenty-one, and the heaviest sentence, two dozen lashes for theft. In one case, that of Mathew Cox, A.B., for disobedience and mutinous conduct, the culprit proceeded civilly against Cook, on arrival in England, and the Admiralty solicitors were instructed to defend. The case was probably allowed to drop, as no result can be found.
The good ship which had so bravely borne her part, was not given much rest; but after being paid off at Woolwich, was despatched, under lieutenant James Gordon, to the Falkland Islands on 16th October, and returned with "perishable and unserviceable" stores; in 1772 and 1773 she again made voyages to the same destination, the last one to bring away the garrison and stores, as those islands were to be handed over to Spain. She was paid off at Woolwich in September 1774, and shortly afterwards was sold out of the Navy for the sum of 645 pounds. She is then believed to have been employed as a collier in the North Seas. Mr. Gibbs, of the firm of Gibbs and Canning of Newport, Rhode Island, one day pointed out to the English Consul the remains of an old vessel falling into decay, and informed him that it was Captain Cook's ship, the Endeavour. His story was that the French Government being anxious to compete with England in the whale fishery, offered a bounty to the ships in that trade sailing under the French flag. A Mr. Hayden purchased the old ship from a Dunkirk firm and re-christened her La Liberte, loaded her with oil and consigned her, under French colours, to Gibbs and Canning at Newport. She was chased by an English ship, but escaped, and after laying alongside a wharf for some months received a cargo, but running aground in trying to leave the harbour, she was found in such a bad condition that she was allowed to remain to drop to pieces. Enquiries into this story gave satisfactory results, and a box made from her timbers was presented to J. Fennimore Cooper, the American author, with letters authenticating, as far as possible, the vessel from which the wood had been taken. Miss Cooper mentions this box in her preface to her father's Red Rover, and several other relics of the old ship are still to be found in the neighbourhood of Newport.
After reporting himself to the Admiralty on his arrival in England, Cook proceeded to his home at Mile End Old Town, where he was for some time employed in completing his Charts and Journals, and on 14th August, the Annual Register announces, he was introduced to His Majesty at St. James's, when he:
"presented his Journal of his Voyage, with some curious maps and charts of different places that he had drawn during the voyage; he was presented with a captain's commission."
He also found time to write two long and instructive letters to his old master and good friend, Mr. John Walker of Whitby, which are to be found in Dr. Young's work. They give a rapid glance at the different places visited, with a few pithy remarks as to their peoples and productions; mention the pleasing reception he had from the king, and he alludes to the probability of being despatched on a second voyage with two ships.
Edgeworth, in his Memoirs, states that about this time Cook was a frequent visitor at Denham Place, the home of Mr. Louis Way, F.R.S., but as that gentleman died in this year, and Edgeworth also refers to events of a later date as occurring at the same time, it is more probable that these visits were paid after the Second Voyage to Mr. Benjamin Way, also F.R.S., and a Director of the South Sea Company. In another place Edgeworth infers that Banks, Solander, and Cook were members of a club which met at Slaughter's Coffee House in 1765. Of course, this is an error, for Cook was then engaged in Newfoundland, and unknown to the Royal Society, whose members composed the club spoken of; in fact, Cook, though a frequent guest in after times, was never a member of the Royal Societies Club.
Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay) says that in September her father, Dr. Charles Burney, spent a few days at Hinchinbroke, Lord Sandwich's place, in order to meet Cook, Banks, and Solander, and it is evident that the second voyage had been resolved on, for Dr. Burney's son, James, was introduced to Cook by Lord Sandwich, with a view to going on the expedition. Shortly after this, Sandwich met Dr. Burney at Lord Oxford's, Houghton, and asked him if he could recommend any one capable of writing the history of the voyage of the Endeavour; he gave Dr. Hawkesworth's name, and was requested to introduce him to Lord Sandwich on his return to town.
The object of the Second Voyage was, to use Cook's own words:
"To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a matter so curious and important, was His Majesty's principal motive in directing this voyage to be undertaken, the history of which is now submitted to the public, i.e., the existence of another continent in the South."
The discussion on the subject had been resumed with renewed vigour after the return of the Endeavour, and Dalrymple led one party, who held that Cook had not set the matter at rest as he had left far too much space untraversed.
The two ships that were to be employed were probably selected in the Thames by Cook himself, and, like the good ship Endeavour, were built by Fishburn of Whitby, and purchased from Captain W. Hammond of Hull. The reasoning which guided Cook in his selection is thus laid down by him in his introduction to the account of the Second Voyage:
"The success of such undertakings as making discoveries in distant parts of the world, will principally depend on the preparations being well adapted to what ought to be the first consideration, namely, the preservation of the adventurers and ships; and this will chiefly depend on the kind, the size, and the properties of the ships chosen for the service. These primary considerations will not admit of any other, that may interfere with the necessary properties of the ships. Therefore, in chusing the ships, should any of the most advantageous properties be wanting, and the necessary room in them be, in any degree, diminished for less important purposes, such a step would be laying a foundation for rendering the undertaking abortive in the first instance. The ship must not be of great draught, but of sufficient capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions and stores for the crew, and of such construction that she will bear to take the ground, and of such a size that she can be conveniently laid on shore if necessary for repairing any damages or defects, and these qualities are to be found in North Country built ships, such as are built for the coal trade, and in none other."
The larger of the two chosen was 462 tons, purchased for 4,151 pounds, and received into the Royal Navy under the name of the Drake. She was fitted as a sloop at Deptford, at a cost of 6,568 pounds (this sum, probably, covering both the original alterations which proved unsatisfactory and those made immediately before sailing), and at the time of her purchase was about fourteen months old. The second ship was of 336 tons, also fitted at Deptford as a sloop, was eighteen months old at time of purchase, cost 2,103 pounds, and was received under the name of Raleigh.
The complement of the Raleigh was eighty, but two additional carpenters' mates were added to each ship later on. Cook was also instructed not to bear, as was then usual, any servants on the books, but to enter A.B.s instead, and each officer who was entitled to a servant was "to be paid an allowance by Bill equal to the wages of the number of servants respectively allowed them."
On 25th December the names of the two ships were changed, the Drake becoming the Resolution, and the Raleigh the Adventure. The lieutenants appointed to the Resolution were Robert Pallisser Cooper, Charles Clerke, and Richard Pickersgill, and Mr. Tobias Furneaux, Commander, and Joseph Shank first lieutenant, of the Adventure. Of these officers Cook writes:
"I had all the reason in the World to be perfectly satisfied with the choice of the officers. The Second and Third Lieutenants, the Lieutenant of Marines, two of the Warrant officers, and several of the Petty officers had been with me during the former voyage. The others were men of known abilities, and all of them on every occasion showed their zeal for the service in which they were employed during the whole voyage."
Two days after receiving his orders, Cook hoisted his pendant and superintended the alterations that were to be made for the accommodation of Mr. Banks and his party of scientists. These comprised Dr. Solander, Zoffani, the portrait painter, Dr. Lynd of Edinburgh, to secure whose services Parliament had made a special grant of 4000 pounds (though "what discoveries they expected him to make I could not understand," says Cook), and nine others, draughtsmen and servants; at least three more than had been thought necessary when the vessel was purchased. These alterations were:
"to raise her upper works about a foot, to lay a spar deck upon her from the quarter-deck to the forecastle (she having at this time a low waist), and to build a round house or coach for my accommodation, so that the great cabin might be appropriated to the use of Mr. Banks alone."
The Comptroller of the Navy, Captain Pallisser, was strongly opposed to these alterations as likely to be detrimental to the ship's sailing qualities, and though his opinions were overborne, they in the end proved to be correct.
When he had seen the alterations fairly on the way, Cook applied for three weeks' leave of absence, on the plea that he had "some business to transact in Yorkshire, as well as to see an aged father," and his application was at once granted. He therefore went to Ayton, where for the first time for seventeen years he was again amongst his own people. From Ayton he went on to Whitby, and was met some miles out from that town by many of the leading men of the place. From the Walkers he received the heartiest of welcomes, and it is related that the old housekeeper, Mary Prowd, had been carefully instructed that a Commander in His Majesty's Navy was a very different person from one of her master's apprentices, and must be received with all the marks of respect due to his rank. She promised obedience, but, alas, when the time came her memory fled, and opening wide her arms, she exclaimed: "O honey James! How glad I is to see thee!" A welcome, probably, more dear to Cook than any other could have been, and a proof of the affectionate regard he could inspire.
In February he was back in London, and Dr. Burney says in his Memoirs:
"I had the honour of receiving the illustrious Captain Cook to dine with me in Queen's Square [Bloomsbury] previously to his second voyage round the world. Observing upon a table, Bougainville's Voyage Autour du Monde, he turned it over, and made some curious remarks on the illiberal conduct of that circumnavigator towards himself when they met and crossed each other; which made me desirous to know, in examining the chart of M. de Bougainville, the several tracks of the two navigators, and exactly where they had crossed or approached each other.
"Captain Cook instantly took a pencil from his pocket book and said he would trace the route; which he did in so clear and scientific a manner that I would not take fifty pounds for my book. The pencil marks, having been fixed by skim milk, will always be visible."
This volume is now in the British Museum, and the pencil marks on the chart are as distinct as on the day they were made.
The alterations to the ship were completed early in February, and on the 6th she was hauled out of dock, and rigging, ballasting, and storing commenced. Cook says:
"Every department seemed to vie with the other in equiping these two ships, every standing rule and order in the Navy was dispensed with, every alteration, every necessary and useful article, was granted as soon as asked for."
In another passage he again refers to the anxiety of the Navy Board to see that the quality of the stores was everything that could be wished, and the quantity was increased from one to two and a half years' supply.
On the 22nd April the two sloops were at Longreach to take in their guns and gunners' stores; twelve carriage guns and twelve swivel musketoons for the Resolution, and ten carriage guns and ten swivels for the Adventure. These should have been taken on board at Galleon's Reach, but the Resolution was drawing too much water—seventeen feet. When here Cook showed that he thought she was rather over-weighted with her new upper works, and might prove crank, but:
"as the Gentlemen's apartments were full of heavy baggage and the sloop a good deal lumbered aloft with heavy and some useless articles, which we might soon get rid of or get into the hold after we had consumed some of our provisions, I still entertained hopes that she would bear all her additional works, and suspended giving any other opinion until a full trial had been made of her, foreseeing what would be the consequence in case she did not answer in the manner she was now fitted."
On 29th April, Mr. Banks gave an entertainment on board to Lord Sandwich, the French Ambassador, and other distinguished personages, and Cook notes that the first named had been on board several times, "a laudable tho ' rare thing in a First Lord of the Admiralty."
Cook obtained a few days' leave to make his final arrangements, and the Resolution was ordered to the Downs under the first lieutenant, whilst the Adventure proceeded to Plymouth; both vessels sailing from Longreach on 10th May. The Resolution, contending against adverse winds, made a very slow trip down to the Nore, being four days on the journey, and Mr. Cooper reported to Cook that she was very crank. The latter at once wrote to the Admiralty that he considered it unsafe to proceed any further with her in that condition, and proposed that her poop should be cut down, her masts shortened, and her guns exchanged to four-pounders. The Navy Board, however, decided that she should be restored to her original state as far as it was possible to do so; she was therefore ordered to Sheerness, and her Captain was instructed to join his ship and see the alterations were properly carried out.
Before leaving London Cook, who had heard it was said that he was not satisfied with the vessels chosen for the voyage, wrote to Mr. Stephens on the subject, giving his opinion that the crankness of the Resolution "was owing to the additional works that have been built upon her in order to make large accommodation for the several gentlemen passengers intended to embark in her." He added that the proposed alterations of the Navy Board would "render her as fit to perform the voyage as any ship whatever"; and, referring to the report that he did not approve of the type of ship, he says, "from the knowledge and experience I have had of these sort of vessels, I shall always be of opinion that only such are proper to be sent on Discoveries to very distant parts." On the 21st he again wrote Stephens that the alterations were making satisfactory progress, and that a man had been in the yard who had known the ship before her purchase, and he had "with some warmth asserted that at that time she was not only a stiff ship, but had as many good qualities as any ship ever built in Whitby." In reply to a rumour that the men were afraid to sail in her, he points out that she is moored alongside a wharf, and the men could go ashore whenever they pleased, yet he had not lost a single man.
Mr. Banks did not approve of the reduction in his accommodation necessitated by these alterations, and tried to get a 40-gun ship in place of the Resolution, and he and his friends succeeded in raising a very acrimonious discussion on the subject; but the admiralty stood firm, and the alterations went on under the superintendence of Cook. On 24th May Banks and Solander went to inspect her, and on their return to town Banks wrote to the Admiralty that he should not go the voyage as "the ship was neither roomy nor convenient enough for my purpose, nor no ways proper for the voyage." Cook, who says the preparations had cost Banks "about five Thousand Pounds," does not think that the reasons given by Banks were the only ones he had for not taking part in the voyage, and then continues, "their baggage, etc., were got out of the sloop and sent to London, after which no more complaints were heard of want of room, etc."
Lieutenant Clerke, who was very friendly with Banks, wrote to him on 31stMay:
"Indeed I am sorry I'm not to have the honour of attending you the other bout…They are going to stow the major part of the cables in the hold to make room for the people now. I asked Gilbert [the Master], if such was the present case, what the devil should we have done if we had all gone? 'Oh, by God, that was impossible,' was his answer."
Marra (the gunner's mate), in a Journal of the voyage, published by Newberry, 1775, says the success of the voyage was due to their having shaken off:
"the train of gentlemen, who with their attendants occupied the chief accommodations of the ship," and whose presence would have rendered it "out of the power of the most determined officer to have carried such a princely retinue through the icy regions which they were to pass, without murmurs, or perhaps mutiny."
Some of the newspapers tried to make political matter out of the affair, and one at any rate roundly declared that "the true reason" of Banks's withdrawal was on account of a remonstrance from the Spanish Ambassador against any further exploration of the South Seas.
The withdrawal of Banks made no difference to his friendship with Cook, and in the future he was always ready to afford his support whenever it could be of any service either to his friend or family.
As soon as it was known that Mr. Banks had withdrawn, Mr. John Reinhold Forster, a German of some scientific reputation, applied for the position of naturalist for the voyage, and, through the interest of Lord Sandwich, was successful. He was to receive the 4000 pounds granted by Parliament for Dr. Lynd, and was to pay all expenses, except ship's allowance of food, and provide all necessary instruments. He was accompanied by his son as assistant, a youth of about twenty years, who afterwards attained some note by his writings and translations. Messrs. Wales and Bayley were appointed astronomers by the Board of Longitude, with instructions to take and compare observations at every possible opportunity, and to take under their special charge the timepieces which were being carried on the two ships for the purpose of testing their accuracy and capabilities in assisting in ascertaining the longitude. Two of these instruments, made by Arnold, were placed in Mr. Bayley's charge on the Adventure, and two, one by Arnold, and the other by Kendal on Harrison's principle, under the care of Mr. Wales on the Resolution. Great precautions were taken to prevent any accident or tampering with these instruments; they were kept in boxes having three locks, the keys were held one by the Captain, one by the first lieutenant, and the third by the astronomer, so they could not even be wound up except in the presence of all three. William Hodges, a painter of repute, was appointed as artist, and his pictures were to become the property of the Admiralty.
The celebrated Dr. Joseph Priestley, at that time minister at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, had been invited by Mr. Banks to accompany him as astronomer, and his congregation had undertaken to guarantee his position on his return; but the Board of Longitude took objection to his religious views, and so his application was withdrawn.
Saying goodbye to his family on 21st June, Cook, accompanied by Mr. Wales, left London for Sheerness, and the next day dropped down to the Nore. The Resolution was now drawing only fifteen feet ten inches of water instead of seventeen, a very satisfactory improvement. She was given a good trial on a wind, and was found "to answer exceeding well." On 3rd July they arrived at Plymouth, having been boarded the day before by Lord Sandwich and Captain Pallisser, who were on a tour of inspection, and Cook had the pleasure of giving them a satisfactory account of his ship: "I had not one fault to allege."
On arrival at Plymouth, Cook found that orders had been given to the stores that he was to be supplied with whatever he thought necessary, but the only things required were larger coppers for the distilling apparatus, the ones they had on board having proved far too small. The officers and crew were paid up to 28th May, and the petty officers and men also received two months' advance to enable them to provide necessaries and extras for the voyage. Cook remarks:
"The payment of six months' wages to the officers, and crews of these two sloops, being nearly all they had due, was an indulgence never before granted to any of His Majesty's Ships."
Cook now received his final orders, which he had assisted to draw up—in fact, "nothing was inserted that I did not fully comprehend and approve of." He was to call at Madeira for a supply of wine; to sail for the Cape of Good Hope and there refresh his men; then to look for Cape Circumcision, placed by M. Bouvet in 54 degrees South, 11 degrees 20 minutes East, to determine if it formed part of a continent, and if so to explore it, following the coast and endeavouring to get as near to the South Pole as he could without endangering his ships or crews. Should Cape Circumcision prove to be an island, or should he be unable to find it, he was to proceed as far south as he thought there was a probability of meeting with land, and then steering east, circumnavigate the world in as high a latitude as he could. In case of meeting with land he was to explore as far as time would permit. When the season rendered it unsafe to remain in high latitudes he was to retire to the north to refit and recruit, and at a proper season to return to the south. In any unforeseen circumstances he was to use his own discretion, and if the Resolution should be lost, he was to prosecute his voyage in the Adventure. A copy of these orders was given to Captain Furneaux, and in case of separation the following rendezvous were named: Madeira, Port Praya in the island of St. Iago, the Cape of Good Hope, and New Zealand.
The Forsters evidently were far from pleasant travelling companions, and at one time or another seem to have quarrelled with every one on board the ship. At the very first the father was dissatisfied with the accommodation allotted to him, and offered Mr. Cooper 100 pounds to turn out of his cabin; when this offer was declined, he tried to force Mr. Gilbert, the Master, to give up his, threatening if he refused he should be reported to the king and turned out of the Navy; this threat appears to have been a favourite one, and soon became a by-word with the seamen, who, according to Mr. Wales, would use it to each other on every possible occasion. But, according to his own account, Mr. Forster was able to save the expedition from a very great disaster on 12th July. He says he came on deck and noticed the ship was adrift from her moorings; neither the officer of the watch nor the look-out had seen it till he called attention, and then, after a scene of the greatest confusion, the ship was fortunately brought up within a few feet of the rocks. On the other hand, the Master's log admits the Resolution got adrift, but before Mr. Forster reached the deck the fact had been reported to the Captain, all hands turned up, the jib and forestay sail set, and the ship quietly dropped down into the Sound and anchored, never having been in the slightest danger. The only other one to notice the affair was Midshipman Willis, who simply states, "dropped from the Buoy and anchored in the Sound."
Having received the private signals of the East India Company's Navy, and letters of introduction from the Prince of Orange to all the principal officers of the Dutch East India Company, instructing them to afford every assistance that might be required, Cook hoisted the signal to the Adventure to weigh anchor at 5 A.M. on 13th July, and with a north-west breeze the two ships sailed for Madeira. When well out in the Channel the Resolution's crew was mustered, and it was found that, owing to a mistake of the clerk, there was one man more than the complement, so John Coghlan was entered on the Supernumerary List for Wages and Victuals.
On the 23rd they were able to relieve a small French boat, from Ferrol to Corunna, which had been blown far off her course, and had been short of water for a fortnight. The day following they fell in with three Spanish men-o'-war; Cook says: "The sternmost hoisted English colours and fired a gun to leeward, and soon after hoisted his own proper colours, and spoke with the Adventure." It appears she enquired who they were, and where they were going, and finally wished them a good voyage. This account did not satisfy Mr. Forster, who waxes eloquent and describes the event as "a scene so humiliating to the masters of the sea." He must have formed a strange opinion of Cook if he thought for a moment he was one to put up silently with anything humiliating to the British flag. Marra, in his Journal, points out that the build and rig of the ships were unusual for men-o'-war, and that when the Spaniards found they had stopped king's ships, they "made a proper apology, and very politely took leave, wishing them a good voyage."
At Madeira, where they arrived on 29th July, they were kindly received by Mr. Loughnan, a merchant of Funchal, who entertained some of the party at his house throughout the stay, obtained permission for the Forsters to explore the island, and procured for the ships the stores that were required. Here Cook, with his eye on the scurvy, purchased as many onions as he thought would keep good, and ordered them to be served out regularly to the crews as long as they lasted. A further stock of fresh food in the shape of fowls, pigs, goats, and fruits—chiefly oranges and bananas—was laid in at Port Praya, where they had called for water. On the 19th the first death occurred; one of the carpenter's mates, Henry Smook, was at work on one of the scuttles and, falling overboard, was seen under the stern; every effort was made to save him, but it was too late. Cook says he was a good, steady man, whose loss was often felt during the voyage.
On 27th August Cook learnt that the Adventure had also had her losses. Two midshipman, Lambrecht and Kemp, had died of fever, brought on, Captain Furneaux believed, by bathing and drinking too much water under the hot sun of Port Praya. At this time the Resolution had a clean bill of health, but for fear lest the heavy rains, to which they were continually subjected, might cause sickness, the ship was constantly fumigated, washed down, and thoroughly dried by means of stoves, as advised by Captains Pallisser and Campbell, with satisfactory results. On nearing the Cape a sharp but unavailing look-out was kept for a bank which had been reported, and on 30th October they arrived in Table Bay. The run from home was considered to have been good, as they had in great measure escaped the calms they had been told to expect at that season of the year, and the currents, though very strong, had only caused a difference between the longitude obtained by observation and that by dead reckoning of three-quarters of a degree, so Cook concluded that those north of the Equator in the one direction were balanced by those to the south in the contrary one.
On landing they were received by the Governor, Baron Plattenberg, who told Cook he had received orders from Holland that the two sloops were to have every assistance that the place afforded. He also said that two French ships, commanded by M. de Kerguelen, had discovered land in 48 degrees South, near the meridian of Mauritius, but after sailing along the coast for about forty miles, he had been blown off by a heavy gale, in which he had lost both boats and men. Two other French ships had also called in March, which were on their way to explore the South Pacific under M. Marion.
Wales and Bayley got their instruments ashore in order to make observations for the purpose of correcting the watch machines. That made by Kendal was found to be working well, and gave the longitude within one minute of time when compared with that fixed by Messrs. Mason and Dixon in 1761. The first lieutenant of the Adventure, Mr. Shank, who had been ill almost from the day of leaving England, applied for leave to return home, as he felt unfit to proceed, and Mr. Arthur Kemp was made first lieutenant, his place being taken by Mr. James Burney. Mr. Sparrman, a former pupil of Linnaeus, was engaged by Mr. Forster as an assistant, and makes his appearance on the rolls as servant. The crews were well looked after, as much time granted on shore as possible, and fresh meat, fresh vegetables, and fresh baked bread were served out daily in ample quantity, so that when the ships sailed to the southward they were all "in as good a condition as when they left England." Cook found time to write a letter of farewell to Mr. Walker, as it was:
"customary for men to take leave of their friends before they go out of the world; for I can hardly think myself in it, so long as I am deprived of having any connection with the civilised part of it, and this will soon be my case for two years at least."
He at the end speaks of his ships, both "well provided and well mann'd," and of the Resolution he says: "I can assure you I never set foot in a finer ship."
On 22nd November they sailed for the south, and soon began to feel the colder climate; the warm jackets and trousers provided by the Admiralty were served out, extra cuffs to protect the hands being sewn on, and warmly-lined canvas capes being made. From the 29th till 6th December they were involved in such a heavy gale that the ships were unable to carry any sail, and a large quantity of the live stock bought at the Cape perished from the effects of wet and cold. A scuttle which had been insecurely fastened was burst open by the sea, and a considerable quantity of water was taken on board, but beyond necessitating some work at the pumps and rendering things unpleasantly damp for a time, no damage was done. It, however, gave Mr. Forster an opportunity for an account of the terrible danger they were in, and, most wonderful to relate, to speak well of the conduct of the crew. The ships were carried so far to the east by the gale, that Cook gave up the idea of searching for Cape Circumcision for the present. On the 10th the first ice was encountered in latitude 50 degrees 40 minutes South, and a little higher they were stopped by a large field, to which they "could see no end, either to the east, west, or south." This field was followed along to the south-east for some days, but no opening was found, so being in constant danger from detached pieces, Cook reluctantly gave orders to change the course to the northward. About the middle of December signs of scurvy began to show, and extra precautions were at once taken; fresh wort was served out regularly to all hands and the worst case received considerable benefit from the treatment, although "Rob of Lemons and Oranges" (a sort of jelly made from the fruits) had had no effect. Furneaux reported at this time that he had cured two very bad cases with the Rob.
When they had got thoroughly clear of all signs of ice, Cook once again turned south, and by 26th December had worked down as far as 50 degrees 31 minutes South, 26 degrees 57 minutes East, where, though surrounded by large masses of floating ice, they steered to the west, leaving the main ice field to the north of them. Gradually working down to 60 degrees South in the longitude given for Cape Circumcision, and being some ninety-five leagues further south, with no signs of land, Cook concluded that M. Bouvet must have been deceived by the ice. (Bouvet Island was discovered by the German Deep Sea Discovery ship Valdivia on 25th November 1898. The position was fixed as 54 degrees 26.4 minutes South, 3 degrees 24.2 minutes ??South, and not 54 degrees South, 11 degrees 20 East, as given to Cook, which will account for his want of success in his search for it.) Here Mr. Wales was enabled to get a sight of the moon for the second time since leaving the Cape of Good Hope, and, taking several observations, fixed the position of the ship with tolerable accuracy. Changing the course to East-South-East, very foggy weather was encountered, accompanied by great cold, which coated the rigging with ice, rendering it very pretty to the eye but difficult and unpleasant to work. Cook says that, though this suggested very intense cold to the mind, in reality the thermometer was rather higher than it had been, and the sea was far less encumbered with ice. Taking large blocks of ice on board it was found that, when the sea water was drained off, they provided perfectly fresh water on melting, thus removing a great weight from Cook's shoulders, and he determined on venturing further to the southward. On 17th January 1773 they crossed the Antarctic Circle in longitude 39 degrees 35 minutes East, and at noon their latitude, by observation, was 66 degrees 36 minutes 30 seconds South, the sea being free from ice. However, in the evening they found themselves completely blocked by an enormous field, extending, as far as the eye could reach, from the south-east round to the west; and as the summer was nearly over, Cook decided it was unwise to attempt anything further southwards, and ordered a retreat to the north. Again making for the land claimed to have been discovered by the French, he spent some days searching for it, but nothing was seen except some floating weed and a few birds that are supposed never to get far away from land. On 8th February a brisk gale sprang up, accompanied by very hazy weather, thickening into fog, and the two vessels separated. The Resolution cruised about, firing guns and burning flares, but no response was heard, and when the weather cleared up, the Adventure was not to be seen. Poor Mr. Forster was dreadfully scared when he realised the two ships had parted company; he says that none of the crew "ever looked around the ocean without expressing concern on seeing our ship alone on this vast and unexplored expanse." He seems to have been thoroughly unhappy, for he describes the whole voyage, from the Cape to New Zealand, as a series of hardships such as had never before been experienced by mortal man. Cook conjectured, rightly as it proved, that being a little to the south of Tasman's track, Furneaux would make for the rendezvous he had been given at New Zealand, and therefore felt himself free to push on to the south-east, as he judged that if any large body of land was in the vicinity, it must lie in that direction, for the swell coming from the south-west precluded the possibility of any mass of land being in that quarter.
On 17th February a display of the Aurora Australis was reported to Cook, who speaks of it as something quite new to him, although Banks noted a display during the voyage of the Endeavour between Timor and Batavia. The present one is described as having a spiral motion, the direction not strongly defined, and at times strong flashes of light. A second display was seen on the 25th, but not so marked. On this day, too, some of the ship's boats engaged in watering from a small iceberg, had a narrow escape from destruction as the berg turned completely over whilst they were at work.
The weather becoming very unsettled the Resolution was obliged to make to the north, and on 8th March, the finest day they had experienced since leaving the Cape, they were able to fix their position by observation as 59 degrees 44 minutes South, 121 degrees 9 minutes East, the thermometer registering 40 degrees. Of course this pleasant break was followed by a heavy gale, with a tremendously heavy sea, and the ship ran before it for New Zealand. Cook's wish was to touch at Van Diemen's Land, so as to satisfy himself as to its forming a part of New Holland, but the wind kept obstinately between west and north, having shifted after the gale, and he thought it would occupy a longer time than he could spare, so he bore up for the South Island. It was soon found that a few degrees of latitude made a great difference in the temperature, "which we felt with an agreeable satisfaction."
On 25th March at 10 A.M., New Zealand was sighted, and Cook steered in to the land with the intention of putting in to the first port that appeared suitable, but as the weather became very hazy, he thought it safer to stand off again. He had picked up the land at a point which he had only seen from a distance on his previous visit, and "now saw it under so many disadvantageous circumstances, that the less I say about it, the fewer mistakes I shall make."
The following day they got safely into Dusky Bay, finding forty-four fathoms at the entrance and a sandy bottom. In about a couple of leagues they found a good anchorage in fifty fathoms, a hawser's length or so from the shore. This was found to be rather inconvenient, but another one was soon found by Lieutenant Pickersgill, and received in consequence the name Pickersgill Harbour. Here the observatory, forge, and tents were set up. Spruce beer was brewed, to which molasses and some of their inspissated malt juice was added, fish caught, and, in fact, everything possible for the comfort of the crew for a short time, was done. They had been a hundred and seventeen days at sea, had sailed 3,600 leagues without a sight of land, and had arrived with only one man sick with the scurvy, "occasioned, chiefly, by a bad habit of body and a complication of other disorders."