FOOTNOTES:
FOOTNOTES:
1[ Hist of Ch. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 64]
2[ Calvin and Geneva, vol. I., II.]
3[ See Appendix,—Note A.]
4[ Dodds' "Fifty Years' Struggle," p. 275.]
5[ See "Faithful Contendings."]
6[ Dodds' "Fifty Years' Struggle," p. 275.]
It has been common in some quarters of late, to speak of Renwick and his associates in testimony-bearing and suffering, as only contending against the unconstitutional and persecuting measures of the government of the Royal brothers,—and to declare that, had they lived to witness the change of government which took place at the Revolution, they would have joyfully hailed it as the realization of their eager aspirations,—and would have incorporated readily with the national society. Thus, Dodds in his "Fifty Years' Struggle of the Scottish Covenanters,"—while acknowledging the important services rendered to the cause of the Prince of Orange, by the bold and resolute position taken by the Cameronians, represents Renwick, as not only "the last martyr of the Covenanting struggle," but also as "theProto-martyr of the Revolution." He adds, "Like the shepherd overwhelmed in the snow-storm, he perished within sight of the door. The door of deliverance was speedily opened, on the arrival of William, in November, 1688." And, again, speaking of Cameron, Renwick, and the stricter Covenanters, he says, "So far, the REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT—in the main adopting what was universal, and rejecting what was exclusive, or over-grasping in their views,—was the consummation and triumph, civilly and politically, and to a large extent, ecclesiastically, of the FIFTY YEARS' STRUGGLE OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANTERS." These statements, though plausible, and such as seem likely to be readily embraced by those who have no relish for a full Covenanted testimony—or who desire to maintain fellowship with corrupt civil and ecclesiastical systems, are liable to one fundamental and unanswerable objection,—they are wholly unsupported by historical evidence. All pains were taken by Cameron and Renwick, in preaching and in their dying testimonies, and by the United Societies in their published declarations, to show that they testified not merely against the usurpation and blasphemous supremacy of the last of the Stuarts,—but likewise, principally, against all invasion of the Redeemer's royal prerogatives,—and all departure from the scriptural attainments of the former happy Reformation. In nothing were they more decided than in testifying to the death, that the National Covenants were the oath of God, perpetually binding on all classes in the realm,—"the marriage tie," which no power on earth could dissolve—that all departure from the principles of these federal deeds was sinful, and involved the land in the guilt of national apostacy and perjury,—and that the authority of the Scripture was supreme in constituting the national society, in enacting and administering the laws, and in regulating the lives and official acts of the rulers.
The Revolution Settlement, in both its civil and ecclesiastical departments, instead of being the exemplification and carrying forward of the work of the Second Reformation,—for the maintenance of which the Scottish martyrs shed their blood,—was a deliberate abandonment of it, and was established in open opposition to its grand and distinguishing principles. The faithful companions and followers of Renwick refused to incorporate with this Settlement, on the ground of adhering firmly to the scriptural vows of the nation, and the testimonies of illustrious martyrs. While giving the best proof of their genuine patriotism, they withheld allegiance from the government of William, and they took the name and position of "Old Dissenters," for reasons which they clearly stated, which those who opposed and misrepresented them, were unable to answer, and the greater part of which are as applicable to the present British government, and existing ecclesiastical systems, as they were to the Settlement of the Revolution. Several of the political changes which have taken place in recent times, have supplied strong additional grounds for faithful Covenanters maintaining the position of public protest against, and active dissent from the establishments, civil and ecclesiastical, of the nation. The reasons of separation from the Revolution Church and State, as given by the "Society People," are presented in a lucid and convincing manner, in the work entitled—"Plain Reasons for Presbyterians dissenting from the Revolution Church in Scotland, as also their Principles concerning Civil Government, and the difference betwixt the Reformation and Revolution Principles." They are likewise exhibited in a condensed form in the "Short Account of Old Dissenters," emitted with the sanction of the Reformed Presbytery, and in very luminous terms in the Historical part of the "Testimony of the Reformed Presbyterian Church."
No person who peruses these works, and ponders their carefully prepared statements, can with candour and honesty affirm that Renwick and his fellow-sufferers would have willingly incorporated with the Revolution Settlement; or that fellowship with the present British political system, by taking oaths of allegiance and office, and setting up rulers, is consistent with their declared and dearly prized principles. Let the "Plain Reasons" to which we have referred, be duly weighed—and it must be perfectly apparent, that Mr. Dodds's oracular statement—that the "REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT" was the consummation and triumph, civilly, and politically, and to a large extent ecclesiastically, of the "Fifty years' Struggle of the Scottish Covenanters," is completely destitute of any solid foundation. Thesereasonsare such as the following—The Scottish reformation in its purest form was deliberately abandoned in the Revolution Settlement—Both the Church and State concurred in leaving unrepealed on the Statute-book, the infamous Act Rescissory, by which the National Covenants were declared to be unlawful oaths, and all laws and constitutions, ecclesiastical or civil, were annulled, which approved and gave effect to them. The Revolution Church was, in every respect, an entirely different establishment from that of the Second Reformation. Its creed was dictated by Erastian authority—its government established on the ground of popular consent and not of Divine right—its order and discipline were placed in subjection to Erastian civil rulers—and the Scriptural liberties of the ministry and membership interfered with; and corruption in doctrine, and ordinances of worship, without the power of removing it, extensively spread throughout the ecclesiastical body. How sadly different a structure did this appear to the eyes of faithful men, who lamented that the carved work of a Covenanted Sanctuary had been broken down, and the "beautiful House where their fathers worshipped, was laid waste!" Nor could the civil and political part of the Revolution Settlement have any pretensions to be a proper carrying out of the civil system of the Reformation era. In this the federal deeds of the nation were the compact between rulers and ruled, and were an essential part of the oath of the Sovereign on admission to supreme power. Civil rulers were required to be possessed of scriptural and covenant qualifications—and were taken bound to make a chief end of their government the promotion of the divine glory in the advancement of the true reformed religion, and the protection and prosperity of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. They were likewise solemnly engaged to employ their official influence and authority to put away systems that had been abjured in the National vows,—Popery, Prelacy and Erastianism, and to discourage all profaneness and ungodliness. At the Revolution, all these engagements were deliberately set aside. The sovereign's coronation oath, and the oath of allegiance of subjects, bind both equally to the support of Prelacy—which is declared to be established unchangeably in England and Ireland. The whole civil system is based on expediency and the popular will, and not on Scriptural principles. The authority claimed and exercised by the monarch over the Presbyterian Establishment in Scotland, and the National Church in England and Ireland, is grossly Erastian. The introduction of Popery into the bosom of the State—the admission of Papists to offices of power and trust in the nation, and the endowment of Popish Seminaries and chaplains—which the Revolution Settlement barred—but which the Antichristian and infidel policy of recent times has enacted, show still more clearly that the civil and political system established in these countries is diametrically opposed to that which was set up at the era of the Reformation, and was contended for by the Scottish martyrs—and impose on all who would honestly promote the ends of the National Covenants, the obligation to maintain distinct separation from it.