Chapter VII.

"Et cum pocula mille mensi erîmusConturbabimus illa, ne sciamus."

"Et cum pocula mille mensi erîmus

Conturbabimus illa, ne sciamus."

His new residence at Linz was not long undisturbed. He quarrelled there, as he had done in the early part of his life at Gratz, with the Roman Catholic party, and was excommunicated. "Judge," says he to Peter Hoffman, "how far I can assist you, in a place where the priest and school-inspector have combined to brand me with the public stigma of heresy, because in every question I take that side which seems to me to be consonant with the word of God." The particular dogma which occasioned his excommunication, was connected with the doctrine of transubstantiation. He published his creed in a copy of Latin verses, preserved by his biographer Hantsch.

Before this occurrence, Kepler had been called to the diet at Ratisbon to give his opinion on the propriety of adopting the Gregorian reformation of the calendar, and he published a short essay, pointing out the respective convenience of doing so, or of altering the old Julian Calendar in some other manner. Notwithstanding the readiness of the diet to avail themselves of his talents for the settlement of a difficult question, the arrears of his salary were not paid much more regularly than they had been in Rodolph's time, and he was driven to provide himself with money by the publication of his almanac, of which necessity he heavily and justly complained. "In order to pay the expense of the Ephemeris for these two years, I have also written a vile prophesying almanac, which is scarcely more respectable than begging; unless it be because it saves the emperor's credit, who abandons me entirely; and with all his frequent and recent orders in council, would suffer me to perish with hunger." Kepler published this Ephemeris annually till 1620; ten years later he added those belonging to the years from 1620 to 1628.

In 1617 Kepler was invited into Italy, to succeed Magini as Professor of Mathematics at Bologna. The offer tempted him; but, after mature consideration, he rejected it, on grounds which he thus explained to Roffini:—"By birth and spirit I am a German, imbued with German principles, and bound by such family ties, that even if the emperor should consent, I could not, without the greatest difficulty, remove my dwelling-place from Germany into Italy. And although the glory of holding so distinguished a situation among the venerable professors of Bologna stimulates me, and there appears great likelihood of notably increasing my fortune, as well from the great concourse to the public lectures, as from private tuition; yet, on the other hand, that period of my life is past which was once excited by novelty, or which might promise itself a long enjoyment of these advantages. Besides, from a boy up to my present years, living a German among Germans, I am accustomed to a degree of freedom in my speech and manners, which, if persevered in on my removal to Bologna, seems likely to draw upon me, if not danger, at least notoriety, and might expose me to suspicion and party malice. Notwithstanding this answer, I have yet hopes that your most honourable invitation will be of service to me, and may make the imperial treasurer more ready than he has hitherto been to fulfil his master's intentions towards me. In that case I shall the sooner be able to publish the Rudolphine Tables and the Ephemerides, of which you had the scheme so many years back; and in this manner you and your advisers may have no reason to regret this invitation, though for the present it seems fruitless."

In 1619, the Emperor Matthias died, and was succeeded by Ferdinand III., who retained Kepler in the post he had filled under his two predecessors on the imperial throne. Kästner, in his "History of Mathematics," has corrected a gross error of Hantsch, in asserting that Kepler prognosticated Matthias's death. The letter to which Hantsch refers, in support of his statement, does indeed mention the emperor's death, but merely as a notorious event, for the purpose of recalling a date to the memory of his correspondent.

Kepler publishes his Harmonics—Account of his Astrological Opinions and Discovery of the Law of the Periods of the Planetary Revolutions—Sketch of Newton's proof of Kepler's Laws.

The"Cosmographical Mystery" was written, as has been already mentioned, when Kepler was only twenty-six, and the wildness of its theories might be considered as due merely to the vivacity of a young man; but as if purposely to shew that his maturer age did not renounce the creations of his youthful fancy, he reprinted the "Mystery" in 1619, nearly at the same time when he published his celebrated work on Harmonics; and the extravagance of the latter publication does not at all lose in comparison with its predecessor. It is dedicated to James I. of England, and divided into five books: "The first, Geometrical, on the origin and demonstration of the laws of the figures which produce harmonious proportions;—the second, Architectonical, on figurate geometry, and the congruence of plane and solid regular figures;—the third, properly Harmonic, on the derivation of musical proportions from figures, and on the nature and distinction of things relating to song, in opposition to the old theories;—the fourth, Metaphysical, Psychological, and Astrological, on the mental essence of harmonies, and of their kinds in the world, especially on the harmony of rays emanating on the earth from the heavenly bodies, and on their effect in nature, and on the sublunary and human soul;—the fifth, Astronomical and Metaphysical, on the very exquisite harmonies of the celestial motions, and the origin of the excentricities in harmonious proportions."

The two first books are almost strictly, as Kepler styles them, geometrical, relating in great measure to the inscription of regular polygons in a circle. The following passage is curious, presenting an analogous idea to that contained in one of the extracts already given from the Commentaries on Mars. "The heptagon, and all other polygons and stars beyond it, which have a prime number of sides, and all other figures derived from them, cannot be inscribed geometrically in a circle; although their sides have a necessary magnitude, it is equally a matter of necessity that we remain ignorant of it. This is a question of great importance, for on this account is it that the heptagon, and other figures of this kind, have not been employed by God in the adornment of the world, as the other intelligible figures are employed which have been already explained." Kepler then introduces the algebraical equation, on the solution of which this problem depends, and makes a remark which is curious at this period of the history of algebra—that the root of an equation which cannot be accurately found, may yet be found within any degree of approximation by an expert calculator. In conclusion he again remarks that "the side of the heptagon has no place among scientific existences, since its formal description is impossible, and therefore it cannot be known by the human mind, since the possibility of description precedes the possibility of knowledge; nor is it known even by the simple eternal act of an omniscient mind, because its nature belongs to things which cannot be known. And yet this scientific nonentity has some scientific properties, for if a heptagon were described in a circle, the proportion of its sides would have analogous proportions."

The third book is a treatise on music, in the confined and ordinary sense in which we now use that word, and apparently a sober and rational one, at least as nearly so as Kepler could be trusted to write on a subject so dangerous to his discretion. All the extravagance of the work seems reserved for the fourth book, the title of which already conveys some notion of the nature of its contents. In this book he has collected the substance of the astrological opinions scattered through his other works. We shall content ourselves with merely citing his own words, without any attempt to explain the difference between the astrology which he believed, and that which he contemptuously rejected. The distinctive line seems very finely drawn, and as both one and the other are now discarded by all who enjoy the full use of their reasoning powers, it is not of much consequence that it should be accurately traced.

It is to be observed, that he does not in this treatise modify or recant anything of his earlier opinions, but refers to the favourable judgment of his contemporary philosophers as a reason for embodying them in a regular form. "Since many very celebrated professors of philosophy and medicine are of opinionthat I have created a new and most true philosophy, this tender plant, like all novelties, ought to be carefully nursed and cherished, so that it may strike root in the minds of philosophers, and not be choked by the excessive humours of vain sophistications, or washed away by the torrents of vulgar prejudices, or frozen by the chill of public neglect; and if I succeed in guarding it from these dangers, I have no fear that it will be crushed by the storms of calumny, or parched by the sun of sterling criticism."

One thing is very remarkable in Kepler's creed, that he whose candour is so indisputable in every other part of his conduct, professed to have been forced to adopt his astrological opinions from direct and positive observation.—"It is now more than twenty years since I began to maintain opinions like these on the predominant nature of the elements, which, adopting the common name, I call sublunary. I have been driven to this not by studying or admiring Plato, but singly and solely by observing seasons, and noting the aspects by which they are produced. I have seen the state of the atmosphere almost uniformly disturbed as often as the planets are in conjunction, or in the other configurations so celebrated among astrologers. I have noticed its tranquil state, either when there are none or few such aspects, or when they are transitory and of short duration. I have not formed an opinion on this matter without good grounds, like the common herd of prophesiers, who describe the operations of the stars as if they were a sort of deities, the lords of heaven and earth, and producing everything at their pleasure. They never trouble themselves to consider what means the stars have of working any effects among us on the earth, whilst they remain in the sky, and send down nothing to us which is obvious to the senses except rays of light. This is the principal source of the filthy astrological superstitions of that vulgar and childish race of dreamers, the prognosticators."

The real manner in which the configurations of the stars operate, according to Kepler, is as follows:—"Like one who listens to a sweet melodious song, and by the gladness of his countenance, by his voice, and by the beating of his hand or foot attuned to the music, gives token that he perceives and approves the harmony: just so does sublunary nature, with the notable and evident emotion of the bowels of the earth, bear like witness to the same feelings, especially at those times when the rays of the planets form harmonious configurations on the earth."—"I have been confirmed in this theory by that which might have deterred others; I mean, by observing that the emotions do not agree nicely with the instants of the configurations; but the earth sometimes appears lazy and obstinate, and at another time (after important and long-continued configurations) she becomes exasperated, and gives way to her passion, even without the continuation of aspects. For in fact the earth is not an animal like a dog, ready at every nod; but more like a bull, or an elephant, slow to become angry, and so much the more furious when incensed."

This singular doctrine must not be mistaken for one of Kepler's favourite allegories; he actually and literally professed to believe that the earth was an enormous living animal; and he has enumerated, with a particularity of details into which we forbear to follow him, the analogies he recognized between its habits and those of men and other animals. A few samples of these may speak for the rest. "If any one who has climbed the peaks of the highest mountains throw a stone down their very deep clefts, a sound is heard from them; or if he throw it into one of the mountain lakes, which beyond doubt are bottomless, a storm will immediately arise, just as when you thrust a straw into the ear or nose of a ticklish animal, it shakes its head, or runs shuddering away. What so like breathing, especially of those fish who draw water into their mouths and spout it out again through their gills, as that wonderful tide! For although it is so regulated according to the course of the moon, that, in the preface to my 'Commentaries on Mars,' I have mentioned it as probable that the waters are attracted by the moon as iron is by the loadstone; yet, if any one uphold that the earth regulates its breathing according to the motion of the sun and moon, as animals have daily and nightly alternations of sleep and waking, I shall not think his philosophy unworthy of being listened to; especially if any flexible parts should be discovered in the depths of the earth to supply the functions of lungs or gills."

From the next extract, we must leave the reader to learn as well as he may,how much Kepler did, and how much he did not believe on the subject of genethliac astrology.—"Hence it is that human spirits, at the time of celestial aspects, are particularly urged to complete the matters which they have in hand. What the goad is to the ox, what the spur or the rowel is to the horse, to the soldier the bell and trumpet, an animated speech to an audience, to a crowd of rustics a performance on the fife and bagpipes, that to all, and especially in the aggregate, is a heavenly configuration of suitable planets; so that every single one is excited in his thoughts and actions, and all become more ready to unite and associate their efforts. For instance, in war you may see that tumults, battles, fights, invasions, assaults, attacks, and panic fears, generally happen at the time of the aspects of Mars and Mercury, Mars and Jupiter, Mars and the Sun, Mars and Saturn, &c. In epidemic diseases, a greater number of persons are attacked at the times of the powerful aspects, they suffer more severely, or even die, owing to the failure of nature in her strife with the disease, which strife (and not the death) is occasioned by the aspect. It is not the sky which does all these things immediately, but the faculty of the vital soul, associating its operation with the celestial harmonies, is the principal agent in this so-called influence of the heavens. Indeed this word influence has so fascinated some philosophers that they prefer raving with the senseless vulgar, to learning the truth with me. This essential property is the principal foundation of that admirable genethliac art. For when anything begins to have its being when that is working harmonies, the sensible harmony of the rays of the planets has peculiar influence on it. This then is the cause why those who are born under a season of many aspects among the planets, generally turn out busy and industrious, whether they accustom themselves from childhood to amass wealth, or are born or chosen to direct public affairs, or finally, have given their attention to study. If any one think that I might be taken as an instance of this last class, I do not grudge him the knowledge of my nativity. I am not checked by the reproach of boastfulness, notwithstanding those who, by speech or conduct, condemn as folly all kinds of writing on this subject; the idiots, the half-learned, the inventors of titles and trappings, to throw dust in the eyes of the people, and those whom Picus calls the plebeian theologians: among the true lovers of wisdom, I easily clear myself of this imputation, by the advantage of my reader; for there is no one whose nativity or whose internal disposition and temper I can learn so well as I know my own. Well then, Jupiter nearest the nonagesimal had passed by four degrees the trine of Saturn; the Sun and Venus, in conjunction, were moving from the latter towards the former, nearly in sextiles with both: they were also removing from quadratures with Mars, to which Mercury was closely approaching: the moon drew near the trine of the same planet, close to the Bull's Eye, even in latitude. The 25th degree of Gemini was rising, and the 22d of Aquarius culminating. That there was this triple configuration on that day—namely, the sextile of Saturn and the Sun, the sextile of Mars and Jupiter, the quadrature of Mercury and Mars, is proved by the change of weather; for, after a frost of some days, that very day became warmer, there was a thaw and a fall of rain.[192]

"I do not wish this single instance to be taken as a defence and proof of all the aphorisms of astrologers, nor do I attribute to the heavens the government of human affairs: what a vast interval still separates these philosophical observations from that folly or madness as it should rather be called. For, following up this example, I knew a lady,[193]born under nearly the same aspects, whose disposition, indeed, was exceedingly restless, but who not only makes no progress in literature (that is not strange in a woman), but troubles her whole family, and is the cause to herself of deplorable misery. What, in my case, assisted the aspects was—firstly, the fancy of my mother when pregnant with me, a great admirer of her mother-in-law, my grandmother, who had some knowledge of medicine, my grandfather's profession; a second cause is, that Iwas born a male, and not a female, for astrologers have sought in vain to distinguish sexes in the sky; thirdly, I derive from my mother a habit of body, more fit for study than other kinds of life; fourthly, my parents' fortune was not large, and there was no landed property to which I might succeed and become attached; fifthly, there were the schools, and the liberality of the magistracy towards such boys as were apt for learning. But now if I am to speak of the result of my studies, what I pray can I find in the sky, even remotely alluding to it. The learned confess that several not despicable branches of philosophy have been newly extricated or amended or brought to perfection by me: but here my constellations were, not Mercury from the east, in the angle of the seventh, and in quadratures with Mars, but Copernicus, but Tycho Brahe, without whose books of observations everything now set by me in the clearest light must have remained buried in darkness; not Saturn predominating Mercury, but my Lords the Emperors Rodolph and Matthias; not Capricorn, the house of Saturn, but Upper Austria, the home of the Emperor, and the ready and unexampled bounty of his nobles to my petition. Here is that corner, not the western one of the horoscope, but on the Earth, whither, by permission of my imperial master, I have betaken myself from a too uneasy court; and whence, during these years of my life, which now tends towards its setting, emanate these Harmonies, and the other matters on which I am engaged.

"However, it may be owing to Jupiter's ascendancy that I take greater delight in the application of geometry to physics, than in that abstract pursuit which partakes of the dryness of Saturn; and it is perhaps the gibbous moon, in the bright constellation of the Bull's forehead, which fills my mind with fantastic images."

The most remarkable thing contained in the 5th Book, is the announcement of the celebrated law connecting the mean distances of the planets with the periods of their revolution about the Sun. This law is expressed in mathematical language, by saying that the squares of the times vary as the cubes of the distances.[194]Kepler's rapture on detecting it was unbounded, as may be seen from the exulting rhapsody with which he announced it. "What I prophecied two-and-twenty years ago, as soon as I discovered the five solids among the heavenly orbits—what I firmly believed long before I had seen Ptolemy's 'Harmonics'—what I had promised my friends in the title of this book, which I named before I was sure of my discovery—what, sixteen years ago, I urged as a thing to be sought—that for which I joined Tycho Brahe, for which I settled in Prague, for which I have devoted the best part of my life to astronomical contemplations, at length I have brought to light, and have recognized its truth beyond my most sanguine expectations. Great as is the absolute nature of Harmonics with all its details, as set forth in my third book, it is all found among the celestial motions, not indeed in the manner which I imagined, (that is not the least part of my delight,) but in another very different, and yet most perfect and excellent. It is now eighteen months since I got the first glimpse of light, three months since the dawn, very few days since the unveiled sun, most admirable to gaze on, burst out upon me. Nothing holds me; I will indulge in my sacred fury; I will triumph over mankind by the honest confession, that I have stolen the golden vases of the Egyptians,[195]to build up a tabernacle for my God far away from the confines of Egypt. If you forgive me, I rejoice; if you are angry, I can bear it: the die is cast, the book is written; to be read either now or by posterity, I care not which: it may well wait a century for a reader, as God has waited six thousand years for an observer."

He has told, with his usual particularity, the manner and precise moment of the discovery. "Another part of my 'Cosmographical Mystery,' suspended twenty-two years ago, because it was then undetermined, is completed and introduced here, after I had discovered the true intervals of the orbits, by means of Brahe's observations, and had spent the continuous toil of a long time in investigating the true proportion of the periodic times to the orbits,

Sera quidem respexit inertem,Respexit tamen, et longo post tempore venit.

Sera quidem respexit inertem,

Respexit tamen, et longo post tempore venit.

If you would know the precise moment, the first idea came across me on the 8th March of this year, 1618; but chancingto make a mistake in the calculation, I rejected it as false. I returned again to it with new force on the 15th May, and it has dissipated the darkness of my mind by such an agreement between this idea and my seventeen years' labour on Brahe's observations, that at first I thought I must be dreaming, and had taken my result for granted in my first assumptions. But the fact is perfect, the fact is certain, that the proportion existing between the periodic times of any two planets is exactly the sesquiplicate proportion of the mean distances of the orbits."

There is high authority for not attempting over anxiously to understand the rest of the work. Delambre sums it up as follows:—"In the music of the celestial bodies it appears that Saturn and Jupiter take the bass, Mars the tenor, the Earth and Venus the counter-tenor, and Mercury the treble." If the patience of this indefatigable historian gave way, as he confesses, in the perusal, any further notice of it here may be well excused. Kepler became engaged, in consequence of this publication, in an angry controversy with the eccentric Robert Fludd, who was at least Kepler's match in wild extravagance and mysticism, if far inferior to him in genius. It is diverting to hear each reproaching the other with obscurity.

In the "Epitome of the Copernican Astronomy," which Kepler published about the same time, we find the manner in which he endeavoured to deduce the beautiful law of periodic times, from his principles of motion and radiation of whirling forces. This work is in fact a summary of all his astronomical opinions, drawn up in a popular style in the form of question and answer. We find there a singular argument against believing, as some did, that each planet is carried round by an angel, for in that case, says Kepler, "the orbits would be perfectly circular; but the elliptic form, which we find in them, rather smacks of the nature of the lever and material necessity."

The investigation of the relation between the periodic times and distances of the planets is introduced by a query whether or not they are to be considered heavy. The answer is given in the following terms:—"Although none of the celestial globes are heavy, in the sense in which we say on earth that a stone is heavy, nor light as fire is light with us, yet have they, by reason of their materiality, a natural inability to move from place to place: they have a natural inertness or quietude, in consequence of which they remain still in every situation where they are placed alone.

"P.Is it then the sun, which by its turning carries round the planets? How can the sun do this, having no hands to seize the planet at so great a distance, and force it round along with itself?—Its bodily virtue, sent forth in straight lines into the whole space of the world, serves instead of hands; and this virtue, being a corporeal species, turns with the body of the sun like a very rapid vortex, and travels over the whole of that space which it fills as quickly as the sun revolves in its very confined space round the centre.

"P.Explain what this virtue is, and belonging to what class of things?—As there are two bodies, the mover and the moved, so are there two powers by which the motion is obtained. The one is passive, and rather belonging to matter, namely, the resemblance of the body of the planet to the body of the sun in its corporeal form, and so that part of the planetary body is friendly, the opposite part hostile to the sun. The other power is active, and bearing more relation to form, namely, the body of the sun has a power of attracting the planet by its friendly part, of repelling it by the hostile part, and finally, of retaining it if it be placed so that neither the one nor the other be turned directly towards the sun.

"P.How can it be that the whole body of the planet should be like or cognate to the body of the sun, and yet part of the planet friendly, part hostile to the sun?—Just as when one magnet attracts another, the bodies are cognate; but attraction takes place only on one side, repulsion on the other.

"P.Whence, then, arises that difference of opposite parts in the same body?—In magnets the diversity arises from the situation of the parts with respect to the whole. In the heavens the matter is a little differently arranged, for the sun does not, like the magnet, possess only on one side, but in all the parts of its substance, this active and energetic faculty of attracting, repelling, or retaining the planet. So that it is probable that the centre of the solar body corresponds to one extremity or pole of the magnet, and its whole surface to the other pole.

"P.If this were so, all the planetswould be restored[196]in the same time with the sun?—True, if this were all: but it has been said already that, besides this carrying power of the sun, there is also in the planets a natural inertness to motion, which causes that, by reason of their material substance, they are inclined to remain each in its place. The carrying power of the sun, and the impotence or material inertness of the planet, are thus in opposition. Each shares the victory; the sun moves the planet from its place, although in some degree it escapes from the chains with which it was held by the sun, and so is taken hold of successively by every part of this circular virtue, or, as it may be called, solar circumference, namely, by the parts which follow those from which it has just extricated itself.

"P.But how does one planet extricate itself more than another from this violence—First, because the virtue emanating from the sun has the same degree of weakness at different distances, as the distances or the width of the circles described on these distances.[197]This is the principal reason. Secondly, the cause is partly in the greater or less inertness or resistance of the planetary globes, which reduces the proportions to one-half; but of this more hereafter.

"P.How can it be that the virtue emanating from the sun becomes weaker at a greater distance? What is there to hurt or weaken it?—Because that virtue is corporeal, and partaking of quantity, which can be spread out and rarefied. Then, since there is as much virtue diffused in the vast orb of Saturn as is collected in the very narrow one of Mercury, it is very rare and therefore weak in Saturn's orbit, very dense and therefore powerful at Mercury.

"P.You said, in the beginning of this inquiry into motion, that the periodic times of the planets are exactly in the sesquiplicate proportion of their orbits or circles: pray what is the cause of this?—Four causes concur for lengthening the periodic time. First, the length of the path; secondly, the weight or quantity of matter to be carried; thirdly, the degree of strength of the moving virtue; fourthly, the bulk or space into which is spread out the matter to be moved. The circular paths of the planets are in the simple ratio of the distances; the weights or quantities of matter in different planets are in the subduplicate ratio of the same distances, as has been already proved; so that with every increase of distance, a planet has more matter, and therefore is moved more slowly, and accumulates more time in its revolution, requiring already as it did more time by reason of the length of the way. The third and fourth causes compensate each other in a comparison of different planets: the simple and subduplicate proportion compound the sesquiplicate proportion, which therefore is the ratio of the periodic times."

Three of the four suppositions here made by Kepler to explain the beautiful law he had detected, are now indisputably known to be false. Neither the weights nor the sizes of the different planets observe the proportions assigned by him, nor is the force by which they are retained in their orbits in any respect similar in its effects to those attributed by him to it. The wonder which might naturally be felt that he should nevertheless reach the desired conclusion, will be considerably abated on examining the mode in which he arrived at and satisfied himself of the truth of these three suppositions. It has been already mentioned that his notions on the existence of a whirling force emanating from the sun, and decreasing in energy at increased distances, are altogether inconsistent with all the experiments and observations we are able to collect. His reason for asserting that the sizes of the different planets are proportional to their distances from the sun, was simply because he chose to take for granted that either their solidities, surfaces, or diameters, must necessarily be in that proportion, and of the three, the solidities appeared to him least liable to objection. The last element of his precarious reasoning rested upon equally groundless assumptions. Taking as a principle, that where there is a number of different things they must be different in every respect, he declared that it was quite unreasonable to suppose all the planets of the same density. He thought it indisputable that they must be rarer as they were farther from the sun, "and yet not in the proportion of their distances, for thus we should sin against the law of variety in another way, and make the quantity of matter (according to what he had just said of their bulk) the same inall. But if we assume the ratio of the quantities of matter to be half that of the distances, we shall observe the best mean of all; for thus Saturn will be half as heavy again as Jupiter, and Jupiter half again as dense as Saturn. And the strongest argument of all is, that unless we assume this proportion of the densities, the law of the periodic times will not answer." This is theproofalluded to, and it is clear that by such reasoning any required result might be deduced from any given principles.

It may not be uninstructive to subjoin a sketch of the manner in which Newton established the same celebrated results, starting from principles of motion diametrically opposed to Kepler's, and it need scarcely be added, reasoning upon them in a manner not less different. For this purpose, a very few prefatory remarks will be found sufficient.

The different motions seen in nature are best analysed and classified by supposing that every body in motion, if left to itself, will continue to move forward at the same rate in a straight line, and by considering all the observed deviations from this manner of moving, as exceptions and disturbances occasioned by some external cause. To this supposed cause is generally given the name of Force, and it is said to be the first law of motion, that, unless acted on by some force, every body at rest remains at rest, and every body in motion proceeds uniformly in a straight line. Many employ this language, without perceiving that it involves a definition of force, on the admission of which, it is reduced to a truism. We see common instances of force in a blow, or a pull from the end of a string fastened to the body: we shall also have occasion presently to mention some forces where no visible connexion exists between the moving body and that towards which the motion takes place, and from which the force is said to proceed.

A second law of motion, founded upon experiment, is this:if a body have motion communicated to it in two directions, by one of which motions alone it would have passed through a given space in a given time, as for instance, through BC´ in one second, and by the other alone through any other space Bcin the same time, it will, when both are given to it at the same instant, pass in the same time (in the present instance in one second) through BC the diagonal of the parallelogram of which BC´ and Bcare sides.

Let a body, acted upon by no force, be moving along the line AE; that means, according to what has been said, let it pass over the equal straight lines AB, BC, CD, DE, &c., in equal times. If we take any point S not in the line AE, and join AS, BS, &c., the triangles ASB, BSC, &c. are also equal, having a common altitude and standing on equal bases, so that if a string were conceived reaching from S to the moving body (being lengthened or shortened in each position to suit its distance from S), this string, as the body moved along AE, would sweep over equal triangular areas in equal times.

Let us now examine how far these conclusions will be altered if the body from time to time is forced towards S. We will suppose it moving uniformly from A to B as before, no matter for the present how it got to A, or into the direction AB. If left to itself it would, in an equal time (say 1´´) go through BC´ in the same straight line with and equal to AB. But just as it reaches B, and is beginning to move along BC´, let it be suddenly pulled towards S with a motion which, had it been at rest, would have carried it in the same time, 1´´ through any other space Bc. According to the second law of motion, its direction during this 1´´, in consequence of the two motions combined, will be along BC, the diagonal of the parallelogram of which BC´, Bc, are sides. Inthis case, as this figure is drawn, BC, though passed in the same time, is longer than AB; that is to say, the body is moving quicker than at first. How is it with the triangular areas, supposed as before to be swept by a string constantly stretched between S and the body? It will soon be seen that these still remain equal, notwithstanding the change of direction, and increased swiftness. For since CC´ is parallel to Bc, the triangles SCB, SC´B are equal, being on the same base SB, and between the same parallels SB, CC´, and SC´B is equal to SBA as before, therefore SCB, SBA are equal. The body is now moving uniformly (though quicker than along AB) along BC. As before, it would in a time equal to the time of passing along BC, go through an equal space CD´ in the same straight line. But if at C it has a second pull towards S, strong enough to carry it todin the same time, its direction will change a second time to CD, the diagonal of the parallelogram, whose sides are CD´, Cd; and the circumstances being exactly similar to those at the first pull, it is shewn in the same manner that the triangular area SDC = SCB = SBA.

Thus it appears, that in consequence of these intermitting pulls towards S, the body may be moving round, sometimes faster, sometimes slower, but that the triangles formed by any of the straight portions of its path (which are all described in equal times), and the lines joining S to the ends of that portion, are all equal. The path it will take depends of course, in other respects, upon the frequency and strength of the different pulls, and it might happen, if they were duly proportionate, that when at H, and moving off in the direction HA´, the pull Hamight be such as just to carry the body back to A, the point from which it started, and with such a motion, that after one pull more, Ab, at A, it might move along AB as it did at first. If this were so, the body would continue to move round in the same polygonal path, alternately approaching and receding from S, as long as the same pulls were repeated in the same order, and at the same intervals.

It seems almost unnecessary to remark, that the same equality which subsists between any two of these triangular areas subsists also between an equal number of them, from whatever part of the path taken; so that, for instance, the four paths AB, BC, CD, DE, corresponding to the four areas ASB, BSC, CSD, DSE, that is, to the area ABCDES, are passed in the same time as the four EF, FG, GH, HA, corresponding to the equal area EFGHAS. Hence it may be seen, if the whole time of revolution from A round to A again be called a year, that in half a year the body will have got to E, which in the present figure is more than half way round, and so of any other periods.

The more frequently the pulls are supposed to recur, the more frequently will the body change its direction; and if the pull were supposed constantly exerted in the direction towards S, the body would move in a curve round S, for no three successive positions of it could be in a straight line. Those who are not familiar with the methods of measuring curvilinear spaces must here be contented to observe, that the law holds, however close the pulls are brought together, and however closely the polygon is consequently made to resemble a curve: they may, if they please, consider the minute portions into which the curve is so divided, as differing insensibly from little rectilinear triangles, any equal number of which, according to what has been said above, wherever taken in the curve, would be swept in equal times. The theorem admits, in this case also, a rigorous proof; but it is not easy to make it entirely satisfactory, without entering into explanations which would detain us too long from our principal subject.

The proportion in which the pull is strong or weak at different distances from the central spot, is called "the law of the central or centripetal force," and it may be observed, that after assuming the laws of motion, our investigations cease to have anything hypothetical or experimental in them; and that if we wish, according to these principles of motion, to determine the law of force necessary to make a body move in a curve of any required form, or conversely to discover the form of the curve described, in consequence of any assumed law of force, the inquiry is purely geometrical, depending upon the nature and properties of geometrical quantities only. This distinction between what is hypothetical, and what necessary truth, ought never to be lost sight of.

As the object of the present treatise is not to teach geometry, we shall describe,in very general terms, the manner in which Newton, who was the first who systematically extended the laws of motion to the heavenly bodies, identified their results with the two remaining laws of Kepler. His "Principles of Natural Philosophy" contain general propositions with regard to any law of centripetal force, but that which he supposed to be the true one in our system, is expressed in mathematical language, by saying that the centripetal force varies inversely as the square of the distance, which means, that if the force at any distance be taken for the unit of force, at half that distance, it is two times twice, or four times as strong; at one-third the distance, three times thrice, or nine times as strong, and so for other distances. He shewed the probability of this law in the first instance by comparing the motion of the moon with that of heavy bodies at the surface of the earth.Taking LP to represent part of the moon's orbit described in one minute, the line PM between the orbit and the tangent at L would shew the space through which the central force at the earth (assuming the above principles of motion to be correct) would draw the moon. From the known distance and motion of the moon, this line PM is found to be about sixteen feet. The distance of the moon is about sixty times the radius of the earth, and therefore if the law of the central force in this instance were such as has been supposed, the force at the earth's surface would be 60 times 60, or 3600 times stronger, and at the earth's surface, the central force would make a body fall through 3600 times 16 feet in one minute. Galileo had already taught that the spaces through which a body would be made to fall, by the constant action of the same unvarying force, would be proportional to the squares of the times during which the force was exerted, and therefore according to these laws, a body at the earth's surface ought (since there are sixty seconds in a minute) to fall through 16 feet in one second, which was precisely the space previously established by numerous experiments.

With this confirmation of the supposition, Newton proceeded to the purely geometrical calculation of the law of centripetal[198]force necessary to make a moving body describe an ellipse round its focus, which Kepler's observations had established to be the form of the orbits of the planets round the sun. The result of the inquiry shewed that this curve required the same law of the force, varying inversely as the square of the distance, which therefore of course received additional confirmation. His method of doing this may, perhaps, be understood by referring to the last figure but one, in which Cd, for instance, representing the space fallen from any point C towards S, in a given time, and the area CSD being proportional to the corresponding time, the space through which the body would have fallen at C in any other time (which would be greater, by Galileo's law, in proportion to the squares of the times), might be represented by a quantity varying directly as Cd, and inversely in the duplicate proportion of the triangular area CSD, that is to say, proportional toCd/(SC × Dk)², if Dkbe drawn from D perpendicular on SC. If this polygon represent an ellipse, so that CD represents a small arc of the curve, of which S is the focus, it is found by the nature of that curve, thatCd/(Dk)²is the same at all points of the curve, so that the law of variation of the force in the same ellipse is represented solely by1/(SC)². If Cd, &c. are drawn so thatCd/(Dk)²is not the same at every point, the curve ceases to be an ellipse whose focus is at S, as Newton has shewn in the same work. The line to which(Dk)²/Cdis found to be equal, is one drawn through the focus at right angles to the longest axis of the ellipse till it meets the curve;—this line is called thelatus rectum, and is a third proportional to the two principal axes.

Kepler's third law follows as an immediate consequence of this determination; for, according to what has been already shown, the time of revolution round the whole ellipse, or, as it is commonlycalled, the periodic time, bears the same ratio to the unit of time as the whole area of the ellipse does to the area described in that unit. The area of the whole ellipse is proportional in different ellipses to the rectangle contained by the two principal axes, and the area described in an unit of time is proportional to SC × Dk, that is to say, is in the subduplicate ratio of SC² × Dk², orDk²/Cd, when the force varies inversely as the square of the distance SC; and in the ellipse, as we have said already, this is equal to a third proportional to the principal axes; consequently the periodic times in different ellipses, which are proportional to the whole areas of the ellipses directly, and the areas described in the unit of time inversely, are in the compound ratio of the rectangle of the axes directly, andsubduplicatelyas a third proportional to the axes inversely; that is to say, the squares of these times are proportional to the cubes of the longest axes, which is Kepler's law.

FOOTNOTES:[192]This mode of verifying configurations, though something of the boldest, was by no means unusual. On a former occasion Kepler, wishing to cast the nativity of his friend Zehentmaier, and being unable to procure more accurate information than that he was born about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st of October, 1751, supplied the deficiency by a record of fevers and accidents at known periods of his life, from which he deduced a more exact horoscope.[193]Kepler probably meant his own mother, whose horoscope he in many places declared to be nearly the same as his own.[194]See Preliminary Treatise, p. 13.[195]In allusion to the Harmonics of Ptolemy.[196]This is a word borrowed from the Ptolemaic astronomy, according to which the sun and planets are hurried from their places by the daily motion of theprimum mobile, and by their own peculiar motion seek to regain or be restored to their former places.[197]In other parts of his works, Kepler assumes the diminution to be proportional to the circles themselves, not to the diameters.[198]In many curves, as in the circle and ellipse, there is a point to which the name of centre is given, on account of peculiar properties belonging to it: but the term "centripetal force" always refers to the place towards which the force is directed, whether or not situated in the centre of the curve.

[192]This mode of verifying configurations, though something of the boldest, was by no means unusual. On a former occasion Kepler, wishing to cast the nativity of his friend Zehentmaier, and being unable to procure more accurate information than that he was born about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st of October, 1751, supplied the deficiency by a record of fevers and accidents at known periods of his life, from which he deduced a more exact horoscope.

[193]Kepler probably meant his own mother, whose horoscope he in many places declared to be nearly the same as his own.

[194]See Preliminary Treatise, p. 13.

[195]In allusion to the Harmonics of Ptolemy.

[196]This is a word borrowed from the Ptolemaic astronomy, according to which the sun and planets are hurried from their places by the daily motion of theprimum mobile, and by their own peculiar motion seek to regain or be restored to their former places.

[197]In other parts of his works, Kepler assumes the diminution to be proportional to the circles themselves, not to the diameters.

[198]In many curves, as in the circle and ellipse, there is a point to which the name of centre is given, on account of peculiar properties belonging to it: but the term "centripetal force" always refers to the place towards which the force is directed, whether or not situated in the centre of the curve.

The Epitome prohibited at Rome—Logarithmic Tables—Trial of Catharine Kepler—Kepler invited to England—Rudolphine Tables—Death—Conclusion.

Kepler's"Epitome," almost immediately on its appearance, enjoyed the honour of being placed by the side of the work of Copernicus, on the list of books prohibited by the congregation of the Index at Rome. He was considerably alarmed on receiving this intelligence, anticipating that it might occasion difficulties in publishing his future writings. His words to Remus, who had communicated the news to him, are as follows:—"I learn from your letter, for the first time, that my book is prohibited at Rome and Florence. I particularly beg of you, to send me the exact words of the censure, and that you will inform me whether that censure would be a snare for the author, if he were caught in Italy, or whether, if taken, he would be enjoined a recantation. It is also of consequence for me to know whether there is any chance of the same censure being extended into Austria. For if this be so, not only shall I never again find a printer there, but also the copies which the bookseller has left in Austria at my desire will be endangered, and the ultimate loss will fall upon me. It will amount to giving me to understand, that I must cease to profess Astronomy, after I have grown old in the belief of these opinions, having been hitherto gainsayed by no one,—and, in short, I must give up Austria itself, if room is no longer to be left in it for philosophical liberty." He was, however, tranquillized, in a great degree, by the reply of his friend, who told him that "the book is only prohibited as contrary to the decree pronounced by the holy office two years ago. This has been partly occasioned by a Neapolitan monk (Foscarini), who was spreading these notions by publishing them in Italian, whence were arising dangerous consequences and opinions: and besides, Galileo was at the same time pleading his cause at Rome with too much violence. Copernicus has been corrected in the same manner for some lines, at least in the beginning of his first book. But by obtaining a permission, they may be read (and, as I suppose, this "Epitome" also) by the learned and skilful in this science, both at Rome and throughout all Italy. There is therefore no ground for your alarm, either in Italy or Austria; only keep yourself within bounds, and put a guard upon your own passions."

We shall not dwell upon Kepler's different works on comets, beyond mentioning that they were divided, on the plan of many of his other publications, into three parts, Astronomical, Physical, and Astrological. He maintained that comets move in straight lines, with a varying degree of velocity. Later theories have shewn that they obey the same laws of motion as the planets, differing from them only in the extreme excentricity of their orbits. In the second book, which contains the Physiology of Comets, there is a passing remark that comets come out from the remotest parts of ether, as whales and monsters from the depth of the sea; and the suggestion is thrown out that perhaps comets are something of the nature of silkworms, and are wasted and consumed in spinning their own tails.

Among his other laborious employments, Kepler yet found time to calculate tables of logarithms, he having been one of the first in Germany to appreciate the full importance of the facilities they afford to the numerical calculator. In 1618 he wrote to his friend Schickhard: "There is a Scottish Baron (whose name has escaped my memory), who has made a famous contrivance, by whichall need of multiplication and division is supplied by mere addition and subtraction; and he does it without sines. But even he wants a table of tangents,[199]and the variety, frequency, and difficulty of the additions and subtractions, in some cases, is greater than the labour of multiplying and dividing."

Kepler dedicated his "Ephemeris" for 1620 to the author of this celebrated invention, Baron Napier, of Merchistoun; and in 1624, published what he called "Chilias Logarithmorum," containing the Napierian logarithms of the quotients of 100,000 divided by the first ten numbers, then proceeding by the quotients of every ten to 100, and by hundreds to 100,000. In the supplement published the following year, is a curious notice of the manner in which this subtle contrivance was at first received: "In the year 1621, when I had gone into Upper Austria, and had conferred everywhere with those skilled in mathematics, on the subject of Napier's logarithms, I found that those whose prudence had increased, and whose readiness had diminished, through age, were hesitating whether to adopt this new sort of numbers, instead of a table of sines; because they said it was disgraceful to a professor of mathematics to exult like a child at some compendious method of working, and meanwhile to admit a form of calculation, resting on no legitimate proof, and which at some time might entangle us in error, when we least feared it. They complained that Napier's demonstration rested on a fiction of geometrical motion, too loose and slippery for a sound method of reasonable demonstration to be founded on it.[200]"This led me forthwith to conceive the germ of a legitimate demonstration, which during that same winter I attempted, without reference to lines or motion, or flow, or any other which I may call sensible quality.

"Now to answer the question; what is the use of logarithms? Exactly what ten years ago was announced by their author, Napier, and which may be told in these words.—Wheresoever in common arithmetic, and in the Rule of Three, come two numbers to be multiplied together, there the sum of the logarithms is to be taken; where one number is to be divided by another, the difference; and the number corresponding to this sum or difference, as the case may be, will be the required product or quotient. This, I say, is the use of logarithms. But in the same work in which I gave the demonstration of the principles, I could not satisfy the unfledged arithmetical chickens, greedy of facilities, and gaping with their beaks wide open, at the mention of this use, as if to bolt down every particular gobbet, till they are crammed with my precepticles."

The year 1622 was marked by the catastrophe of a singular adventure which befell Kepler's mother, Catharine, then nearly seventy years old, and by which he had been greatly harassed and annoyed during several years. From her youth she had been noted for a rude and passionate temper, which on the present occasion involved her in serious difficulties. One of her female acquaintance, whose manner of life had been by no means unblemished, was attacked after a miscarriage by violent headaches, and Catharine, who had often taken occasion to sneer at her notorious reputation, was accused with having produced these consequences, by the administration of poisonous potions. She repelled the charge with violence, and instituted an action of scandal against this person, but was unlucky (according to Kepler's statement) in the choice of a young doctor, whom she employed as her advocate. Considering the suit to be very instructive, he delayed its termination during five years, until the judge before whom it was tried was displaced. He was succeeded by another, already indisposed against Catharine Kepler, who on some occasion had taunted him with his sudden accession to wealth from a very inferior situation. Her opponent, aware of this advantage, turned the tableson her, and in her turn became the accuser. The end of the matter was, that in July, 1620, Catharine was imprisoned, and condemned to the torture. Kepler was then at Linz, but as soon as he learned his mother's danger, hurried to the scene of trial. He found the charges against her supported only by evidence which never could have been listened to, if her own intemperate conduct had not given advantage to her adversaries. He arrived in time to save her from the question, but she was not finally acquitted and released from prison till November in the following year. Kepler then returned to Linz, leaving behind him his mother, whose spirit seemed in no degree broken by the unexpected turn in the course of her litigation. She immediately commenced a new action for costs and damages against the same antagonist, but this was stopped by her death, in April 1622, in her seventy-fifth year.

In 1620 Kepler was visited by Sir Henry Wotton, the English ambassador at Venice, who finding him, as indeed he might have been found at every period of his life, oppressed by pecuniary difficulties, urged him to go over to England, where he assured him of a welcome and honourable reception; but Kepler could not resolve upon the proposed journey, although in his letters he often returned to the consideration of it. In one of them, dated a year later, he says, "The fires of civil war are raging in Germany—they who are opposed to the honour of the empire are getting the upper hand—everything in my neighbourhood seems abandoned to flame and destruction. Shall I then cross the sea, whither Wotton invites me? I, a German? a lover of firm land? who dread the confinement of an island? who presage its dangers, and must drag along with me my little wife and flock of children? Besides my son Louis, now thirteen years old, I have a marriageable daughter, a two-year old son by my second marriage, an infant daughter, and its mother but just recovering from her confinement." Six years later, he says again,—"As soon as the Rudolphine Tables are published, my desire will be to find a place where I can lecture on them to a considerable assembly; if possible, in Germany; if not, why then in Italy, France, the Netherlands, or England, provided the salary is adequate for a traveller."

In the same year in which he received this invitation an affront was put upon Kepler by his early patrons, the States of Styria, who ordered all the copies of his "Calendar," for 1624, to be publicly burnt. Kepler declares that the reason of this was, that he had given precedence in the title-page to the States of Upper Ens, in whose service he then was, above Styria. As this happened during his absence in Wirtemberg, it was immediately coupled by rumour with his hasty departure from Linz: it was said that he had incurred the Emperor's displeasure, and that a large sum was set upon his head. At this period Matthias had been succeeded by Ferdinand III., who still continued to Kepler his barren title of imperial mathematician.

In 1624 Kepler went to Vienna, in the hopes of getting money to complete the Rudolphine Tables, but was obliged to be satisfied with the sum of 6000 florins and with recommendatory letters to the States of Suabia, from whom he also collected some money due to the emperor. On his return he revisited the University of Tubingen, where he found his old preceptor, Mästlin, still alive, but almost worn out with old age. Mästlin had well deserved the regard Kepler always appears to have entertained for him; he had treated him with great liberality whilst at the University, where he refused to receive any remuneration for his instruction. Kepler took every opportunity of shewing his gratitude; even whilst he was struggling with poverty he contrived to send his old master a handsome silver cup, in acknowledging the receipt of which Mästlin says,—"Your mother had taken it into her head that you owed me two hundred florins, and had brought fifteen florins and a chandelier towards reducing the debt, which I advised her to send to you. I asked her to stay to dinner, which she refused: however, we handselled your cup, as you know she is of a thirsty temperament."

The publication of the Rudolphine Tables, which Kepler always had so much at heart, was again delayed, notwithstanding the recent grant, by the disturbances arising out of the two parties into which the Reformation had divided the whole of Germany. Kepler's library was sealed up by desire of the Jesuits, and nothing but his connexion with the Imperial Court secured to him his own personal indemnity. Then followed a popular insurrection, and thepeasantry blockaded Linz, so that it was not until 1627 that these celebrated tables finally made their appearance, the earliest calculated on the supposition that the planets move in elliptic orbits. Ptolemy's tables had been succeeded by the "Alphonsine," so called from Alphonso, King of Castile, who, in the thirteenth century, was an enlightened patron of astronomy. After the discoveries of Copernicus, these again made way for the Prussian, or Prutenic tables, calculated by his pupils Reinhold and Rheticus. These remained in use till the observations of Tycho Brahe showed their insufficiency, and Kepler's new theories enabled him to improve upon them. The necessary types for these tables were cast at Kepler's own expense. They are divided into four parts, the first and third containing a variety of logarithmic and other tables, for the purpose of facilitating astronomical calculations. In the second are tables of the elements of the sun, moon, and planets. The fourth gives the places of 1000 stars as determined by Tycho, and also at the end his table of refractions, which appears to have been different for the sun, moon, and stars. Tycho Brahe assumed the horizontal refraction of the sun to be 7´ 30´´, of the moon 8´, and of the other stars 3´. He considered all refraction of the atmosphere to be insensible above 45° of altitude, and even at half that altitude in the case of the fixed stars. A more detailed account of these tables is here obviously unsuitable: it will be sufficient to say merely, that if Kepler had done nothing in the course of his whole life but construct these, he would have well earned the title of a most useful and indefatigable calculator.

Some copies of these tables have prefixed to them a very remarkable map, divided by hour lines, the object of which is thus explained:—

"The use of this nautical map is, that if at a given hour the place of the moon is known by its edge being observed to touch any known star, or the edges of the sun, or the shadow of the earth; and if that place shall (if necessary) be reduced from apparent to real by clearing it of parallax; and if the hour at Uraniburg be computed by the Rudolphine tables, when the moon occupied that true place, the difference will show the observer's meridian, whether the picture of the shores be accurate or not, for by this means it may come to be corrected."

This is probably one of the earliest announcements of the method of determining longitudes by occultations; the imperfect theory of the moon long remained a principal obstacle to its introduction in practice. Another interesting passage connected with the same object may be introduced here. In a letter to his friend Cruger, dated in 1616, Kepler says: "You propose a method of observing the distances of places by sundials and automata. It is good, but needs a very accurate practice, and confidence in those who have the care of the clocks. Let there be only one clock, and let it be transported; and in both places let meridian lines be drawn with which the clock may be compared when brought. The only doubt remaining is, whether a greater error is likely from the unequal tension in the automaton, and from its motion, which varies with the state of the air, or from actually measuring the distances. For if we trust the latter, we can easily determine the longitudes by observing the differences of the height of the pole."

In an Appendix to the Rudolphine Tables, or, as Kepler calls it, "an alms doled out to the nativity casters," he has shown how they may use his tables for their astrological predictions. Everything in his hands became an allegory; and on this occasion he says,—"Astronomy is the daughter of Astrology, and this modern Astrology, again, is the daughter of Astronomy, bearing something of the lineaments of her grandmother; and, as I have already said, this foolish daughter, Astrology, supports her wise but needy mother, Astronomy, from the profits of a profession not generally considered creditable."

Soon after the publication of these tables, the Grand Duke of Tuscany sent him a golden chain; and if we remember the high credit in which Galileo stood at this time in Florence, it does not seem too much to attribute this honourable mark of approbation to his representation of the value of Kepler's services to astronomy. This was soon followed by a new and final change in his fortunes. He received permission from the emperor to attach himself to the celebrated Duke of Friedland, Albert Wallenstein, one of the most remarkable men in the history of that time.Wallenstein was a firm believer in astrology, and the reception Kepler experienced by him was probably due, in great measure, to his reputation in that art. However that may be, Kepler found in him a more munificent patron than any one of his three emperors; but he was not destined long to enjoy the appearance of better fortune. Almost the last work which he published was a commentary on the letter addressed, by the missionary Terrentio, from China, to the Jesuits at Ingolstadt. The object of this communication was to obtain from Europe means for carrying into effect a projected scheme for improving the Chinese calendar. In this essay Kepler maintains the opinion, which has been discussed with so much warmth in more modern times, that the pretended ancient observations of the Chinese were obtained by computing them backwards from a much more recent date. Wallenstein furnished him with an assistant for his calculations, and with a printing press; and through his influence nominated him to the professorship in the University of Rostoch, in the Duchy of Mecklenburg. His claims on the imperial treasury, which amounted at this time to 8000 crowns, and which Ferdinand would gladly have transferred to the charge of Wallenstein, still remained unsatisfied. Kepler made a last attempt to obtain them at Ratisbon, where the imperial meeting was held, but without success. The fatigue and vexation occasioned by his fruitless journey brought on a fever, which unexpectedly put an end to his life, in the early part of November, 1630, in his fifty-ninth year. His old master, Mästlin, survived him for about a year, dying at the age of eighty-one.

Kepler left behind him two children by his first wife, Susanna and Louis; and three sons and two daughters, Sebald, Cordelia, Friedman, Hildebert, and Anna Maria, by his widow. Susanna married, a few months before her father's death, a physician named Jacob Bartsch, the same who latterly assisted Kepler in preparing his "Ephemeris." He died very shortly after Kepler himself. Louis studied medicine, and died in 1663, whilst practising as a physician at Konigsberg. The other children died young.

Upon Kepler's death the Duke of Friedland caused an inventory to be taken of his effects, when it appeared that near 24,000 florins were due to him, chiefly on account of his salary from the emperor. His daughter Susanna, Bartsch's widow, managed to obtain a part of these arrears by refusing to give up Tycho Brahe's observations till her claims were satisfied. The widow and younger children were left in very straightened circumstances, which induced Louis, Kepler's eldest son, to print, for their relief, one of his father's works, which had been left by him unpublished. It was not without much reluctance, in consequence of a superstitious feeling which he did not attempt to conceal or deny. Kepler himself, and his son-in-law, Bartsch, had been employed in preparing it for publication at the time of their respective deaths; and Louis confessed that he did not approach the task without apprehension that he was incurring some risk of a similar fate. This little rhapsody is entitled a "Dream on Lunar Astronomy;" and wasintendedto illustrate the appearances which would present themselves to an astronomer living upon the moon.

The narrative in the dream is put into the mouth of a personage, named Duracoto, the son of an Icelandic enchantress, of the name of Fiolxhildis. Kepler tells us that he chose the last name from an old map of Europe in his house, in which Iceland was called Fiolx: Duracoto seemed to him analogous to the names he found in the history of Scotland, the neighbouring country. Fiolxhildis was in the habit of selling winds to mariners, and used to collect herbs to use in her incantations on the sides of Mount Hecla, on the Eve of St. John. Duracoto cut open one of his mother's bags, in punishment of which she sold him to some traders, who brought him to Denmark, where he became acquainted with Tycho Brahe. On his return to Iceland, Fiolxhildis received him kindly, and was delighted with the progress he had made in astronomy. She then informed him of the existence of certain spirits, or demons, from whom, although no traveller herself, she acquired a knowledge of other countries, and especially of a very remarkable country, called Livania. Duracoto requesting further information, the necessary ceremonies were performed for invoking the demon; Duracoto and his mother enveloped their heads in their clothing, and presently "the screaking of a harsh dissonant voice began to speakin the Icelandic tongue." The island of Livania is situated in the depths of ether, at the distance of about 250000 miles; the road thence or thither is very seldom open, and even when it is passable, mankind find the journey a most difficult and dangerous one. The demon describes the method employed by his fellow spirits to convey such travellers as are thought fit for the undertaking: "We bring no sedentary people into our company, no corpulent or delicate persons; but we pick out those who waste their life in the continual use of post-horses, or who sail frequently to the Indies; who are accustomed to live upon biscuit, garlic, dried fish, and such abominable feeding. Those withered old hags are exactly fit for us, of whom the story is familiar that they travel immense distances by night on goats, and forks, and old petticoats. The Germans do not suit us at all; but we do not reject the dry Spaniards." This extract will probably be sufficient to show the style of the work. The inhabitants of Livania are represented to be divided into two classes, the Privolvans and Subvolvans, by whom are meant those supposed to live in the hemisphere facing the earth, which is called the Volva, and those on the opposite half of the moon: but there is nothing very striking in the account given of the various phenomena as respects these two classes. In some notes which were added some time after the book was first written, are some odd insights into Kepler's method of composing. Fiolxhildis had been made to invoke the dæmon with twenty-one characters; Kepler declares, in a note, that he cannot remember why he fixed on this number, "except because that is the number of letters inAstronomia Copernicana, or because there are twenty-one combinations of the planets, two together, or because there are twenty-one different throws upon two dice." The dream is abruptly terminated by a storm, in which, says Kepler, "I suddenly waked; the Demon, Duracoto, and Fiolxhildis were gone, and instead of their covered heads, I found myself rolled up among the blankets."

Besides this trifle, Kepler left behind him a vast mass of unpublished writings, which came at last into the hands of his biographer, Hantsch. In 1714, Hantsch issued a prospectus for publishing them by subscription, in twenty-two folio volumes. The plan met no encouragement, and nothing was published but a single folio volume of letters to and from Kepler, which seem to have furnished the principal materials for the memoir prefixed to them. After various unavailing attempts to interest different learned bodies in their appearance, the manuscripts were purchased for the library at St. Petersburg, where Euler, Lexell, and Kraft, undertook to examine them, and select the most interesting parts for publication. The result of this examination does not appear.

Kepler's body was buried in St. Peter's churchyard at Ratisbon, and a simple inscription was placed on his tombstone. This appears to have been destroyed not long after, in the course of the wars which still desolated the country. In 1786, a proposal was made to erect a marble monument to his memory, but nothing was done. Kästner, on whose authority it is mentioned, says upon this, rather bitterly, that it matters little whether or not Germany, having almost refused him bread during his life, should, a century and a half after his death, offer him a stone.

Delambre mentions, in his History of Astronomy, that this design was resumed in 1803 by the Prince Bishop of Constance, and that a monument has been erected in the Botanical Garden at Ratisbon, near the place of his interment. It is built in the form of a temple, surmounted by a sphere; in the centre is placed a bust of Kepler, in Carrara marble. Delambre does not mention the original of the bust; but says it is not unlike the figure engraved in the frontispiece of the Rudolphine Tables. That frontispiece consists of a portico of ten pillars, supporting a cupola covered with astronomical emblems. Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, Ptolemy, Hipparchus, and other astronomers, are seen among them. In one of the compartments of the common pedestal is a plan of the observatory at Uraniburg; in another, a printing press; in a third is the figure of a man, meant for Kepler, seated at a table. He is identified by the titles of his works, which are round him; but the whole is so small as to convey very little idea of his figure or countenance. The only portrait known of Kepler was given by him to his assistant Gringallet, who presented it to Bernegger; and it was placed by the latter in the library at Strasburg. Hantsch had a copy taken for the purpose of engraving it, but died before it wascompleted. A portrait of Kepler is engraved in the seventh part of Boissard's Bibliotheca Chalcographica. It is not known whence this was taken, but it may, perhaps, be a copy of that which was engraved by desire of Bernegger in 1620. The likeness is said not to have been well preserved. "His heart and genius," says Kästner, "are faithfully depicted in his writings; and that may console us, if we cannot entirely trust his portrait." In the preceding pages, it has been endeavoured to select such passages from his writings as might throw the greatest light on his character, with a subordinate reference only to the importance of the subjects treated. In conclusion, it may be well to support the opinion which has been ventured on the real nature of his triumphs, and on the danger of attempting to follow his method in the pursuit of truth, by the judgment pronounced by Delambre, as well on his failures as on his success. "Considering these matters in another point of view, it is not impossible to convince ourselves that Kepler may have been always the same. Ardent, restless, burning to distinguish himself by his discoveries, he attempted everything; and having once obtained a glimpse of one, no labour was too hard for him in following or verifying it. All his attempts had not the same success, and, in fact, that was impossible. Those which have failed seem to us only fanciful; those which have been more fortunate appear sublime. When in search of that which really existed, he has sometimes found it; when he devoted himself to the pursuit of a chimera, he could not but fail; but even there he unfolded the same qualities, and that obstinate perseverance that must triumph over all difficulties but those which are insurmountable."[201]

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