CHAPTER XIV.

The Revolution of 1830—Proclamation to the French People—From theJournal du Commerce, Paris—Proclamation of Louis Philippe—La Fayette’s Official Announcement to the Municipality of Paris—Order of the Day issued by General La Fayette—Details of the Revolution—Charles X. driven from the Throne—The Deputies, escorted by the National Guards, offer the Throne to the Duke of Orleans—The Duke’s Reply—He is made Citizen King—Changes in the Charter—La Fayette’s Speech in the Chamber—Letters by La Fayette concerning this Political Upheaval—His Opinions regarding French Affairs—Review in the Champ de Mars—Order of the Day to the National Guards—La Fayette’s Account of the Revolution—La Fayette’s Personal Influence in France—Compliments of the London Press regarding him—La Fayette speaks on Capital Punishment in the Chamber—Letter from Paris regarding La Fayette’s Popularity—Encomiums in his Honor—Letter from Count de Lasteyrie—Incident of the Revolution—Resignation of La Fayette—Comments of the National Gazette—La Fayette’s Speech on the Slave Trade—His Remarks concerning the National Guard—La Fayette sums up the Results obtained by the Revolution of 1830—The Victory Popular—The Dynasty of Right Divine expelled—National Sovereignty declared—National Guard established—Liberty of the Press secured—Trial by Jury applied—New Electoral Law—Elective Administrations—La Fayette receives a Deputation from Philadelphia—Address of the American Minister—La Fayette’s Courteous and Patriotic Reply.

“Hereditary bondsmen! Know ye not,Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?”—Byron.

“Hereditary bondsmen! Know ye not,

Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?”

—Byron.

DURING the Revolution of 1830, in France, the following proclamations were issued to the French people:—

“Proclamation.“Addressed to the French by the deputies of departments assembledat Paris.“Frenchmen!France is free. Absolute power raised its standard; the heroic population of Paris has overthrown it. Paris, attacked, has made the sacred cause triumph by arms,—which had triumphed in vain in the elections. A power which usurped our rights and disturbed our repose, threatened at once liberty and order. We return to the possession of order and liberty. There is no more fear for acquired rights; no more barrier between us and the rights which we still need. A government which may without delay secure to us these advantages is now the first want of our country. Frenchmen, those of your deputies who are already at Paris, have assembled, and till the Chambers can regularly intervene, they have invited a Frenchman who has never fought but for France—the Duke of Orleans—to exercise the function of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. This is, in their opinion, the surest means promptly to accomplish by peace the success of the most legitimate defence.“The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the national and constitutional cause. He has always defended its interests and professed its principles. He will respect our rights, for he will derive his own from us. We shall secure to ourselves by laws all the guarantees necessary to liberty strong and durable.”

“Proclamation.“Addressed to the French by the deputies of departments assembledat Paris.

“Proclamation.

“Addressed to the French by the deputies of departments assembled

at Paris.

“Frenchmen!France is free. Absolute power raised its standard; the heroic population of Paris has overthrown it. Paris, attacked, has made the sacred cause triumph by arms,—which had triumphed in vain in the elections. A power which usurped our rights and disturbed our repose, threatened at once liberty and order. We return to the possession of order and liberty. There is no more fear for acquired rights; no more barrier between us and the rights which we still need. A government which may without delay secure to us these advantages is now the first want of our country. Frenchmen, those of your deputies who are already at Paris, have assembled, and till the Chambers can regularly intervene, they have invited a Frenchman who has never fought but for France—the Duke of Orleans—to exercise the function of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. This is, in their opinion, the surest means promptly to accomplish by peace the success of the most legitimate defence.

“The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the national and constitutional cause. He has always defended its interests and professed its principles. He will respect our rights, for he will derive his own from us. We shall secure to ourselves by laws all the guarantees necessary to liberty strong and durable.”

LOUIS PHILIPPE.

From theJournal du Commerce, Paris, July 31, noon:—

“Inhabitants of Paris: The deputies of France, at this moment assembled at Paris, have expressed to me the desire that I should repair to this capital to exercise the functions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom.“I have not hesitated to come and share your dangers, to place myself in the midst of your heroic population, and exert all my efforts to preserve you from the calamities of civil war and anarchy.“On returning to the city of Paris, I wore with pride those glorious colors which you have resumed, and which I, myself, long wore.“The Chambers are going to assemble; they will consider the means of securing the reign of the laws, and the maintenance of the nation.“The Constitution will henceforth be a reality.“Louis Philippe D’Orleans.”

“I have not hesitated to come and share your dangers, to place myself in the midst of your heroic population, and exert all my efforts to preserve you from the calamities of civil war and anarchy.

“On returning to the city of Paris, I wore with pride those glorious colors which you have resumed, and which I, myself, long wore.

“The Chambers are going to assemble; they will consider the means of securing the reign of the laws, and the maintenance of the nation.

“The Constitution will henceforth be a reality.

“Louis Philippe D’Orleans.”

“Municipal Commission of Paris, July 31.“Inhabitants of Paris!Charles X. has ceased to reign over France. Not being able to forget the origin of his authority, he has always considered himself the enemy of our country, and of its liberties, which he could not understand. After having clandestinely attacked our institutions by all the means which fraud and hypocrisy gave him, he resolved, when he thought himself strong enough, to destroy them openly; to drown them in the blood of the French. Some five days have sufficed to annihilate his corrupted government, which has been only a permanent conspiracy against the liberty and prosperity of France. The nation alone is standing adorned with those national colors which it has conquered with its blood. It will have a government and laws worthy of itself.”

“Municipal Commission of Paris, July 31.

“Inhabitants of Paris!Charles X. has ceased to reign over France. Not being able to forget the origin of his authority, he has always considered himself the enemy of our country, and of its liberties, which he could not understand. After having clandestinely attacked our institutions by all the means which fraud and hypocrisy gave him, he resolved, when he thought himself strong enough, to destroy them openly; to drown them in the blood of the French. Some five days have sufficed to annihilate his corrupted government, which has been only a permanent conspiracy against the liberty and prosperity of France. The nation alone is standing adorned with those national colors which it has conquered with its blood. It will have a government and laws worthy of itself.”

“Staff of the National Guard.[OFFICIAL.]“Sent to the Municipality of Paris.“General La Fayette announces to the mayors and members of the different arrondissements, that he has accepted the command-in-chief of the National Guard, which has been offered to him by the voice of the public, and which has been unanimously conferred upon him by the deputies now assembled at the house of M. Lafitte. He invites the mayor and municipal committees of each arrondissement to send an officer to receive the orders of the general at the Hôtel de Ville, to which he is now proceeding, and to wait for him there.“By order ofGeneral La Fayette, member of the constitutional municipal committee of Paris.“Lafitte,Lobau,“Cassimir Perrier,Odier.”“Gen. Gerard,

“Staff of the National Guard.[OFFICIAL.]“Sent to the Municipality of Paris.

“Staff of the National Guard.

[OFFICIAL.]

“Sent to the Municipality of Paris.

“General La Fayette announces to the mayors and members of the different arrondissements, that he has accepted the command-in-chief of the National Guard, which has been offered to him by the voice of the public, and which has been unanimously conferred upon him by the deputies now assembled at the house of M. Lafitte. He invites the mayor and municipal committees of each arrondissement to send an officer to receive the orders of the general at the Hôtel de Ville, to which he is now proceeding, and to wait for him there.

“By order ofGeneral La Fayette, member of the constitutional municipal committee of Paris.

“Proclamation.“Fellow-Citizens: You have, by an unanimous acclamation, elected me your general. I shall prove myself worthy of the choice of the Parisian National Guard. We fight for our laws and our liberties.“Fellow-Citizens, our triumph is certain. I beseech you to obey the orders of the chiefs that will be given you, and that cordially. The troops of the line have already given way. The guards are ready to do the same. The traitors who have excited the civil war, and who thought to massacre the people with impunity, will soon be forced to account before the tribunals, for their violation of the laws and their sanguinary plots.“Signed at general quarters,“Le général du Bourg,“La Fayette.”

“Proclamation.

“Fellow-Citizens: You have, by an unanimous acclamation, elected me your general. I shall prove myself worthy of the choice of the Parisian National Guard. We fight for our laws and our liberties.

“Fellow-Citizens, our triumph is certain. I beseech you to obey the orders of the chiefs that will be given you, and that cordially. The troops of the line have already given way. The guards are ready to do the same. The traitors who have excited the civil war, and who thought to massacre the people with impunity, will soon be forced to account before the tribunals, for their violation of the laws and their sanguinary plots.

“Signed at general quarters,“Le général du Bourg,“La Fayette.”

“Signed at general quarters,

“Le général du Bourg,

“La Fayette.”

The following order of the day was issued by General La Fayette, on accepting the command of the National Guard:—

“Aug. 2.“During the glorious crisis in which the Parisian energy has re-conquered our rights, everything still remains provisional; there is nothing definitive but the sovereignty of those national rights, and the eternal remembrance of the glorious work of the people; but amidst the various powers instituted through the necessity of our situation, the reorganization of the National Guard is a most necessary defence for the public order, and one which is highly called for. The opinion of the prince exercising the high station of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, is that I should, for the present, take that command. In 1790 I refused to accept such an offer, made to me by 3,000,000 of my comrades, as that office would have been a permanent one, and might one day have become a very dangerous one. Now that circumstances are altered, I think it my duty, in order to serve liberty and my country, to accept the station of general commandant of the National Guard of France.“La Fayette.”

“Aug. 2.

“During the glorious crisis in which the Parisian energy has re-conquered our rights, everything still remains provisional; there is nothing definitive but the sovereignty of those national rights, and the eternal remembrance of the glorious work of the people; but amidst the various powers instituted through the necessity of our situation, the reorganization of the National Guard is a most necessary defence for the public order, and one which is highly called for. The opinion of the prince exercising the high station of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, is that I should, for the present, take that command. In 1790 I refused to accept such an offer, made to me by 3,000,000 of my comrades, as that office would have been a permanent one, and might one day have become a very dangerous one. Now that circumstances are altered, I think it my duty, in order to serve liberty and my country, to accept the station of general commandant of the National Guard of France.

“La Fayette.”

TheNiles Register, published at Baltimore, thus writes at this time concerning the Revolution of 1830:—

“The details are long and exceedingly interesting. Charles has abdicated the throne of France, as well as his son, in favor of the Duke of Bordeaux, his grandson; but the French have now so little regard for the ‘divine rights’ of the Bourbons, as to refuse having ababyfor their king; and it is highly probable that the Duke of Orleans will be invested with the sovereignty, according to the charter, with, perhaps, some small modifications. Our old friend, La Fayette, has so far fulfilled his best hopes, in preserving much respect for order amidst the bustling events that have lately happened in Paris, and his coadjutors seem entitled to the highest praise for the firmness and discretion with which they have acted; but thepeoplehave earned even more glory by their moderation, if it be possible, than by their valor. The result is wonderful indeed. A complete revolution effected in less than ten days, and extending all over France, and the people settled down into their usual avocations in peace! the tri-colored flag floats everywhere in the breeze; the Marseillaise Hymn is sung in the theatres; liberty is regained, and licentiousness has not followed in its train!

“In August the deputies proceeded in a body and on foot, escorted by the National Guard, to the Palais Royal, to offer the throne, which they had declared vacant, to the Duke of Orleans. To the declaration of the Chamber, read by M. Lafitte, in the presence of the Duke of Orleans, he thus replied:—

“‘I receive, with profound emotion, the declaration you present to me. I look upon it as the expression of the national will, and it appears to me in harmony with the principles I have professed all my life. Filled withrecollections which always have induced me to wish that it might never be my destiny to ascend a throne, exempt from ambition, and accustomed to the peaceful life which I have led in the midst of my family, I cannot conceal from you all the emotions which agitate my heart on this most important occasion; but there is one that overmasters them all, and that is love of my country. I feel what it requires of me, and I will do it.’

“After this reply, delivered with much emotion, General La Fayette taking the arm of the Duke of Orleans, said in a loud voice:—

“‘This is such a prince as I desired.’

“The peers speedily followed the deputies, and waited upon the ‘citizen king,’ as they called him.

“The deputies having declared the throne vacant by the flight of the king and his family, proceeded to make certain alterations in the constitution, which, having passed through all necessary forms, and been accepted also by the Duke of Orleans, he took the oaths as king of France, on the 9th of August, and was proclaimed accordingly.”

Charles X., at different periods of his reign, having, for the purpose of obtaining a majority in the House of Peers, created many new peers, the following proposition was submitted to the Chamber of Deputies by M. Berard:—

“All nominations and creations of peers made under the reign of Charles X. are declared void and of none effect. The 27th article of the charter (giving the king power to create peers) shall be subjected to a new discussion in the sittings of 1831.”

These propositions being before the house, General La Fayette having ascended the tribune, amidst the most profound silence, thus spoke:—

“In mounting this tribune for the purpose of expressing an opinion opposed to that of many friends of liberty, I am not yielding to a momentary impulsion, nor am I courting popularity, which I never preferred to my duty. (Cheers.) The republican principles which I have professed throughout my life, and under all governments, do not prevent me from being the defender of a constitutional throne raised by the people. The same sentiments animate me under the present circumstances, when it is judged desirable to raise to a constitutional throne, the prince lieutenant-general, and I am bound to avow that this choice the more perfectly fulfils my wishes the more I become acquainted with him. (Cheers.) I do not partake in the opinion entertained by many of my fellow-citizens as to an hereditary peerage. (Hear! hear!) A disciple of the American school, I have always conceived it to be necessary that the legislative body should be divided into two chambers, differently constituted; but I have never been able to comprehend how people could be hereditary legislators and judges. I have always thought that the introduction of aristocracy into public institutions was mixing them with a bad ingredient. It is, therefore, with great pleasure that I find you occupied with a project that meets the sentiments I have professed throughout my life, and which I only now repeat. My conscience forced me to make this repetition, and declare that I hope shortly to see the hereditary peerage suppressed. My fellow-citizens will do me the justice to acknowledge that if I have always been the upholder of liberty, I have at the same time been the supporter of public order.”

General La Fayette was everywhere received as a kind father. He had many able coadjutors in the great work performed, especially Lafitte and Gerard.

The total number killed in Paris during the three days’ fighting in this revolution of 1830 was about eight thousand. La Fayette and his son devoted themselves with great kindness to the wounded, encouraging the surgeons and personally bestowing attentions and favors upon the sufferers.

The following letters written by La Fayette to various friends at this time will give a clear and concise idea of his opinions regarding this political upheaval in France.

The first two were addressed by La Fayette to General Bernard of Washington; the last, to a gentlemen in New York.

“Paris, Sept. 8, 1830.“My dear General: Abundance of news must have reached you through the periodical papers. Nevertheless, I think it will be pleasing to you to receive some written details. You will have received some publications relating to our memorable week. You will also have read an account of the review by the king in the Champ de Mars, for the distribution of our tri-colored flags to the National Guard. The ceremony was as splendid as that of the federation of 1790. We had five hundred thousand spectators, and every one was struck with the celerity with which in less than three weeks we have organized nearly fifty thousand men of National Guard—armed, equipped, and filing off like veteran troops. The king handed successively to the general commander-in-chief the forty-eight tri-colored flags, each surmounted with a cock in lieu of the old imperial eagle, with this motto, ‘Liberty—Public Order—Days of 27th, 28th, 29th, July, 1830.’ The commander-in-chief took himself the new oath, and had it administered to the National Guard. The colors were entrusted to flag-bearers selected from among the mechanics who had distinguished themselvesin fighting in the barricades. The National Guard are organizing throughout France. We have already fourteen thousand men for the two arrondissements only of St. Denis and Seaux.“I send to you the order of the day which I addressed to the National Guard of the kingdom. Next week a law will be proposed for the final organization of the French National Guard. All the citizens will compose the stationary guard; the young men the movable National Guard. From seven to eight hundred thousand fighting men will thus form good corps of reserve.“You know that some disturbances have taken place in Belgium; they will end, I think, by the separation of that country from Holland, under the same sovereign. We have not interfered except to signify that we shall not suffer that any foreign army should exercise any right of interference, leaving the nations to manage their own affairs according to their will, but not willing that other governments shall interfere to oppress our neighbors.“I send you the exact account of what has taken place in the Chamber relative to South America and Mexico. You will see that I took care to mark the order of the recognitions already made, and to give to our dear United States the share which belongs to them.“Our republican throne has been recognized immediately by the English government, and will soon, I hope, be recognized by the other powers. You will readily suppose that I did not say thatthis was the best of republics. I do not think so; and the constitution of the United States appears to me far preferable. But I believe we have done for the best in the present circumstances; and have prepared under a popular throne all republican institutions.There are not in France patriots more sincere and enlightened than the king and his son. I knew them but little before, but they have inspired me with the greatest friendship and confidence; and this sentiment is reciprocal.“This, my dear general, is the point at which we have arrived. I do not mention to you some slight disturbances or errors among the mechanics. There is not in all this any ill intention, and reasoning alone has been sufficient to persuade them. After all, most of these slight disorders of which our adversaries have made so much have been instigated by disguised enemies; and there have been no real troubles but at Nismes; and the zeal of the neighboring National Guard and that of the line, under the tri-colored flag, soon repressed them.“Receive the new assurances of my old and constant friendship.La Fayette.”

“Paris, Sept. 8, 1830.

“My dear General: Abundance of news must have reached you through the periodical papers. Nevertheless, I think it will be pleasing to you to receive some written details. You will have received some publications relating to our memorable week. You will also have read an account of the review by the king in the Champ de Mars, for the distribution of our tri-colored flags to the National Guard. The ceremony was as splendid as that of the federation of 1790. We had five hundred thousand spectators, and every one was struck with the celerity with which in less than three weeks we have organized nearly fifty thousand men of National Guard—armed, equipped, and filing off like veteran troops. The king handed successively to the general commander-in-chief the forty-eight tri-colored flags, each surmounted with a cock in lieu of the old imperial eagle, with this motto, ‘Liberty—Public Order—Days of 27th, 28th, 29th, July, 1830.’ The commander-in-chief took himself the new oath, and had it administered to the National Guard. The colors were entrusted to flag-bearers selected from among the mechanics who had distinguished themselvesin fighting in the barricades. The National Guard are organizing throughout France. We have already fourteen thousand men for the two arrondissements only of St. Denis and Seaux.

“I send to you the order of the day which I addressed to the National Guard of the kingdom. Next week a law will be proposed for the final organization of the French National Guard. All the citizens will compose the stationary guard; the young men the movable National Guard. From seven to eight hundred thousand fighting men will thus form good corps of reserve.

“You know that some disturbances have taken place in Belgium; they will end, I think, by the separation of that country from Holland, under the same sovereign. We have not interfered except to signify that we shall not suffer that any foreign army should exercise any right of interference, leaving the nations to manage their own affairs according to their will, but not willing that other governments shall interfere to oppress our neighbors.

“I send you the exact account of what has taken place in the Chamber relative to South America and Mexico. You will see that I took care to mark the order of the recognitions already made, and to give to our dear United States the share which belongs to them.

“Our republican throne has been recognized immediately by the English government, and will soon, I hope, be recognized by the other powers. You will readily suppose that I did not say thatthis was the best of republics. I do not think so; and the constitution of the United States appears to me far preferable. But I believe we have done for the best in the present circumstances; and have prepared under a popular throne all republican institutions.There are not in France patriots more sincere and enlightened than the king and his son. I knew them but little before, but they have inspired me with the greatest friendship and confidence; and this sentiment is reciprocal.

“This, my dear general, is the point at which we have arrived. I do not mention to you some slight disturbances or errors among the mechanics. There is not in all this any ill intention, and reasoning alone has been sufficient to persuade them. After all, most of these slight disorders of which our adversaries have made so much have been instigated by disguised enemies; and there have been no real troubles but at Nismes; and the zeal of the neighboring National Guard and that of the line, under the tri-colored flag, soon repressed them.

“Receive the new assurances of my old and constant friendship.

La Fayette.”

“Order of the Day.“To the National Guards of the Kingdom of France,Sept. 1, 1830.“The general commanding-in-chief the National Guard of the kingdom, called by the confidence of the people to the head of the public forces in the glorious days of our late revolution, has thought it his duty, notwithstanding his refusal in 1790, to accept under the new state of things the important command conferred on him by the confidence of a patriot monarch, himself placed by the wishes of his fellow-citizens on the constitutional throne of the king of the French. But in consideration of the importance and multiplicity of his duties, the general commander-in-chief must necessarily rely (of which he has, indeed, the happy certainty) on the patriotism, uponthe zeal, and, he may be permitted to add, the personal affection of his brothers in arms throughout the vast extent of our brave and free country of France.“After forty years of memorable vicissitudes the old tri-colored flag of ’89, the flag of the national sovereignty, of liberty, and of public order, has just been gloriously, generously, and forever re-established; around this standard has rallied, with a spontaneous movement, and will soon be legally organized, all France in arms.“The French people, profiting by the lessons of experience, by the progress of light and civic intelligence, and appreciating the glory and benefits of our political storms, casting off all that deprived their first impulses of their purity, feel much the more necessity for general and personal security, now that the happy division of property and the advancement of industry render it more and more necessary. Filled with respect and good will for the rights of other nations, and their bosoms glowing with ardor for all the rights, without distinction, of individual, civil and religious liberty, they cannot but maintain with firmness, and if it be necessary defend with energy, their own rights of independence, liberty, of legal order, the laws to which they have consented, and the popular throne which they have founded.“It is the National Guard to whom these great duties are particularly confided; and as no foreign influence can prevail against the French nation, proud as she is of her retrospections, of her strength, and of the great and virtuous example she has just presented to the world, holding in her hands the sacred arms of liberty; so neither can any domestic intrigue, any of those temptations to disorder which the odious tactics of our adversaries formerly rendered so oppressive, now triumph over the spirit of wisdom, moderation, and at the sametime of energy and persevering patriotism, which now characterize France as it is, and which was so admirably evinced by her brave men duringthe three great days.“The general commander-in-chief, ready at all times to assist his fellow-soldiers with all the efforts of his devotion and of his personal independence, communicates to them this day some provisionary instructions through the medium of the inspector-general, whose long experience has greatly aided his labors.“There will be no delay by the government in the presentation of a law for the final organization of the National Guard. It will have for its basis the law of ’91, and especially the vital principle of election by the citizens; but this is only an additional motive for forwarding at present with all our zeal the spontaneous movement which does honor and gives strength to France, and which presents her such as she ought to be to her friends, and, in case of need, to her enemies.“La Fayette.”

“Order of the Day.“To the National Guards of the Kingdom of France,Sept. 1, 1830.

“Order of the Day.

“To the National Guards of the Kingdom of France,

Sept. 1, 1830.

“The general commanding-in-chief the National Guard of the kingdom, called by the confidence of the people to the head of the public forces in the glorious days of our late revolution, has thought it his duty, notwithstanding his refusal in 1790, to accept under the new state of things the important command conferred on him by the confidence of a patriot monarch, himself placed by the wishes of his fellow-citizens on the constitutional throne of the king of the French. But in consideration of the importance and multiplicity of his duties, the general commander-in-chief must necessarily rely (of which he has, indeed, the happy certainty) on the patriotism, uponthe zeal, and, he may be permitted to add, the personal affection of his brothers in arms throughout the vast extent of our brave and free country of France.

“After forty years of memorable vicissitudes the old tri-colored flag of ’89, the flag of the national sovereignty, of liberty, and of public order, has just been gloriously, generously, and forever re-established; around this standard has rallied, with a spontaneous movement, and will soon be legally organized, all France in arms.

“The French people, profiting by the lessons of experience, by the progress of light and civic intelligence, and appreciating the glory and benefits of our political storms, casting off all that deprived their first impulses of their purity, feel much the more necessity for general and personal security, now that the happy division of property and the advancement of industry render it more and more necessary. Filled with respect and good will for the rights of other nations, and their bosoms glowing with ardor for all the rights, without distinction, of individual, civil and religious liberty, they cannot but maintain with firmness, and if it be necessary defend with energy, their own rights of independence, liberty, of legal order, the laws to which they have consented, and the popular throne which they have founded.

“It is the National Guard to whom these great duties are particularly confided; and as no foreign influence can prevail against the French nation, proud as she is of her retrospections, of her strength, and of the great and virtuous example she has just presented to the world, holding in her hands the sacred arms of liberty; so neither can any domestic intrigue, any of those temptations to disorder which the odious tactics of our adversaries formerly rendered so oppressive, now triumph over the spirit of wisdom, moderation, and at the sametime of energy and persevering patriotism, which now characterize France as it is, and which was so admirably evinced by her brave men duringthe three great days.

“The general commander-in-chief, ready at all times to assist his fellow-soldiers with all the efforts of his devotion and of his personal independence, communicates to them this day some provisionary instructions through the medium of the inspector-general, whose long experience has greatly aided his labors.

“There will be no delay by the government in the presentation of a law for the final organization of the National Guard. It will have for its basis the law of ’91, and especially the vital principle of election by the citizens; but this is only an additional motive for forwarding at present with all our zeal the spontaneous movement which does honor and gives strength to France, and which presents her such as she ought to be to her friends, and, in case of need, to her enemies.

“La Fayette.”

“Paris, Aug. 17, 1830.“How much I should wish to be with you, my dear general, to rejoice together in the result of this last glorious and virtuous revolution. The people alone have achieved the whole; they have shown themselves as great in the victory as daring and intrepid in the struggle. Bodies of courageous mechanics were led by young students, and chiefly by pupils of the Polytechnique School, who were far more admirable than I can express.“Our losses, during these three bloody days, have been great; those of our adversaries have been considerable. No sooner was a regiment engaged in the streets to carry off the barricades than new ones were thrown up in therear. The attacks on the Louvre, Tuileries, and Hôtel de Ville were made with incredible valor. Levasseur was severely wounded, but we shall save him. I was, on the morning of the third day, established in the Hôtel de Ville, which had been taken and retaken; and the tricolored flag was waving over our heads. The king having halted at Rambouillet with ten or twelve thousand men, I ordered from fifteen to twenty thousand Parisians to march against him; the enemy retreated. Afterwards the Count d’Artois and family reached the port of embarkation, under the escort of our commissaries, without receiving the least insult during their journey through the French territory.“The National Guard is organizing throughout France. The king we have elected is patriotic and popular. I would not say, as has been reported, that this is the best of republics, but I do say that it is a very republican monarchy, susceptible of improvement.“Adieu, my dear general. I love you, and embrace you, with all my heart.“La Fayette.”

“Paris, Aug. 17, 1830.

“How much I should wish to be with you, my dear general, to rejoice together in the result of this last glorious and virtuous revolution. The people alone have achieved the whole; they have shown themselves as great in the victory as daring and intrepid in the struggle. Bodies of courageous mechanics were led by young students, and chiefly by pupils of the Polytechnique School, who were far more admirable than I can express.

“Our losses, during these three bloody days, have been great; those of our adversaries have been considerable. No sooner was a regiment engaged in the streets to carry off the barricades than new ones were thrown up in therear. The attacks on the Louvre, Tuileries, and Hôtel de Ville were made with incredible valor. Levasseur was severely wounded, but we shall save him. I was, on the morning of the third day, established in the Hôtel de Ville, which had been taken and retaken; and the tricolored flag was waving over our heads. The king having halted at Rambouillet with ten or twelve thousand men, I ordered from fifteen to twenty thousand Parisians to march against him; the enemy retreated. Afterwards the Count d’Artois and family reached the port of embarkation, under the escort of our commissaries, without receiving the least insult during their journey through the French territory.

“The National Guard is organizing throughout France. The king we have elected is patriotic and popular. I would not say, as has been reported, that this is the best of republics, but I do say that it is a very republican monarchy, susceptible of improvement.

“Adieu, my dear general. I love you, and embrace you, with all my heart.

“La Fayette.”

The following letter was written by La Fayette to a friend in New York:—

“We might have declared a pure republic; but not without a great division of opinion, nor without danger both internal and external. And therefore the republicans generously preferred uniting themselves to the moderate monarchists (perhaps the majority of the nation), on condition that it should be arepublicanmonarchy. The Duke of Orleans was chosen by the Chamber of Deputies in the name of the people, who seem well satisfied; and having recognized the principle that he derives histitle from the will of the people, Louis Philippe reascends a popular throne.“I did not say, as some newspapers related it, ‘that this was the best of republics.’ I declared, on the contrary, my doctrines, which are of the American school; but I perceive that, under all the circumstances, this is the best thing to be done; and from what I have since seen of the new king and his family, I am confirmed in the opinion that we have done right.“We have now entered a progressive career of legislation, which will lead to a very liberal state of things.“Thus the cause of the people—the liberty of Europe—has made in three days an immense stride, and this new revolution has sustained a character for disinterestedness, grandeur of soul, and generosity, which places what are called the lowest orders of the people in the first rank of French society. France is now her own sovereign, and every day confirms her title.“La Fayette.”

“I did not say, as some newspapers related it, ‘that this was the best of republics.’ I declared, on the contrary, my doctrines, which are of the American school; but I perceive that, under all the circumstances, this is the best thing to be done; and from what I have since seen of the new king and his family, I am confirmed in the opinion that we have done right.

“We have now entered a progressive career of legislation, which will lead to a very liberal state of things.

“Thus the cause of the people—the liberty of Europe—has made in three days an immense stride, and this new revolution has sustained a character for disinterestedness, grandeur of soul, and generosity, which places what are called the lowest orders of the people in the first rank of French society. France is now her own sovereign, and every day confirms her title.

“La Fayette.”

The following are extracts of a letter of the Parisian correspondent of the LondonMorning Chronicle. Its date is the 8th of August.

“I think we shall have peace! But believe me, that question depends on the voice of one man—and that man is General La Fayette. If, on Friday night, when twelve thousand of the bravest and most intelligent of the youths of Paris marched down to the Chamber of Deputies to demand that there should be no hereditary peerage, and, in fact, no Chamber of Peers; if, I say, at that moment General La Fayette had said to those brave young men, ‘Yes, my friends, we will have a republic,’ before twenty-four hours France would have been declared a republic by the people. I do not say by the peers—by the deputies—bythe bankers—by the rich merchants, or men of property; but I do say, by the people. And even yesterday if, in the Chamber of Deputies, when La Fayette rose to address the house, when there was the silence of death, and when each one dared not to breathe till they heard some words from the republican hero—if then La Fayette had said, ‘Gentlemen, I protest against your proceedings. France shall have a charter—but shall not have a king,’ France would have had no king, and France would have maintained her position though millions should have been slain. It is to General La Fayette that the Duke of Orleans owes the crown, which to-morrow will be placed upon his head. The Royalists and Ultra-royalists were prepared, to a man, to support the Republican party.”

Another correspondent of the London papers pays La Fayette the following compliment:—

“Amidst various admirable plans and measures, I must direct your attention above all to a proposition of abolishing the punishment of death. La Fayette gave a distinguishing proof of the real nature of his spirit by seconding, in a time of revolution, the abolishment of this penalty. He is no dealer in men’s lives—no hunter after blood. He saved Louis XVI. from the fury of a mob, Charles X. from destruction, the state from anarchy; and now he would even protect from ignominious death the authors of those fatal ordinances which have produced the shedding of so much blood, and left so many to mourn over the loss of husband, father, and friend. France is erecting to La Fayette a splendid monument: but posterity will do more; our grandchildren will call him the saviour of the liberties of France.”

In the Chamber of Deputies, on the 21st of August, aproposition being submitted to abolish the punishment of death (on which no decision had been made), General La Fayette rose and said:—

“I conceive, differing with my honorable colleague, that the abolition of the penalty of death is a principle, or rather a sentiment, that ought to be at once examined. It is no new idea that is now laid before you—the abolition of this penalty has been called for at every period; it was demanded by some highly respectable members of the Constituent Assembly, by Adrian Duport; it was demanded by the father of our honorable friend, the author of the commentary on Montesquieu. How deeply have we all to regret that it had not been abolished ages back! It is in the present day loudly called for in the United States of America. From this, gentlemen, you will perceive that many have formed a decided opinion upon the subject. For my own part, I shall demand the abolition of the penalty of death until I am convinced that human judgment is infallible. What frightful use of this penalty was made during our former revolution. The reflection fills my soul with horror! No man, I believe, ever made use of it during those disastrous times, without afterwards wishing it were possible he could redeem with his own blood the condemnations in which he had joined. But our present revolution has a character of generosity as well as of patriotism, and it would adorn its commencement were we to consummate this act of humanity. I, therefore, vote for its being taken into consideration.”

Extract of a letter from Paris, dated Aug. 10, to the editor of the BostonSentinel:—

“General La Fayette can now be ranked with Washington without exaggeration. His late conduct has capped the climax of his glory. Few people at presentrealize the degree to which he is entitled to our admiration. When, on the first day of the contest, I was told that he had come to Paris from La Grange to accept the dangerous post of leader of the armed people, I could hardly credit the news. Who could then have divined the issue? And had it not proved successful, think of the terrible consequence to the old veteran. To escape to America with his life was the utmost he could have hoped in such an event. But he not only accepted the command, but did not fear to appear on horseback in military dress, in various parts of Paris, in prosecution of his arduous undertaking.

“But his fearless devotion to the cause of liberty constitutes the smallest part of his claim to our admiration. It is his magnanimity, his wonderful disinterestedness, and the purity of his patriotism that rank him with Washington. It must be recollected that he is an avowed republican, that he has always desired a republic for France. And yet the new king, Louis Philippe, is indebted to him personally for his crown. Yes, I am confident of this extraordinary fact. It is not generally known that a republic would certainly have been established, of which La Fayette might have been at the head, had it not been for his noble and disinterested preference of his country to himself. But he reflected that a republic, at this crisis, would be at the risk of foreign or civil war, or both. He was not afraid of either. He knew that he and the people could maintain a republic against both foreign and domestic foes.

“But he knew, also, that the Duke of Orleans would make a ‘republican king,’ and at the same time not endanger the public tranquillity. The magnanimous La Fayette then did not hesitate to give the duke his support, without which he never could have reigned. This Igather, not from newspapers, but from the state of the public mind expressed in innumerable ways, and particularly when the people came so near stopping the deliberations of the Chamber of Deputies the other day, and when nobody could calm them but La Fayette. People now cry about the streets medals of La Fayette,père des Français.”

From the London Morning Chronicle.

“In answer to a communication as to the light in which the French people would view the subscriptions for the sufferers at Paris, the following letter has been received:—

“‘National Guard of Paris.“‘Hôtel de Ville, Aug. 10, 1830.“‘Dear Sir: We have had a conference with General La Fayette on the subject of your letter, and beg you will communicate its results to the free men of England.“‘We think that the cause of liberty would be essentially served if a deputation were named at a general meeting in London to present to General La Fayette, as commander of the National Guard, the subscriptions for the wounded of the sufferers, and at the same time to be the bearer of an address to the inhabitants of Paris, on the late events. We think it would be a noble occasion for each to give evidence to the other of their love of freedom and peace, and of their mutual esteem and friendship. It would be a step—a great step—towards the union of two cultivated nations; it would be a glorious example to the rest; it would be to supersede the holy alliance of kings by the holier alliance of the people.“‘After the arrival of this deputation in Paris, a deputation would be named here to be the bearers of an address to the inhabitants of London, thanking them fortheir friendly exertions, and expressive of our hope for the establishment of the extension of liberty and good government.“‘These, my dear Bowring, are the suggestions which we respectfully submit to the consideration of our kind friends. These we desire to be known in England, and to the world. This is a happy moment. Let us profit by it for the universal cause of man.“‘An order of the day is at this moment being published, announcing to the people of Paris what the people of London are doing in their favor. All hearts are united in this good work. The Americans, too, are coming forward.“‘Now then, zealously for the good cause! and let us place the charters of liberty beyond the race of tyrants.“‘Yours wholly,“‘Count de Lasteyrie.’”

“‘National Guard of Paris.“‘Hôtel de Ville, Aug. 10, 1830.

“‘National Guard of Paris.

“‘Hôtel de Ville, Aug. 10, 1830.

“‘Dear Sir: We have had a conference with General La Fayette on the subject of your letter, and beg you will communicate its results to the free men of England.

“‘We think that the cause of liberty would be essentially served if a deputation were named at a general meeting in London to present to General La Fayette, as commander of the National Guard, the subscriptions for the wounded of the sufferers, and at the same time to be the bearer of an address to the inhabitants of Paris, on the late events. We think it would be a noble occasion for each to give evidence to the other of their love of freedom and peace, and of their mutual esteem and friendship. It would be a step—a great step—towards the union of two cultivated nations; it would be a glorious example to the rest; it would be to supersede the holy alliance of kings by the holier alliance of the people.

“‘After the arrival of this deputation in Paris, a deputation would be named here to be the bearers of an address to the inhabitants of London, thanking them fortheir friendly exertions, and expressive of our hope for the establishment of the extension of liberty and good government.

“‘These, my dear Bowring, are the suggestions which we respectfully submit to the consideration of our kind friends. These we desire to be known in England, and to the world. This is a happy moment. Let us profit by it for the universal cause of man.

“‘An order of the day is at this moment being published, announcing to the people of Paris what the people of London are doing in their favor. All hearts are united in this good work. The Americans, too, are coming forward.

“‘Now then, zealously for the good cause! and let us place the charters of liberty beyond the race of tyrants.

“‘Yours wholly,“‘Count de Lasteyrie.’”

“‘Yours wholly,

“‘Count de Lasteyrie.’”

A Paris paper says:—

“A great many women took an active part in the combats in Paris, and several distinguished themselves by feats of extraordinary courage. A young and pretty girl, nineteen years of age, who, during the three days, appeared in front of the combatants armed with a musket, acquired such an ascendency over the citizens that they regarded her almost as their captain. Intrepid on the field of battle, she lavished her kind attentions on the wounded when the firing had ceased. So much heroism, devotion, and humanity excited the enthusiasm of all who witnessed it. On Saturday night this young girl was borne in triumph through the streets of Paris. A great crowd accompanied her, shouting cries of joy. In one hand she held a sword, and in the other the tricolored flag. Lighted torches shed a brilliancy on this gaycortège.”

TheNiles Register, February, 1831, thus describes the resignation of La Fayette:—

“The sitting of the Chamber of Deputies on the 27th of December, 1830, was numerously attended in consequence of the extraordinary degree of interest excited by recent occurrences. The Chamber was proceeding to the discussion of the law relative to the National Guard when La Fayette entered, and was received with universal applause, upwards of one hundred members going up to him and shaking his hand. The general then wenttotothe president, and after a short conversation with him, addressed the Chamber as follows:—

“‘In a neighboring nation it is the custom when a citizen retires from a distinguished office, for him to come before his fellow-citizens and explain the cause, and I am sure the Chamber will grant me the same favor. I have always considered that the post of commander-in-chief of the National Guard of France was incompatible with a constitutional monarchy, except under circumstances of the most absolute necessity. It was this conviction that led me in 1790, when 3,000,000 of National Guards wished to elect me their commander at the federation by 14,000 deputies, to apply to the Constituent Assembly, and urge them to issue a decree in opposition to this desire.

“‘Such still was my opinion when the lieutenant-general of the kingdom, who has since become our king, wished me to accept the same appointment, and I felt myself bound to accept it, but always retaining the intention of laying it down as soon as I was satisfied that it was no longer necessary for me to continue to hold it; earlier if peace remained unbroken, but at a later period had war ensued. The declared opinion of the Chamber has hastened the period, and out of respect for it I havenot waited till the law was submitted to the other branches of the state.

“‘It is merely a matter of date; but I should be deeply hurt if any one imagined—and no one who has been acquainted with me during the last fifty-four years of my life can believe—that my conduct has been dictated by any personal feeling. I will go further, and say that this opinion of the Chamber has afforded me an opportunity. The high authority with which I was invested has given umbrage which you, gentlemen, must have heard of; and this umbrage has even been felt in certain diplomatic circles. The cause is now at an end, and I have no other honor than that of being one of your colleagues.

“‘One word more, gentlemen: I should not have given in my resignation, which the king has accepted with all that goodness he has ever shown toward me, before the crisis we have now happily gotten over was at an end. At this time my conscientious love of public order is satisfied, but I cannot say the same of my conscientious love of liberty. We must all recollect the programme announced at the Hôtel de Ville,—a popular throne supported by republican institutions. It was accepted, but we have not all put the same construction upon it: it has not always been interpreted by the councils of the king in the same sense in which it was understood by me, who am more impatient than others that it should be realized; and whatever may have been my personal independence in all situations I feel myself at the present moment more at my ease in discussing my opinions with you.

“‘For the rest, there are points upon which we shall always be in accord: we shall ever be united against our enemies, whether at home or from abroad. I still thinkthat in the measures taken in the revolution of July we not only did that which we verily believed was for the best, but that we did all that was possible to be done. I am the more convinced of this since I have become intimately acquainted with the personage we have placed on the throne. On throwing off my uniform I have not changed my motto, “Liberty, Public Order.”

“‘Besides, how many legal means we have of expressing our thoughts and making our wishes known; for there is the tribune of this Chamber, and for every citizen there is the press which has rendered the country so many services; and then there is the peaceable mode of petitions. Having thus yielded to my desire of laying all my sentiments before you, I trust I shall still and ever retain your esteem and friendship.’”

“With what feelings,” says theNational Gazette, “must the government of Austria view the present situation of La Fayette, whom it so long held as a malefactor in a dungeon! It is stated of Franklin that when he signed at Paris the treaty of alliance between the United Colonies and France, he put on the same coat which he wore when he was grossly insulted by Widderburn and the lords of the Privy Council in London. If La Fayette has retained the suit in which he escaped from Olmütz, he might resume it by the side of Philip when the Austrian ambassador has his first audience of thecitizen king.”

Niles Register, November, 1830, quotes the following speech of La Fayette in the French Chamber of Deputies:—

“At a recent sitting of the Chamber, General La Fayette made the following remarks relative to the suppression of the slave trade. Our readers will see that on this, as on all other occasions, he was careful to render justice to the United States, whose character or institutions heomits no proper opportunity of holding up to respect and admiration. The annunciation of the minister of the marine is important as to destroying the distinction of color.

“General La Fayette.‘I feel always ready to unite in whatever tends to alleviate the unfortunate condition of the ancient and unhappy colony of St. Domingo; but after the debate which has just occupied our attention the Chamber will not be disappointed if I pass over the present question to the situation of the colonies which are still in our possession. I regret very much that, at the time of the Constituent Assembly, the resolutions were not persisted in, which united the free people of color with the other colonists, in declaring them entitled to the same rights. I also wish that the slave trade had been rigorously interdicted, and that a law for the gradual abolition of slavery had prevented the misfortunes occasioned by a sudden and imprudent emancipation. And, since, have we not had sufficient reason to lament this consular and imperial system, which sent our best troops to perish in the sad expedition to St. Domingo, and which caused the double outrage of re-establishing slavery and the slave trade at a time when none but French capital was engaged in this infamous traffic? Now, gentlemen, after so many sacrifices and misfortunes, we find ourselves behind with many other nations, at least in the suppression of the slave trade.

“The United States first, the English immediately afterwards, have assimilated it with piracy, the only means of repressing it, whilst the guilty can obtain pecuniary indemnification from those who employ them, who, for example, send ships to St. Thomas to carry on the direct trade for slaves. It is to avoid consuming time with special propositions and reference to the offices,that I entreat the minister of marine, who is present (and of whose favorable intentions in this respect I am well aware), to communicate to us, decidedly, the determination of government on this subject, and on the condition of the free men of color in our colonies.’”

“The Minister of Marine.‘I have the honor of stating to the Chamber that I agree entirely in the justice and humanity of the sentiments manifested by the illustrious general who has just descended from the tribune. The government proposes to present to the Chamber a law which will condemn all those to the penalties of piracy, who engage for the future in this infamous trade for human beings. It must be acknowledged that the trade has diminished, though, in spite of the precautions taken by government, it still exists in a great degree. The penalties enacted against piracy can alone suppress it entirely. Something may, at this time, however, be mentioned honorable to France, which is, that of all the European nations who have a maritime commerce, she is least of all given to this odious traffic. As to the fate of the free people of the colonies, the government acknowledges that free men can no longer exist in different conditions; thus the legislation which will be presented to you will give you an opportunity of consecrating this principle, that all free men, of whatever class or color they may be, are equal in the eyes of the law.’”

The Chamber ordered the petition to be referred to the ministers of finance and foreign affairs.

At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, on the 14th of December, 1830, speaking of certain propositions concerning the National Guard, La Fayette said:—

“I decline to enter into the question of cantons and communes. But if I am asked if you are now to discuss whether all France shall be armed, I answer, the questionis already decided; the people did not wait in 1789, or in 1830, to deliberate, but marched against the enemy [sensation]; we must, therefore, prepare for war, as the best means of securing peace. We cannot hope to make all Europe in love with our institutions; there are those who still look with a jaundiced eye upon the accession of a citizen king to our throne.

“The revolution of Belgium, the eldest daughter of one great week, may yet excite uneasiness. At this moment you see Poland [Hear, hear!] ready to rival, in zeal and patriotism, the friends of liberty, not only in France, but in all other countries [fresh movements]. Poland [Hear, hear!] is, perhaps, upon the point of repairing the shame of the last year of Louis XV., and the immense fault which Napoleon committed when he neglected the occasion of restoring that fine country, after the three divisions which had destroyed it [loud acclamations from the left].

“We have announced our rule to be that we will not allow other powers to interfere, not only in our affairs, but in the affairs of other countries. Suppose foreign powers should think proper to seize upon Belgium, or to assist Holland; could we look on in cold blood? Certainly not [loud cheers]. The same thing may happen on the side of Poland. Suppose Austria, prevailed upon by Prussia, or for any selfish purpose of her own, was to make herself a party to the quarrel in Russian Poland—” [violent murmurs and marks of disapprobation. Several voices, “This supposition is unreasonable.”].

M. La Fayette (turning towards General Sebastian). “I speak in the presence of the minister of foreign affairs, who knows that the supposition is very natural. Why not, then, place ourselves in the fittest posture for defence?” [cheers].

La Fayette thus sums up the results obtained by the Revolution of 1830, in a paper found among his manuscripts:—

“The victory having been entirely popular, it has baffled the combinations of the liberal aristocracy as much as those of the aristocratic nobility and of foreign countries.

“The dynasty of right divine has been expelled; the national sovereignty has been not only recognized, but exercised, more clearly than it had ever been in Europe, because, in the English Revolution of 1788, there were applied again in England the principles of legitimacy. William III. was elected because he was son-in-law of James II. and to avoid breaking the line of succession: the acts were signed William and Mary.

“In the French Revolution of ’89, the national sovereignty found itself declared in the right, but in fact had preserved the line legitimate, in the person of Louis XVI. To-day the crown has been given in the name of the people, and accepted as such by Louis Philippe, who is called thus because he had in his family six predecessors of that name. He was not saluted king only after he had signed and sworn to the conditions imposed upon him, in the name of the people, and ratified by the unhesitating assent of the population of Paris and of the departments.

“The National Guard have been re-established in an original institution; arms have been given to all Frenchmen; the officers have been chosen by the citizens, very much the same as in the United States they are nominated by the executive power. It is certainly a militia, the most universal and the most democratic which has ever existed.

“The liberty of the press has been rendered completeby the suppression of obstacles which yet existed, because one can regard as already decreed those proposed resolutions relative to printers, to libraries, and to securities.

“The trial by jury has been applied not only to the press, but also to other political misdemeanors, with immense advantage, and one will hear soon of applying the jury to other questions.

“The absurdities relative to double voting have been suppressed by the nomination of definite presidents and provisionary bureaux, by executive power. The age required for the electors has been reduced from thirty years to twenty-five, and for those eligible, from forty to thirty. It is conceded in advance that the new electoral law will lower the census as much for the electors as for those eligible, unless even that should be entirely suppressed.

“The succession to the Chamber of Peers has received a blow from which it cannot recover itself.

“The tri-colored flag is re-established throughout all France, and carries into all foreign countries the love and the example of liberty.

“The municipalities, the councils of departments, chosen by the old government from amongst the enemies of liberty, have been replaced by elective administrations, and established as a sort of republican and administrative federation. Behold then, in spite of hesitations, obstacles, and delays, we have advanced thus far at present! It remains to know what we have to do, for a complete revolution.

“1. To lower as much as we can the census of the new electoral law; even to introduce there, if possible, such amendments as shall tend to give an indirect participation of the representation of the people to those who are not admitted by election.

“2. To render the administration, communal and departmental, as popular as we can, increasing their importance and diminishing that of the prefects who have not been commissioned by the executive power.

“3. That each Chamber of Deputies should find itself reorganized into a large party by more than one hundred resignations, which will give to each side a force of nearly one hundred voices; and as it will be at present impossible to dissolve the Chamber before the end of the session, as certain laws pertaining to the National Guard necessitate the continuation of the actual session, it is desirable that the next session should give to us a new Chamber; since the new law, though imperfect, will necessarily be very much preferable to the actual law.

“There will surely be a great diminishing of the civil list, and of the reforms appertaining to the budget. As to the rest, those of the budget can be modified at each session. It is necessary to demand the reform of the penal code.”

La Fayette here leaves this paper unfinished, but enough is given to form an opinion of his ideas of political reform.

The following is fromGaligani’s Messenger:—

“A deputation of gentlemen from Philadelphia have been received at the Hôtel de Ville by the prefect of the Seine. The Americans presented an address expressive of the admiration entertained by the inhabitants of Philadelphia for the noble conduct of the Parisians during the glorious days of July. The deputation was introduced by General La Fayette. In the evening a grand dinner was given in honor of the occasion, at which Mr. Rives, the American minister, returned thanks for a toast of ‘the United States and the health of PresidentJackson’; in this speech Mr. Rives addressed the company as follows:—

“‘Permit me, gentlemen, to thank you for the honor you have done my country,—an honor, it may, at least, claim to merit by its cordial sentiments for France. It was my good fortune, gentlemen, to be an eye-witness of your glorious revolution of July, and to see, with unbounded admiration, how a population—brave and generous—can be forbearing after having been subjected to the most terrific trials; and what moderation it can exercise in the midst of a victory purchased by so many noble sacrifices. But it was not necessary to have been a personal witness of your revolution to admire and appreciate it. At the distance of more than a thousand leagues beyond the Atlantic Ocean it has been felt and appreciated in all its noble grandeur.

“‘The three memorable days have been hailed by every people as the triumph of human liberty; but with us, they have given rise to the same rejoicings as our national victories; we have celebrated your 29th July, as we celebrate our own 4th of July, with illuminations, processions, salutes, and all the demonstrations of patriotic exultation. This is a proof that the ties which formerly connected the two nations in a glorious alliance, still retain all their moral force; the evidence of a sympathy and fidelity to ancient recollections, which, I hope, will insure their cordial union under the auspices of an enlightened and upright king, whose constitutional throne and noble character present the best of guarantees at the same time for his own people and for foreign powers. I have the honor to propose a toast, which emanates from the bottom of all American hearts—“The king of the French, and the French nation.”’”

We cannot resist adding an extract from the animated speech of General La Fayette upon this occasion:—

“Here I find, happily mingled together, all the recollections—all the sentiments and feelings of my life. I am surrounded by the grandsons of my early American companions, the sons of my comrades of ’89, and my new brethren in arms of 1830. In this Hôtel de Ville, twice the cradle of the freedom of Europe, have this day been presented the resolutions of the city of Philadelphia—of that city where, on the 4th of July, 1776, was proclaimed the declaration of independence, the date of a new era of liberty for the two worlds—of a liberty that, for the first time, was founded upon the genuine rights of the human race.

“Five years ago, at the commemoration of a great anniversary at Boston, on proposing as a toast, ‘The emancipation of the American hemisphere,’ which had been effected in the course of half a century, I prophesied that before the next fiftieth anniversary came round, the toast would be, ‘The emancipation of Europe.’ May this prediction be verified! A disciple of the American school, as you all well know,—and were I capable of forgetting it, there are many who would remind me of it,—it is most natural that I should drink to the memory of my teacher—my adopted father: I propose to you, ‘The memory of Washington.’”

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