FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[355]It appears that, throughout the Revolution, Pennsylvania's metropolis was noted for its luxury. An American soldier wrote in 1779: "Philada. may answer very well for a man with his pockets well lined, whose pursuit is idleness and dissipation. But to us who are not in the first predicament, and who are not upon the latter errand, it is intolerable.... A morning visit, a dinner at 5 o'clock—Tea at 8 or 9—supper and up all night is the rounddie in diem.... We have advanced as far in luxury in the third year of our Indepeny. as the old musty Republics of Greece and Rome did in twice as many hundreds." (Tilghman to McHenry, Jan. 25, 1799; Steiner, 25.)[356]Trevelyan, iv, 279.[357]Ib., 280.[358]Ib.[359]The influence of Margaret Shippen in causing Arnold's treason is now questioned by some. (See Avery, vi, 243-49.)[360]Trevelyan, iv, 281-82.[361]Ib., 278-80.[362]Ib., 268-69; also Marshall, i, 215. The German countrymen, however, were loyal to the patriot cause. The Moravians at Bethlehem, though their religion forbade them from bearing arms, in another way served as effectually as Washington's soldiers. (See Trevelyan, iv, 298-99.)[363]Trevelyan, iv, 290.[364]The huts were fourteen by sixteen feet, and twelve soldiers occupied each hut. (Sparks, 245.)[365]"The men were literally naked [Feb. 1] some of them in the fullest extent of the word." (Von Steuben, as quoted in Kapp, 118.)[366]Hist. Mag., v, 170.[367]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 260.[368]Marshall, i, 213.[369]Ib., 215.[370]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 258.[371]"The poor soldiers were half naked, and had been half starved, having been compelled, for weeks, to subsist on simple flour alone and this too in a land almost literally flowing with milk and honey." (Watson's description after visiting the camp, Watson, 63.)[372]Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 341.[373]Hist. Mag., v, 131.[374]Ib.[375]Ib., 132.[376]Hist. Mag., v, 132-33.[377]Hist. Mag., v, 131-32.[378]Trevelyan, iv, 297.[379]Ib.For putrid condition of the camp in March and April, 1778, see Weedon, 254-55 and 288-89.[380]Trevelyan, iv, 298.[381]Ib.[382]Personal narrative; Shreve,Mag. Amer. Hist., Sept., 1897, 568.[383]Trevelyan, iv, 298.[384]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 22, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 253.[385]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;ib., 257.[386]General Varnum to General Greene, Feb. 12, 1778, Washington MSS., Lib. Cong., no. 21. No wonder the desertions were so great. It was not only starvation and death but the hunger-crazed soldiers "had daily temptations thrown out to them of the most alluring nature," by the British and Loyalists. (Chastellux, translator's note to 51.)[387]Marshall, i, 227.[388]Ib.[389]Hist. Mag., v, 132. This is, probably, an exaggeration. The British were extremely harsh, however, as is proved by the undenied testimony of eye-witnesses and admittedly authentic documentary evidence. For their treatment of American prisoners see Dandridge:American Prisoners of the Revolution, a trustworthy compilation of sources. For other outrages see Clark's Diary,Proc., N.J. Hist. Soc., vii, 96; Moore'sDiary, ii, 183. For the Griswold affair see Niles:Principles and Acts of the Revolution, 143-44. For transportation of captured Americans to Africa and Asia see Franklin's letter to Lord Stormont, April 2, 1777; Franklin'sWritings: Smyth, vii, 36-38; also Moore'sDiary, i, 476. For the murder of Jenny M'Crea see Marshall, i, 200, note 9, Appendix, 25; and Moore'sDiary, i, 476; see also Miner:History of Wyoming, 222-36; and British officer's letter to Countess of Ossory, Sept. 1, 1777;Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., i, footnote to 289; and Jefferson to Governor of Detroit, July 22, 1779;Cal. Va. St. Prs., i, 321. For general statement see Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 59. These are but a few of the many similar sources that might be cited.[390]Trevelyan, iv, 299.[391]Marshall, i, 227.[392]John Marshall's father was also at Valley Forge during the first weeks of the encampment and was often Field Officer of the Day. (Weedon.) About the middle of January he left for Virginia to take command of the newly raised State Artillery Regiment. (Memorial of Thomas Marshall;supra.) John Marshall's oldest brother, Thomas Marshall, Jr., seventeen years of age, was commissioned captain in a Virginia State Regiment at this time. (Heitman, 285.) Thus all the male members of the Marshall family, old enough to bear arms, were officers in the War of the Revolution. This important fact demonstrates the careful military training given his sons by Thomas Marshall before 1775—a period when comparatively few believed that war was probable.[393]This was the common lot; Washington told Congress that, of the thousands of his men at Valley Forge, "few men have more than one shirt, many only the moiety of one and some none at all." (Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 260.)[394]Slaughter, 107-08.[395]Howe, 266.[396]Slaughter, 108.[397]Weedon, 134; also, Heitman, 285.[398]Ib.[399]Description of Marshall at Valley Forge by eye-witness, inNorth American Review(1828), xxvi, 8.[400]Ninth Virginia. (Heitman, 72.)[401]North American Review(1828), xxvi, 8.[402]Weedon, Feb. 8, 1778, 226-27. Washington took the severest measures to keep officers from associating with private soldiers.[403]Ib., 227-28.[404]Ib., Jan. 5, 1778; 180.[405]See Washington's affecting appeal to the soldiers at Valley Forge to keep up their spirits and courage. (Weedon, March 1, 1778, 245-46.)[406]Channing, ii, 559.[407]See Rush's anonymous letter to Henry and the correspondence between Henry and Washington concerning the cabal. (Henry, i, 544-51.)[408]Marshall, i, 217.[409]Trevelyan, iv, 301.[410]Ib., 303-04.[411]"The idea that any one Man Alone can save us is too silly for any Body but such weak Men as Duché to harbor for a Moment." (Adams to Rush, Feb. 8, 1778;Old Family Letters, 11; and see Lodge:Washington, i, 208; also Wallace, chap. ix.)[412]Sparks, 252; and Marshall, i, 218.[413]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 257-65. And see Washington's comprehensive plans for the reorganization of the entire military service. (Washington to Committee of Congress, Jan. 28, 1778;ib., 300-51.)[414]Hist. Mag., v, 131.[415]On April 10, 1778, Ædanus Burke of South Carolina broke a quorum and defied Congress. (Secret Journals of Congress, April 10, 11, 24, 25, 1778, i, 62; and see Hatch, 21.)[416]Trevelyan, iv, 291-92.[417]Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 297-98.[418]Ib.[419]At this period and long after a State was referred to as "the country."[420]Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 297-98.[421]Until after Jefferson's Presidency, our statesmen often spoke of our "empire." Jefferson used the term frequently.[422]Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 301-02.[423]"My estate is a large one ... to wit upwards of ten thousand acres of valuable land on the navigable parts of the James river and two hundred negroes and not a shilling out of it is or ever was under any incumbrance for debt." (Jefferson to Van Staphorst and Hubbard, Feb. 28, 1790;Works: Ford, vi, 33.) At the time of Valley Forge Jefferson's estate was much greater, for he had sold a great deal of land since 1776. (See Jefferson to Lewis, July 29, 1787;ib., v, 311.)[424]Jefferson to Pendleton, July, 1776;ib., ii, 219-20.[425]Jefferson'sAutobiography;Works: Ford, i, 57.[426]Tucker, i, 92et seq.; Randall, i, 199et seq.;Works: Ford, ii, 310, 323, 324.[427]Bloodshed, however, Jefferson thought necessary. Seeinfra, vol.II, chap.I.[428]See vol.IIof this work.[429]Jefferson'sAutobiography;Works: Ford, i, 79.[430]Burnaby to Washington, April 9, 1788;Cor. Rev.: Sparks, ii, 100-02. Washington sent no written answer to Burnaby.[431]Seeinfra.[432]Washington to Banister, April 21, 1778;Writings: Ford, vi, 477-87. In thus trying to arouse Congress to a sense of duty, Washington exaggerates the patience of his troops. They complained bitterly; many officers resigned and privates deserted in large numbers. (Seesupra.)[433]Ib.[434]Thayer, 12. For camp sports, see Waldo's poem,Hist. Mag., vii, 272-74.[435]Lossing, ii, 595,et seq.[436]Marshall, i, 230. And see Hatch's clear account of the training given by this officer (63). To the work of Von Steuben was due the excellent discipline under fire at Monmouth. And see Kapp, already cited; and Bolton, 132. Even Belcher says that our debt to Von Steuben is as great as that to Lafayette. (Belcher, ii, 14.)[437]Washington to President of Congress, April 30, 1778;Writings: Ford, vi, 507, and footnote to 505-06. And see Channing, iii, 292.[438]See Channing, iii, 286, 288; and Marshall, i, 235, 236.[439]Marshall, i, 237.[440]Sparks, 267; and Moore'sDiary, i, 48-50.[441]Washington to McDougall, May 5, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 6. Washington was advised of the treaty with the French King before it was formally presented to Congress.[442]Description by Major André, who took part in this amazing performance, reprinted inAmerican Historical and Literary Curiosities, following plate 26. And see Moore'sDiary, ii, 52-56.[443]Trevelyan, iv, 376.[444]Marshall, i, 252.[445]Marshall speaks of "one thousand select men" under Wayne; Maxwell's division was with Wayne under Lee; Marshall was in the battle, and it seems certain that he was among Wayne's "select men" as on former and later occasions.[446]Marshall, i, 252.[447]Lafayette to Marshall; Marshall, i, footnote to 255.[448]Marshall, i, 254-59.[449]For descriptions of the battle of Monmouth see Washington to President of Congress, July 1, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 76-86; and to John Augustine Washington, July 4, 1778;ib., 89-92. Also Marshall, i, 251-56; Trevelyan, iv, 376-80; Irving, iii, 423-34; Sparks, 272-78; Lossing, ii, 354-65.[450]Marshall, i, 251-56.[451]Ib., 257.[452]Ib., 257-58.[453]Girardin follows Marshall in his fair treatment of Lee. (Burk, iv, 290.)[454]He was promoted July 1, 1778. (Heitman, 285.)[455]The whole patriot army everywhere, except in the extreme south and west, now numbered only sixteen thousand men. (Marshall, i, 306-07.)[456]The fullest and most accurate account of the capture of Stony Point, and conditions immediately preceding, is given by Dawson in hisAssault on Stony Point.[457]Binney, in Dillon, iii, 315-16. The care in the selection of the various commands of "light infantry," so often used by Washington after the first year of the war, is well illustrated by his orders in this case. "The officers commanding regiments," runs Washington's orders, "will be particularly careful in the choice of the men.... The Adjutant General is desired to pass the men ... under critical inspection, and return all who on any account shall appear unfit for this kind of service to their regiments, to be replaced by others whom he shall approve." (Washington's Order Book, iii, 110-11; MS., Lib. Cong.)[458]Washington to Wayne (Private and Confidential), July 1, 1779; Dawson, 18-19.[459]Dawson, 20. Wayne's demand for sustenance and clothing, however, is amusing. "The Light Corps under my Command," writes Wayne, "... have had but two days fresh Provision ... nor more than three days allowance of Rumin twelve days, which article I borrowed from GenlMcDougall with a Promise to Replace it. I owe him Seventy five Gallons—must therefore desire you to forward three Hodds[hogsheads] of Rum to this place with all possible Dispatch together with a few fat sheep & ten Head of good Cattle." (Wayne to Issuing Commissary, July 9, 1779;ib., 20-21.)Wayne wrote to Washington concerning clothing: "I have an [word illegible] Prejudice in favor of an Elegant Uniform & Soldierly Appearance—... I would much rathar risque my life and Reputation at the Head of the same men in an Attack Clothed & Appointed as I could wish—with a Single Charge of Ammunition—than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds of Cartridges." (Dawson, 20-21.)Washington wrote in reply: "I agree perfectly with you." (Ib., 21.)[460]Marshall, i, 310.[461]Wayne's order of battle was as picturesque as it was specific. Officer and private were directed "to fix a Piece of White paper in the most Conspicuous part of his Hat or Cap ... their Arms unloaded placing their whole Dependence on the Bayt.... If any Soldier presumes to take his Musket from his Shoulder or Attempt to fire or begin the battle until Ordered by his proper Officer he shall be Instantly put to death by the Officer next him.... Should any Soldier ... attempt to Retreat one Single foot or Sculk in the face of danger, the Officer next to him is Immediately to put him to death." (Ib., 35-38.)[462]Wayne to Delaney, July 15, 1779; Dawson, 46-47.[463]The generous and even kindly treatment which the Americans accorded the vanquished British is in striking contrast with the latter's treatment of Americans under similar circumstances. When the fort was taken, the British cried, "Mercy, mercy, dear, dear Americans," and not a man was injured by the victors after he ceased to resist. (Dawson, 53; and Marshall, i, 311.)[464]The fort was captured so quickly that the detachment to which Marshall was assigned had no opportunity to advance.[465]Marshall, i, 314.[466]Ib., 314-16.[467]The rolls show Marshall in active service as captain until December 9, 1779. (Records, War Dept.) He retired from the service February 12, 1781. (Heitman, 285.)[468]Binney, in Dillon, iii, 290. There often were more officers of a State line than there were men to be officered; this was caused by expiring enlistments of regiments.[469]Tucker, i, 136.[470]Marshall, i, 418.[471]Ib., 139.[472]Marshall, i, 419; Binney, in Dillon, iii, 290.[473]Even the frightened Virginia women were ashamed. "Such terror and confusion you have no idea of. Governor, Council, everybody scampering.... How dreadful the idea of an enemy passing through such a country as ours committing enormities that fill the mind with horror and returning exultantly without meeting one impediment to discourage them." (Eliza Ambler to Mildred Smith, 1781 MS. AlsoAtlantic Monthly, lxxxiv, 538-39.) Miss Ambler was amused, too, it seems. She humorously describes a boastful man's precipitate flight and adds: "But this is not more laughable than the accounts we have of our illustrious G-[overno]-r [Jefferson] who, they say, took neither rest nor food for man or horse till he reached C-[arte]-r's mountain." (Ib.) This letter, as it appears in theAtlantic Monthly, differs slightly from the manuscript, which has been followed in this note.These letters were written while the laughing young Tarleton was riding after the flying Virginia Government, of which Eliza Ambler's father was a part. They throw peculiar light on the opinions of Marshall, who at that time was in love with this lady's sister, whom he married two years later. (Seeinfra, chap. v.)[474]An inquiry into Jefferson's conduct was formally moved in the Virginia Legislature. But the matter was not pressed and the next year the Legislature passed a resolution of thanks for Jefferson's "impartial, upright, and attentive Administration." (See Eckenrode's thorough treatment of the subject in hisRevolution in Virginia, chap. vii. And see Tucker, i, 149-56, for able defense of Jefferson; and Dodd, 63-64; also Ambler, 37.)[475]Monroe, Bland, and Grayson are the only conspicuous exceptions.[476]Story, in Dillon, iii, 338.[477]This prevalent idea is well stated in one of Mrs. Carrington's unpublished letters. "What sacrifice would not an American, or Virginian (even) at the earliest age have made for so desireable an end—young as I was [twelve years old when the war began] the Word Liberty socontinuallysounding in my ears seemed to convey an idea of everything that was desirable on earth—true that in attaining it, I was to see every present comfort abandoned; a charming home where peace and prosperous fortune afforded all the elegancies of life, where nature and art united to render our residence delightful, where my ancestors had acquired wealth, and where my parents looked forward to days of ease and comfort, all this was to be given up; but in infancy the love of change is so predominant that we lose sight of consequences and are willing to relinquish present good for the sake of novelty, this was particularly the case with me." (Mrs. Carrington to her sister Nancy, March, 1809; MS.; and seeinfra, chap.VIII.)[478]Marshall, i, 355-65.[479]Ib., 422-24.[480]Ib., 425.[481]Marshall, i, 425.

[355]It appears that, throughout the Revolution, Pennsylvania's metropolis was noted for its luxury. An American soldier wrote in 1779: "Philada. may answer very well for a man with his pockets well lined, whose pursuit is idleness and dissipation. But to us who are not in the first predicament, and who are not upon the latter errand, it is intolerable.... A morning visit, a dinner at 5 o'clock—Tea at 8 or 9—supper and up all night is the rounddie in diem.... We have advanced as far in luxury in the third year of our Indepeny. as the old musty Republics of Greece and Rome did in twice as many hundreds." (Tilghman to McHenry, Jan. 25, 1799; Steiner, 25.)

[356]Trevelyan, iv, 279.

[357]Ib., 280.

[358]Ib.

[359]The influence of Margaret Shippen in causing Arnold's treason is now questioned by some. (See Avery, vi, 243-49.)

[360]Trevelyan, iv, 281-82.

[361]Ib., 278-80.

[362]Ib., 268-69; also Marshall, i, 215. The German countrymen, however, were loyal to the patriot cause. The Moravians at Bethlehem, though their religion forbade them from bearing arms, in another way served as effectually as Washington's soldiers. (See Trevelyan, iv, 298-99.)

[363]Trevelyan, iv, 290.

[364]The huts were fourteen by sixteen feet, and twelve soldiers occupied each hut. (Sparks, 245.)

[365]"The men were literally naked [Feb. 1] some of them in the fullest extent of the word." (Von Steuben, as quoted in Kapp, 118.)

[366]Hist. Mag., v, 170.

[367]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 260.

[368]Marshall, i, 213.

[369]Ib., 215.

[370]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 258.

[371]"The poor soldiers were half naked, and had been half starved, having been compelled, for weeks, to subsist on simple flour alone and this too in a land almost literally flowing with milk and honey." (Watson's description after visiting the camp, Watson, 63.)

[372]Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 341.

[373]Hist. Mag., v, 131.

[374]Ib.

[375]Ib., 132.

[376]Hist. Mag., v, 132-33.

[377]Hist. Mag., v, 131-32.

[378]Trevelyan, iv, 297.

[379]Ib.For putrid condition of the camp in March and April, 1778, see Weedon, 254-55 and 288-89.

[380]Trevelyan, iv, 298.

[381]Ib.

[382]Personal narrative; Shreve,Mag. Amer. Hist., Sept., 1897, 568.

[383]Trevelyan, iv, 298.

[384]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 22, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 253.

[385]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;ib., 257.

[386]General Varnum to General Greene, Feb. 12, 1778, Washington MSS., Lib. Cong., no. 21. No wonder the desertions were so great. It was not only starvation and death but the hunger-crazed soldiers "had daily temptations thrown out to them of the most alluring nature," by the British and Loyalists. (Chastellux, translator's note to 51.)

[387]Marshall, i, 227.

[388]Ib.

[389]Hist. Mag., v, 132. This is, probably, an exaggeration. The British were extremely harsh, however, as is proved by the undenied testimony of eye-witnesses and admittedly authentic documentary evidence. For their treatment of American prisoners see Dandridge:American Prisoners of the Revolution, a trustworthy compilation of sources. For other outrages see Clark's Diary,Proc., N.J. Hist. Soc., vii, 96; Moore'sDiary, ii, 183. For the Griswold affair see Niles:Principles and Acts of the Revolution, 143-44. For transportation of captured Americans to Africa and Asia see Franklin's letter to Lord Stormont, April 2, 1777; Franklin'sWritings: Smyth, vii, 36-38; also Moore'sDiary, i, 476. For the murder of Jenny M'Crea see Marshall, i, 200, note 9, Appendix, 25; and Moore'sDiary, i, 476; see also Miner:History of Wyoming, 222-36; and British officer's letter to Countess of Ossory, Sept. 1, 1777;Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., i, footnote to 289; and Jefferson to Governor of Detroit, July 22, 1779;Cal. Va. St. Prs., i, 321. For general statement see Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 59. These are but a few of the many similar sources that might be cited.

[390]Trevelyan, iv, 299.

[391]Marshall, i, 227.

[392]John Marshall's father was also at Valley Forge during the first weeks of the encampment and was often Field Officer of the Day. (Weedon.) About the middle of January he left for Virginia to take command of the newly raised State Artillery Regiment. (Memorial of Thomas Marshall;supra.) John Marshall's oldest brother, Thomas Marshall, Jr., seventeen years of age, was commissioned captain in a Virginia State Regiment at this time. (Heitman, 285.) Thus all the male members of the Marshall family, old enough to bear arms, were officers in the War of the Revolution. This important fact demonstrates the careful military training given his sons by Thomas Marshall before 1775—a period when comparatively few believed that war was probable.

[393]This was the common lot; Washington told Congress that, of the thousands of his men at Valley Forge, "few men have more than one shirt, many only the moiety of one and some none at all." (Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 260.)

[394]Slaughter, 107-08.

[395]Howe, 266.

[396]Slaughter, 108.

[397]Weedon, 134; also, Heitman, 285.

[398]Ib.

[399]Description of Marshall at Valley Forge by eye-witness, inNorth American Review(1828), xxvi, 8.

[400]Ninth Virginia. (Heitman, 72.)

[401]North American Review(1828), xxvi, 8.

[402]Weedon, Feb. 8, 1778, 226-27. Washington took the severest measures to keep officers from associating with private soldiers.

[403]Ib., 227-28.

[404]Ib., Jan. 5, 1778; 180.

[405]See Washington's affecting appeal to the soldiers at Valley Forge to keep up their spirits and courage. (Weedon, March 1, 1778, 245-46.)

[406]Channing, ii, 559.

[407]See Rush's anonymous letter to Henry and the correspondence between Henry and Washington concerning the cabal. (Henry, i, 544-51.)

[408]Marshall, i, 217.

[409]Trevelyan, iv, 301.

[410]Ib., 303-04.

[411]"The idea that any one Man Alone can save us is too silly for any Body but such weak Men as Duché to harbor for a Moment." (Adams to Rush, Feb. 8, 1778;Old Family Letters, 11; and see Lodge:Washington, i, 208; also Wallace, chap. ix.)

[412]Sparks, 252; and Marshall, i, 218.

[413]Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;Writings: Ford, vi, 257-65. And see Washington's comprehensive plans for the reorganization of the entire military service. (Washington to Committee of Congress, Jan. 28, 1778;ib., 300-51.)

[414]Hist. Mag., v, 131.

[415]On April 10, 1778, Ædanus Burke of South Carolina broke a quorum and defied Congress. (Secret Journals of Congress, April 10, 11, 24, 25, 1778, i, 62; and see Hatch, 21.)

[416]Trevelyan, iv, 291-92.

[417]Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 297-98.

[418]Ib.

[419]At this period and long after a State was referred to as "the country."

[420]Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 297-98.

[421]Until after Jefferson's Presidency, our statesmen often spoke of our "empire." Jefferson used the term frequently.

[422]Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 301-02.

[423]"My estate is a large one ... to wit upwards of ten thousand acres of valuable land on the navigable parts of the James river and two hundred negroes and not a shilling out of it is or ever was under any incumbrance for debt." (Jefferson to Van Staphorst and Hubbard, Feb. 28, 1790;Works: Ford, vi, 33.) At the time of Valley Forge Jefferson's estate was much greater, for he had sold a great deal of land since 1776. (See Jefferson to Lewis, July 29, 1787;ib., v, 311.)

[424]Jefferson to Pendleton, July, 1776;ib., ii, 219-20.

[425]Jefferson'sAutobiography;Works: Ford, i, 57.

[426]Tucker, i, 92et seq.; Randall, i, 199et seq.;Works: Ford, ii, 310, 323, 324.

[427]Bloodshed, however, Jefferson thought necessary. Seeinfra, vol.II, chap.I.

[428]See vol.IIof this work.

[429]Jefferson'sAutobiography;Works: Ford, i, 79.

[430]Burnaby to Washington, April 9, 1788;Cor. Rev.: Sparks, ii, 100-02. Washington sent no written answer to Burnaby.

[431]Seeinfra.

[432]Washington to Banister, April 21, 1778;Writings: Ford, vi, 477-87. In thus trying to arouse Congress to a sense of duty, Washington exaggerates the patience of his troops. They complained bitterly; many officers resigned and privates deserted in large numbers. (Seesupra.)

[433]Ib.

[434]Thayer, 12. For camp sports, see Waldo's poem,Hist. Mag., vii, 272-74.

[435]Lossing, ii, 595,et seq.

[436]Marshall, i, 230. And see Hatch's clear account of the training given by this officer (63). To the work of Von Steuben was due the excellent discipline under fire at Monmouth. And see Kapp, already cited; and Bolton, 132. Even Belcher says that our debt to Von Steuben is as great as that to Lafayette. (Belcher, ii, 14.)

[437]Washington to President of Congress, April 30, 1778;Writings: Ford, vi, 507, and footnote to 505-06. And see Channing, iii, 292.

[438]See Channing, iii, 286, 288; and Marshall, i, 235, 236.

[439]Marshall, i, 237.

[440]Sparks, 267; and Moore'sDiary, i, 48-50.

[441]Washington to McDougall, May 5, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 6. Washington was advised of the treaty with the French King before it was formally presented to Congress.

[442]Description by Major André, who took part in this amazing performance, reprinted inAmerican Historical and Literary Curiosities, following plate 26. And see Moore'sDiary, ii, 52-56.

[443]Trevelyan, iv, 376.

[444]Marshall, i, 252.

[445]Marshall speaks of "one thousand select men" under Wayne; Maxwell's division was with Wayne under Lee; Marshall was in the battle, and it seems certain that he was among Wayne's "select men" as on former and later occasions.

[446]Marshall, i, 252.

[447]Lafayette to Marshall; Marshall, i, footnote to 255.

[448]Marshall, i, 254-59.

[449]For descriptions of the battle of Monmouth see Washington to President of Congress, July 1, 1778;Writings: Ford, vii, 76-86; and to John Augustine Washington, July 4, 1778;ib., 89-92. Also Marshall, i, 251-56; Trevelyan, iv, 376-80; Irving, iii, 423-34; Sparks, 272-78; Lossing, ii, 354-65.

[450]Marshall, i, 251-56.

[451]Ib., 257.

[452]Ib., 257-58.

[453]Girardin follows Marshall in his fair treatment of Lee. (Burk, iv, 290.)

[454]He was promoted July 1, 1778. (Heitman, 285.)

[455]The whole patriot army everywhere, except in the extreme south and west, now numbered only sixteen thousand men. (Marshall, i, 306-07.)

[456]The fullest and most accurate account of the capture of Stony Point, and conditions immediately preceding, is given by Dawson in hisAssault on Stony Point.

[457]Binney, in Dillon, iii, 315-16. The care in the selection of the various commands of "light infantry," so often used by Washington after the first year of the war, is well illustrated by his orders in this case. "The officers commanding regiments," runs Washington's orders, "will be particularly careful in the choice of the men.... The Adjutant General is desired to pass the men ... under critical inspection, and return all who on any account shall appear unfit for this kind of service to their regiments, to be replaced by others whom he shall approve." (Washington's Order Book, iii, 110-11; MS., Lib. Cong.)

[458]Washington to Wayne (Private and Confidential), July 1, 1779; Dawson, 18-19.

[459]Dawson, 20. Wayne's demand for sustenance and clothing, however, is amusing. "The Light Corps under my Command," writes Wayne, "... have had but two days fresh Provision ... nor more than three days allowance of Rumin twelve days, which article I borrowed from GenlMcDougall with a Promise to Replace it. I owe him Seventy five Gallons—must therefore desire you to forward three Hodds[hogsheads] of Rum to this place with all possible Dispatch together with a few fat sheep & ten Head of good Cattle." (Wayne to Issuing Commissary, July 9, 1779;ib., 20-21.)Wayne wrote to Washington concerning clothing: "I have an [word illegible] Prejudice in favor of an Elegant Uniform & Soldierly Appearance—... I would much rathar risque my life and Reputation at the Head of the same men in an Attack Clothed & Appointed as I could wish—with a Single Charge of Ammunition—than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds of Cartridges." (Dawson, 20-21.)Washington wrote in reply: "I agree perfectly with you." (Ib., 21.)

Wayne wrote to Washington concerning clothing: "I have an [word illegible] Prejudice in favor of an Elegant Uniform & Soldierly Appearance—... I would much rathar risque my life and Reputation at the Head of the same men in an Attack Clothed & Appointed as I could wish—with a Single Charge of Ammunition—than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds of Cartridges." (Dawson, 20-21.)

Washington wrote in reply: "I agree perfectly with you." (Ib., 21.)

[460]Marshall, i, 310.

[461]Wayne's order of battle was as picturesque as it was specific. Officer and private were directed "to fix a Piece of White paper in the most Conspicuous part of his Hat or Cap ... their Arms unloaded placing their whole Dependence on the Bayt.... If any Soldier presumes to take his Musket from his Shoulder or Attempt to fire or begin the battle until Ordered by his proper Officer he shall be Instantly put to death by the Officer next him.... Should any Soldier ... attempt to Retreat one Single foot or Sculk in the face of danger, the Officer next to him is Immediately to put him to death." (Ib., 35-38.)

[462]Wayne to Delaney, July 15, 1779; Dawson, 46-47.

[463]The generous and even kindly treatment which the Americans accorded the vanquished British is in striking contrast with the latter's treatment of Americans under similar circumstances. When the fort was taken, the British cried, "Mercy, mercy, dear, dear Americans," and not a man was injured by the victors after he ceased to resist. (Dawson, 53; and Marshall, i, 311.)

[464]The fort was captured so quickly that the detachment to which Marshall was assigned had no opportunity to advance.

[465]Marshall, i, 314.

[466]Ib., 314-16.

[467]The rolls show Marshall in active service as captain until December 9, 1779. (Records, War Dept.) He retired from the service February 12, 1781. (Heitman, 285.)

[468]Binney, in Dillon, iii, 290. There often were more officers of a State line than there were men to be officered; this was caused by expiring enlistments of regiments.

[469]Tucker, i, 136.

[470]Marshall, i, 418.

[471]Ib., 139.

[472]Marshall, i, 419; Binney, in Dillon, iii, 290.

[473]Even the frightened Virginia women were ashamed. "Such terror and confusion you have no idea of. Governor, Council, everybody scampering.... How dreadful the idea of an enemy passing through such a country as ours committing enormities that fill the mind with horror and returning exultantly without meeting one impediment to discourage them." (Eliza Ambler to Mildred Smith, 1781 MS. AlsoAtlantic Monthly, lxxxiv, 538-39.) Miss Ambler was amused, too, it seems. She humorously describes a boastful man's precipitate flight and adds: "But this is not more laughable than the accounts we have of our illustrious G-[overno]-r [Jefferson] who, they say, took neither rest nor food for man or horse till he reached C-[arte]-r's mountain." (Ib.) This letter, as it appears in theAtlantic Monthly, differs slightly from the manuscript, which has been followed in this note.These letters were written while the laughing young Tarleton was riding after the flying Virginia Government, of which Eliza Ambler's father was a part. They throw peculiar light on the opinions of Marshall, who at that time was in love with this lady's sister, whom he married two years later. (Seeinfra, chap. v.)

These letters were written while the laughing young Tarleton was riding after the flying Virginia Government, of which Eliza Ambler's father was a part. They throw peculiar light on the opinions of Marshall, who at that time was in love with this lady's sister, whom he married two years later. (Seeinfra, chap. v.)

[474]An inquiry into Jefferson's conduct was formally moved in the Virginia Legislature. But the matter was not pressed and the next year the Legislature passed a resolution of thanks for Jefferson's "impartial, upright, and attentive Administration." (See Eckenrode's thorough treatment of the subject in hisRevolution in Virginia, chap. vii. And see Tucker, i, 149-56, for able defense of Jefferson; and Dodd, 63-64; also Ambler, 37.)

[475]Monroe, Bland, and Grayson are the only conspicuous exceptions.

[476]Story, in Dillon, iii, 338.

[477]This prevalent idea is well stated in one of Mrs. Carrington's unpublished letters. "What sacrifice would not an American, or Virginian (even) at the earliest age have made for so desireable an end—young as I was [twelve years old when the war began] the Word Liberty socontinuallysounding in my ears seemed to convey an idea of everything that was desirable on earth—true that in attaining it, I was to see every present comfort abandoned; a charming home where peace and prosperous fortune afforded all the elegancies of life, where nature and art united to render our residence delightful, where my ancestors had acquired wealth, and where my parents looked forward to days of ease and comfort, all this was to be given up; but in infancy the love of change is so predominant that we lose sight of consequences and are willing to relinquish present good for the sake of novelty, this was particularly the case with me." (Mrs. Carrington to her sister Nancy, March, 1809; MS.; and seeinfra, chap.VIII.)

[478]Marshall, i, 355-65.

[479]Ib., 422-24.

[480]Ib., 425.

[481]Marshall, i, 425.

He was always and under all circumstances an enthusiast in love. (Mrs. Carrington, of Marshall's devotion to his wife.)

It was upon a night of gentle gayety in the late winter or early spring of 1779-80 that Captain John Marshall first met Mary Ambler. When he went back to Virginia to take charge of troops yet to be raised, he visited his father, then commanding at the village of Yorktown.[482]More than a year had gone by since Colonel Marshall had left his son at Valley Forge. On this visit befell the most important circumstance of John Marshall's private life. While he was waiting for his new command, an event came to pass which relieved his impatience to prolong still further his four years of active warfare and inspired him to improve this period of enforced absence fromthe front, by preparing himself for his chosen profession.

Jacquelin Ambler had been one of Yorktown's wealthiest men, and his house was called a "mansion." But the war had ruined him financially;[483]and the year 1780 found the Ambler family dwelling in humble quarters. "The small retired tenement" to which reduced circumstances forced him to take his invalid wife and young children stood next door to the headquarters of Colonel Thomas Marshall. The Ambler family was under Colonel Marshall's protection, for the father's duties as State Councillor kept him at Williamsburg.[484]But the reverse of Jacquelin Ambler's fortunes did not make this little house less attractive than his "mansion" had been.

The unusual charm of his daughters rendered that modest abode very popular. Indeed, this quality of pleasing seems to have been a common possession of the Ambler family, and has become historic. It was this very Jacquelin Ambler for whom Rebecca Burwell threw over Thomas Jefferson. This Virginia belle was the love of Jefferson's youth. She was the "Campana in die,"[485]"Belinda," "Adnileb," and "R. B." of Jefferson's letters.[486]But Rebecca Burwell preferred Jacquelin Ambler and became his wife.[487]The Ambler daughters inherited from both mother and father that beauty, grace, and goodness which gave them their extraordinary personal appeal.

During John Marshall's visit to his father the young ladies of Yorktown saw to it that a "ball" was given. All the officers had been invited, of course; but none of them aroused such interest as did Captain John Marshall of the Eleventh Virginia Regiment of the line.

The fame of this young soldier, fresh from the war, was very bright in Virginia. His name was on the lips of all the fair attendants of the dance. They were in a quiver of expectancy at the prospect of meeting the gallant captain who had fought under the great Washington and who had proved himself a hero at Brandywine and Germantown, at Valley Forge and Monmouth.

Years afterwards, Eliza, the eldest of the Ambler daughters, described the event in a letter full of color written to her sister. "We had been accustomed to hear him [Marshall] spoken of by all as a veryparagon," writes Mrs. Carrington, "we had often seenletters from him fraught with filial and paternal affection. The eldest of fifteen children, devoted from his earliest years to his younger brothers and sisters, he was almost idolized by them, and every line received from him was read with rapture."[488]

"Our expectations were raised to the highest pitch," writes the elder sister, "and the little circle of York was on tiptoe on his arrival. Our girls particularly were emulous who should be first introduced"; but Mary Ambler, then only fourteen years old, and very diffident and retiring, astonished her sister and friends by telling them that "we were giving ourselves useless trouble; for that she, for the first time, had made up her mind to go to the ball, though she had not even been at dancing school, and was resolved to set her cap at him and eclipse us all."[489]

Great was their disappointment when finally Captain Marshall arrived. His ungainly dress, slouch hat, and rustic bearing instantly quenched their enthusiasm.[490]They had looked forward to seeing a handsome, romantic figure, brilliantly appareled, and a master of all the pleasing graces; instead they beheld a tall, loose-jointed young man, thin to gauntness, whose clothes were hanging about him as if upon a rack, and whose manners were awkward and timid to the point of embarrassment. No game was he for Cupid's bow, thought these belles of old Yorktown.

"I, expecting an Adonis, lost all desire of becoming agreeable in his eyes when I beheld his awkward figure, unpolished manners, and total negligence of person";[491]thus writes Eliza Ambler of the impression made upon her by the young soldier's disheveled aspect and unimpressive deportment. But Mary Ambler stuck to her purpose, and when John Marshall was presented to her, both fell in love at first sight. Thus began a lifelong romance which, in tenderness, exaltation, and constancy is unsurpassed in the chronicle of historic affections.

It was no longer alone the veneration for a father that kept the son in Yorktown. Day followed day, and still the gallant captain tarried. The unfavorable first judgment gave way to appreciation. He soon became a favorite at every house in the village.[492]His gift of popularity was as great, it seems, among women as among men; and at the domestic fireside as well as in the armed camp. Everybody liked John Marshall. There was a quality in him that inspired confidence. Those who at first had been so disappointed in his dress and manners soon forgot both in his wholesome charm. They found him delightfully companionable.[493]Here was preëminently a social being, they discovered. He liked people, and wanted people to like him. He was full of fun and hearty laughter; and his rare good sense and sheer manliness furnished solid foundation to his lighter qualities.

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