Faith, like that exhibited by him at this time, is not often found in Israel. "Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise; God help me! Amen!" These were Luther's words; he remained faithful, and God helped him. He was removed until March, 1522, for it is known that the care of the Elector had sheltered him from the malice of his enemies in the silent Wartburg.
During this time, Wittenberg truly seemed to be fatherless, for Melanchthon was no Luther. And yet the burden of the Reformation rested upon the shoulders of this young man. But, notwithstanding the papal bulls, and in spite of the Edict of Worms, which appeared May 26, 1521, and spoke in the papal spirit, he was not afraid to stand in the gap. He published the acts of the Diet of Worms, and sided with the proscribed Luther. Every where his assistance was required, so also to give his advice in supplying the professorial chairs in the University. During this time,Aurogallus, teacher of the Hebrew, andJustus Jonas, in the capacity of provost and professor of Theology, arrived in Wittenberg. During the same year, Melanchthonpublished a severe work against the Theologians of Paris. These had severely condemned Luther and his writings. Against these he wrote his defence of Dr. M. Luther, "against the raging judgment of the Paris Divines." It is one of his most cutting productions. He begins thus: "Behold, Christian reader, what monstrous beasts of Theologians this part of the earth, Europe, gives birth to!" He expresses himself unwilling to believe that this production has emanated from Paris, because so furious a spirit breathes in it. The common people believe that Christian doctrine dwells in the high school as in its own palace. But he will disregard the distinguished personages, and the high rank of the University, and says: "In our common Christianity, Christ's voice alone shall rule. Whoever does not hear this, does not belong to Christ." The Universities of Cologne and Löwen had also condemned Luther's writings, but they had not acted ascrazilyas the Parisians. He, therefore, found himself obliged to believe that the saying of those in the olden time was not altogether without foundation: "That the French have no brains." They called Luther a heretic because he did not agree with the Universities, the holy fathers, and the councils. But here Melanchthon plants himself upon the basis of the Bible, and declares this alone can be infallible, and adds: "What new articles of Faith do magistri nostri of Paris wish to add to this? Perhaps their own gross ones!" In this biting manner he proceeds, and in a clear, lively manner, thoroughly refutes the assertions of the Parisians. He proves the Scriptures to be the only fountain of knowledge in the most triumphant manner, and then proceeds to show that Luther is standing upon the Bible, and yet does not contradict the Fathers. Luther's defender proves that he is on Augustine's side in the doctrinesof Free-will and of Grace, and then goes on to show that the Parisians themselves are opposed to the Fathers. He concludes thus: "I wished to guard you in these things, Christian reader, in order that you may not be prejudiced against Luther by the reputation of the Sorbonne,[6]the wisdom of which you have been able to see in one or two points. From those which I have exposed to you, you may easily guess the rest—for the Sorbonne is the Sorbonne. It will be easier for you to find Christ among the carpenters than among these people."
So bravely did Melanchthon speak, and yet the position he occupied alone, during Luther's absence, depressed him so much that he felt the need of consolation. When Luther had reached the Wartburg, Melanchthon discovered it, and full of joy wrote toWenzeslaus Link: "Our dearest father is alive!" He wishes to fold him in his arms very soon, and says: "Everything is going on well in the University, except that we are deprived of our father Doctor Martinus."
At another time he wrote: "Our Elijah is not yet with us, but we wait and hope for him. What more shall I say? My longing for him tortures me grievously!" Luther reprimanded him about this, and wrote thus: "Even though I should be lost, the Gospel will lose nothing by that; for in that you now excel me, and follow Elijah as an Elisha with a double portion of the spirit, which may the Lord Jesus bestow upon you in his mercy! Amen." Alreadyon the 12th of May, 1521, a letter of comfort arrived fromPatmos, as Luther called the Wartburg. He says in it: "And what are you doing, my Philip? Do you pray for me, that this my involuntary concealment may redound to the greater glory of God?" In conclusion, he says: "Here I sit, and all day long place before me the picture of the Church, and lament my insensibility that I am not drenched in tears, and with my eyes, as with fountains of tears, weep for the slain of my people. But there is no one who will arise and cleave to the Lord, or oppose himself as a wall for the house of Israel, in these latter days of his wrath. Yes, Kingdom of the Pope, thou art worthy of this latter time! God be merciful unto us! Do you then, as a servant of the word, stand in the midst, and guard the walls and gates of Jerusalem, until they come upon you also. You understand your calling and your gifts. I pray for you before all other things, if, (as I do not doubt,) my prayer availeth anything. Do you likewise. Let us bear our burden together. We stand alone in the battle. After me, they will fall upon thee."
Melanchthon needed such encouragement in his present position; for as it has often been, so was it now in Wittenberg, that enemies are less dangerous than friends. With all his storming, Luther yet proceeded calmly. It was his primary object to lay on every side the deep foundation of Justification by Grace through Faith; and he thought less of the finishing of the building. He permitted all those things to remain which did not flatly contradict the word of God. But his friends in Wittenberg did not think so soberly and prudently. They wished to overturn the structure of the Roman Church by rapid assault, and to erect something entirely new. Every particle of theRomish leaven was to be exterminated from the public worship of God.
First of all, Luther's fellow-conventuals, the Augustinian monks of Wittenberg, led by the preacherGabriel Zwilling, appeared with a resolution to omit the daily private mass, and to distribute the Sacrament in both kinds. When the Elector heard of this, he inquired at once into the particulars of the matter, and appointed a commission, to which Melanchthon belonged, to investigate the whole matter. The report of this commission was decidedly in favor of those who encouraged these innovations. After exhibiting the antiscriptural character of the mass, and the denial of the cup to the laity, and saying: "It is certain that the abuse of the mass is one of the greatest and most abominable abuses in the world," they pray the Elector to take hold of the matter earnestly, and speedily to abolish the abuse of the masses in his own dominions, and not to care if he should be abused as a Bohemian or heretic. It is impossible to avoid reviling. They appeal to the Elector's conscience, and reminded him of the great day of reckoning. But it also gave liberty to conscience, if any one wished to celebrate mass alone. But the Elector was not satisfied with this opinion. As he generally preferred to act prudently, he considered the step of the Augustinians too hasty. He thought that the opinion of so few persons could not be decisive, and he also clearly foresaw the consequences, should the overthrow of private masses put an end to the legacies for this purpose. He communicated these views to the Commission in writing, through Dr.Bayer. They returned an excellent reply, full of a joyful faith, which we regret not to be able to print entire. The reply said: "Although we are the smallest party, the truth of the divine word, which isabove all angels and creatures, because it is clearly revealed in the Gospel and in the apostle Paul, shall not therefore be despised. For the smallest party ever received and preached the truth, and so it will remain to the end of the world." It concludes thus: "Let no one be offended because this matter will cause great offence. For Christ, as it is written, came into the world, and was given to those who believe in him and his word, that they might improve themselves in him, to obtain eternal life. But to those who do not receive him and his word, he has been given and set for a stumbling-block, that they may die for ever." Luther also, in his work "Of the Abuse of the Mass," expressed himself in favor of the omission of private masses. The Elector now permitted the matter to take its own course. The movement, which had commenced in the Augustinian cloister in Wittenberg, communicated itself likewise to those in Meissen and Thuringia. In the month of December of this year a provincial assembly of Augustinians from different quarters was convened. Their resolutions contemplated the abolition of secret masses, cloistral confinement, and other antiscriptural customs. At this time appeared Luther's publication "Concerning Priestly and Monastic Vows," which gave the movement scriptural progress. When a minister,Bernhardi, called Feldkirch, relinquished his celibacy, and defended this step, Melanchthon was not afraid to step forward to defend the severely assaulted man, and to renounce a doctrine which the Bible terms a doctrine of devils, and is yet held fast by the Papal Chair with the utmost tenacity.
But other events occurred in Wittenberg, which might have done the greatest injury to the good cause of the Reformation, had not the Lord of the Church watched over it. A fanatical spirit had arisen in the city ofZwickau. Among other things he rejected Infant Baptism, and boasted of the possession of supernatural revelations. At Christmas, three of these fanatics came to Wittenberg. These were two cloth-weavers namedNicholas StorchandThomas Marx, the third beingMarcus Stübner, who claimed to belong to the learned. In Wittenberg, the private teacher,Martin Cellarius, joined them. They also met with Melanchthon, who had even received the chief spokesman, Stübner, into his house. He did not possess that deep insight into human nature which distinguished Luther. He, therefore, did not at once declare himself opposed to this perverted movement. December 27, 1521, he gave notice of this to the Elector, and says: "I have conversed with them myself, and they declare most wonderful things concerning themselves, viz., that God with a loud voice sent them forth to teach, that they enjoy most intimate conversations with God, behold future events, and that they are, in short, prophetic and apostolical men. I cannot describe how all this moves me. That spirits possess them, seems to be established by many reasons, concerning which no one can easily form an opinion but Martinus, (Luther.) If the Gospel and the honor and peace of the Church are in any danger, it is absolutely necessary that these people should have an interview with Martinus, especially as they appeal to him. I would not write anything to your Electoral Grace about this matter, did not the importance of the matter require that steps should be taken in time. For it is needful for us to be on our guard, lest the devil entrap us." Spalatin relates that the Elector expressed himself about this matter very humbly in these words: "This is a very important matter, which I, as a layman, do not understand. Now, God has bestowed considerable possessions upon me andmy brother. If I understood these matters, I would rather take a staff in my hands and fly, than act knowingly against God." However, the Elector summoned Melanchthon and Amsdorf toPrettin.
ThereHaubold von Einsiedeland Spalatin questioned them further concerning these matters. They expressed themselves to the same effect as Melanchthon had done in his report. Again Luther's judgment was solicited. In a letter of Luther's, called forth by Melanchthon, he judged very correctly of the spirits of Zwickau. He requires letter and seal for their public ministry. As to their spirit, it would only be necessary to inquire, whether they had experienced spiritual conflicts and divine birth, death and hell. He proceeds to express himself in a very decided manner in reference to Infant Baptism, and concludes thus: "I have all along expected that the devil would create this ulcer, but it was not to be done by the Papists. He desires to bring about this great schism among us and ours, but Christ will soon trample him beneath our feet. But these fanatics had already gained adherents. Among them was the well-known Dr.Karlstadt,[7]a man of a legal, unsettled mind, who, with all his boasting of liberty, knew nothing of true evangelical liberty. He commenced a sad work in Wittenberg. Many students joined him. They abolished private masses, burned the images, destroyed the altars, abolished auricular confession, dropped the hymns and ceremonies of the Church, went to communion without previous confession, and did many other thingsof a similar character. Without applying to the constituted authorities, without caring for those who were offended at their course, they carried everything before them by storm, appealing to their liberty, the first commandment, and the Holy Ghost, which they possessed. Whoever did not side with them was denounced as an heretic.
This was too much for the youthful professor, the burden was too great, and he longed for the faith and strength of that man, who, under these circumstances could not endure to remain longer in his Patmos. Luther addressed a capital letter to the Wittenbergians, in which he most clearly points out to them the true point of view from which Karlstadt's innovation was to be examined. But Melanchthon ardently desired Luther's return to Wittenberg. His return was absolutely necessary too, yet the Elector would not hear of it. At last, on the 7th of March, 1522, Luther escaped from the Wartburg. Two letters, addressed to the Elector, and which really display an apostolical strength of faith, paved and prepared the way. He was received with acclamations in Wittenberg, and when he now began, from the first Sunday in Lent until the Sunday Reminiscere, to preach eight sermons against these innovations, in a convincing, winning manner, all rejoiced, and the turbulent waves again grew calm.
Gabriel was convinced, but Karlstadt remained hardened. But the fanatics again gathered together secretly, and endeavored to spread themselves. The desire was expressed that Luther might have an interview with them. Although reluctantly, he at last resolved to hearMarcus, one of their leaders. Melanchthon was present at the interview. Marcus was accompanied by the impetuous Cellarius, and several others. When Luther pointed out tothem, that their pretensions were not founded upon the Holy Scriptures, but were really the inventions of over-curious minds, or perhaps even foolish and hurtful inspirations of a deceitful spirit, Cellarius behaved like a mad-man. They departed with curses, but Luther calmly said: "That God, whom I worship and serve, will know right well how to restrain your gods, so that none of these things will come to pass."
We may well conceive how relieved Melanchthon must have felt, when the proper man of the Reformation again stood in the breach.
CHAPTER VI.
LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE.
TheGospel gained greater and greater victories. The preaching of the truth found open doors in Denmark and Sweden, in Transylvania and Hungary, in Silesia and France. As the spirit of primitive Christianity in Germany went forth from Wittenberg through the various provinces, so also didZwingli, and Melanchthon's friend and fellow-student,Oecolampadius, labor in Switzerland with blessed results. A new time was coming, and its spring had already dawned. Perhaps no other means contributed so much to the promotion of the Reformation as the translation of the Bible, which we owe to Luther's master hand. In the Wartburg he completed the translationof the New Testament, with a spirit which to this day has not been excelled. But he was not ashamed to make use of the assistance and advice of his friends in this work.[8]Among these friends, Melanchthon was the principal one, who, indeed, excelled Luther in learning. Melanchthon took very great pains to discover the true meaning of the passages, for which his assistance had been solicited. If any expression remained dark, he could apply for an explanation to the physician,Sturtz, in Erfurt, to Spalatin, and other friends. We have before heard that he applied himself to the Hebrew language. The knowledge of this language was very serviceable to him in the translation of the Old Testament. The Book of Job particularly called forth the efforts of the Wittenbergians. Luther somewhere speaks of it in a letter: "M. Philip, Aurogallus, and I, are laboring so carefully in Job that sometimes we could scarcely complete three lines in four days. But Melanchthon labored with especial energy in his own field of labor. He saw the importance of a classical education, and labored very zealously for its extension. But, although he mightily promoted the ancient languages, his heart was yet in the Holy Scriptures. This is proved by his explanations of several books of the Old and New Testaments, which appeared in 1523.
But his numerous uninterrupted labors were beginning to undermine his health. He was particularly troubled with sleeplessness about this time. Recreation was indispensable for him, and his friends also earnestly advised him to it. When Luther went to Worms, he was not permitted to refresh himself by a visit to his home. He now wished to pay this visit. One of his friends and colleagues,Nesen, intended to make a trip to Frankfort. It seemed best to join him, and from thence to visit his beloved native city, Bretten, and to see the dear relatives residing there. Luther, to whom he communicated his intentions, approved of them, relieved him of all scruples and doubts, and dismissed him with these pleasant words: "Go, dear brother Philip, in the name of God. Even our Lord Jesus did not always preach and teach, but also journeyed, and visited his relatives and friends. All I ask of you is, that you return to us soon! I will include you in my prayers day and night. And now depart!"
On the 16th of April, 1524, he departed, with a very pleasant caravan of friends.Nesen, who taught History, Geography and the Languages, in Wittenberg; Philip's fellow-boarder,Francis Burkhard, of Weimar, who afterwards became Chancellor in Saxony;John Silberborner, of Worms; and his dearest friend in all the world, with whom he became acquainted during the Leipzig disputation,Joachim Camerarius, were his fellow-travellers. They rode upon horses, which were none of the best; but most likely these gentlemen were not among the best of riders. Their way led them through Leipzig. There a most worthy man,Peter Schade, calledMosellanus, who had expressed himself much in favor of the Reformation, was breathing his last. They visited him, and bade him farewell in this world. Thence they went to the cityof Fulda.Crotus RubianusandAdam Kraftrejoiced in the arrival of the beloved Saxons, and entertained them most hospitably. Here the travellers heard of the death of the KnightUlrich von Hutten, who died upon an island in the Lake of Zurich. It is well known with what ardor this champion joined the Reformation. Neither Luther nor Melanchthon, however, could approve of everything in the conduct of the clever freebooter; for he was not inspired with the pure, evangelical spirit.
Nesen remained in Frankfort; but Melanchthon and his remaining companions, after a short stay, hastened to the end of their journey. It is said that when he first beheld his beloved native city in the distance, overcome with joy, he dismounted, and falling upon his knees, exclaimed: "Oh! my native soil! I thank thee, Lord, that I have been permitted to see it again!" And now they went to Bretten, to his mother's house. How she rejoiced to behold her son again! She had in the meantime ceased to be a widow, and had married a widower named Christopher Kolbe. It seems she had remained a good Catholic; and perhaps had no other fault to find with her Philip, but that he had taken too decided and zealous a part in the Reformation. Now there was opportunity to speak of these things; and the son did not neglect to instruct his mother as to the object and extent of the Reformation. But she seems to have remained steadfast in her old persuasion.
The mother knew very well that her son had gained a great name. She could see this with her own eyes during his stay in Bretten.Campegius, at that time the Papal legate in Germany, was then in Heidelberg on account of a great hunt. We can well conceive how anxious he must have felt to detach Melanchthon from Luther; and he musthave thought it worth while to make an attempt to bring about this desirable result. He had a very shrewd secretary, namedNausea, who was sent upon this difficult and important errand. When he arrived in Bretton, he immediately repaired to Melanchthon, in order to introduce the matter. He seconded his appeal with the best inducements, but he did not find a reed that could be swayed to and fro by the wind. The Wittenberg Professor declared, in a firm and decided manner: "If I discover anything to be true, I hold it fast, and maintain it without any regard to the consequence of any mortal, without any regard to advantages, honor, or gain. I shall never forsake those who were the first to bring better things to light. But in the same manner I shall also continue to prove true to myself, that I shall teach and defend the truth without quarrelling or abuse. I therefore advise every one who earnestly desires peace and unity, to do all he can to heal those wounds which can no longer be concealed, and to restrain the mad rage of those who are constantly tearing them open again!" He added a small essay on the principal points of the Lutheran doctrine, in which he particularly gave prominence to the difference between divine and human righteousness, and that they were only striving against work-holiness.
Nausea returned to Heidelberg, without having effected his object; but Melanchthon received another visit, from three professors of the University. These did not come to alienate him fromthatcause, which was the cause of God. On the contrary, they presented him with a richly ornamented goblet, as an acknowledgment of his meritorious services, for which he returned his cordial thanks in a letter.
Whilst Melanchthon was spending most agreeable daysin Bretten, his travelling-companions sojourned in Basle.Erasmusof Rotterdam resided in this city, and by his great reputation also attracted these Wittenbergians. This will be the proper place to say something of the relations existing between this renowned scholar and Melanchthon. It was Erasmus who, at a very early period, recognized and admired Melanchthon's talents and great acquirements. Melanchthon had taken this great man, who exerted such an influence upon the restoration of the sciences, for his model. But Erasmus was a man who preferred standing on neutral ground, and considered the Reformation commenced by Luther, and supported by Melanchthon's learning, as by far too extravagant. He was very fond of the honor of this world, which prevents so many learned men from arriving at a knowledge of the truth. Although he, therefore, at first expressed his approbation of the work in Wittenberg, he gradually became more and more opposed to it. He manifested his hostility particularly in his work "On Free Will." He shows in this, like all persons who do not consult the word of God, and a deep inward experience, that the great corruption of this world of sin, and the indescribable riches of divine grace, were both mysteries to him. He also expressed his views more fully in a letter to his friend at Wittenberg, on the 6th of September, 1524; and did not forget to state that he could not agree on all points with Melanchthon's book, Loci Communes, in which he had, however, found much that was excellent. Nothing else could have been expected, for Melanchthon had most decidedly expressed the doctrine of the renewed Church. He could, therefore, neither be satisfied with Erasmus' publication against Luther, nor with his letter to himself.
It is well known to every one acquainted with these disputes,that Erasmus had found a powerful opponent in Luther, by means of his work "Of the Bond Will," which is one of the ablest and most powerful productions of the Reformer. The gulf between these two men became wider and wider. All mediation was impossible.
In a letter to Erasmus, in answer to the one already referred to, Melanchthon expressed his decided adherence to Luther's doctrine, and declared that if the Bible should teach differently, he would gladly adopt it. He took Luther's side, and defended him against Erasmus' attacks upon his character. But Erasmus adhered to his own opinions, and especially censured Luther's violence. He was particularly displeased with this violence in Luther's polemic treatise against himself. This relation to the great man in Rotterdam caused Melanchthon much trouble. It was one of the many sorrows which afflicted him.
But we have thus already returned to Wittenberg, and we must first see what happened to Melanchthon on his return. It was difficult to part from Bretten, for his mother did not wish him to depart so soon. It seemed to her, as we often feel when bidding farewell, that she was then beholding him for the last time. But at last, with his companions who had returned from Basle, he tore himself away from his home. Not far from Frankfort he met with a singular adventure. The young LandgravePhilipof Hesse, who had early exhibited a warm interest in the progress of the Reformation, was travelling with his retainers to Heidelberg. He had, no doubt, heard that Melanchthon was on the road. He sees a company of travellers approaching, and he feels that Melanchthon must be among them. He rode towards them, and asked for him. When Melanchthon discovered himself, and was about todismount in token of respect, the Landgrave prevented him, and requested him to change his route, and to remain with him over night, because he would like to have many matters explained to him. He bade him entertain no fear, but be of good courage. Melanchthon assured the Landgrave that he was not afraid, and that he was a very unimportant person besides. The prince replied: "But, nevertheless, Cardinal Campegius would be not a little rejoiced if you were to be delivered into his hands." On the condition that, after his return to Wittenberg, he would prepare a written statement concerning these innovations in religion and send it to the Landgrave, he permitted him to continue his journey, and gave him the promise of a safe conduct through the Hessian dominion. This writing was really prepared, and bore the title: "An Epitome of the renewed Christian doctrine, addressed to his most serene highness the Landgrave of Hesse." The journey was safely completed, but he soon experienced great sorrow in Wittenberg. His beloved travelling companion, Nesen, wished to cross the Elbe in a fisherman's boat, as he had often done before; but upon the present occasion, it was July 5th, the boat struck against the trunk of a tree, was capsized, and Nesen was drowned. Besides this, his beloved Camerarius, who was daily more endeared to him, removed from Wittenberg. He felt very lonely and forsaken, and in this frame of mind wrote to Camerarius: "I sit at home like a lame cobbler."
CHAPTER VII.
THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS
Thehopes raised by the proposed plans for reform, by the new Pope Hadrian VI., were not realized. How often have men been deceived in their hopes, when they looked towards the city on the seven hills! The Diet in Nuremberg opened in a threatening manner, for the Pope and the Emperor insisted on severe measures, and the execution of the Edict of Worms. But it came to pass here, as the Elector Frederick the Wise is said to have remarked before the Diet: "In heaven it has been resolved far otherwise than in Nuremberg!" Already in the year 1523, death summoned Hadrian from the scene. True to the proverb, "The Pope does not die," another one, Clemens VII., of the same spirit as all the rest, ascended the throne. He insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms, and caused this opinion to be proclaimed during the Diet at Nuremberg, which had been opened again. The Emperor made the same demand by his ambassador. But all these violent measures were defeated by the action of the princes, who said "that they would do what they could." The more the Gospel began to penetrate to every quarter, to find good soil and to strike deep root, so much more the hostility of the Catholics increased. Persecutions arose, and martyrs began to bleed for the Lord's cause. Melanchthon took an especially deep interest in the terriblemartyrdom of Henry von Zütphen, who was burned at the stake towards the end of the year 1524.[9]
Thewar of the Peasants, which commenced in Swabia as early as 1524, but took a new and dangerous turn in the beginning of 1525, still more increased the hate of the enemies of the pure Gospel, and gave them a plausible excuse forcibly to exterminate these ecclesiastical novelties and the innovators themselves. As when fire has been placed in the different quarters of a city, and it breaks out on every side, so that the inhabitants do not know where to begin to extinguish it, so was it in the peasants' war. Almost everywhere the peasants arose and threatened death and destruction to the authorities and existing laws. Nothing is more easy than, with preconceived opinions, either to proclaim this war a noble struggle for freedom, or, on the other hand, to trample under foot the just sighs of the deeply injured peasants. It is well known that no event in the days of the Reformation was more welcome to its enemies than this desperate and bloody rebellion of the peasants. They at once proclaimed this war to be a legitimate fruit of the new doctrine. It cannot be denied that this opinion has some appearance of truth, but then only if we look at the mere surface of things, and carry an evil-disposed heart within us. The peasants themselves have partly given occasion for this opinion, because in the well-known "twelve articles of the peasants," they mingled spiritual and temporal demands together. It is, however, not our purpose to give a history of the peasants' war,which still awaits atruerepresentation, even if it were carried out in the shortest outlines. We are here but to consider how the Reformers, particularly Melanchthon, demeaned themselves in this critical event.
In Melanchthon's home, the palatinate, this extravagant spirit had also seized the peasants. There too they rose up on every side, however little reason for it they might have had, under the reign of the ElectorLouisof the palatinate. This prince wrote to Melanchthon, whom he esteemed very highly, requesting him to come to Heidelberg to assist him by his counsels in this dangerous affair. He says of Melanchthon: "You who were born and raised in the palatinate are more learned and experienced in the Scriptures than others, celebrated, and doubtless favorable to peace and justice." If it was impossible for him to come, he should send his advice and opinion, "according to divine and truly evangelical Scripture" to him in writing. On this account Melanchthon wrote his "Pamphlet against the articles of the peasantry." As Luther's writings in regard to the war of the peasants have frequently given offence, because he stood firmly by the word of God, which demands obedience towards the authorities, so did it also fare with Melanchthon. He too, like Luther, must submit to be called a Court-theologian. But their theology was drawn from the word of God, and redounded to the glory of God, let the enemies to the right and left say to the contrary—whatever they please. The peasants declared they would submit themselves to the word of God. This Melanchthon seized upon. He wishes to present to them "the Gospel, and the true Christian doctrine; for no doubt there are many among the masses who sin from ignorance; who, it is to be hoped, if they are properly instructed, will forsake such wicked practices, and considerthe Judgment of God, their own souls, and their poor wives and children. But many are so wanton, and blinded by the devil, that they do not desire, and cannot abide peace." After having spoken of Faith and Love, he proceeds to obedience to government, and says: "Whereas this article is even despised by those who call themselves evangelical, we will hold before them the Gospel and the Word of God, in which they may see how desperately they are fighting against God under the pretext of the Gospel."
The beginning of the 13th chapter of the Epistle to the Romans will ever be the principal direction in this matter. Melanchthon, too, refers to it, and fully and convincingly explains this passage to every one whose passions have not blinded and disordered his senses. He proceeds to say: "From all this we therefore conclude, that, because the Gospel demands obedience to government, and forbids rebellion, although princes may do evil; and also further requires that we endure wrong, they act against the Gospel, inasmuch as they arise against the government, and use force and violence against them. And they prove themselves liars in this, that they write they desire to live in accordance with the Gospel, and yet thus openly act against God, so that it is easy to observe that the devil is instigating them, desiring to destroy their bodies and souls. For the end may be whatever it will, such wickedness will be punished at last."
Melanchthon now proceeds to consider each of the twelve articles separately. In thefirstarticle he proves, that the government is bound to have the Gospel preached. But if a government, possessed by Satan, will not permit it, we ought not to raise a tumult, for God has forbidden it. Each one is to profess his faith, and suffer, if the government be hostile. "It is not possible to be a Christian,and lay the cross upon the shoulders of others; you must bear it yourself." In thesecondarticle "Of Tithes," he takes the side of right, and refutes the misapplied scriptural passages of the peasants. In the article "On Vassalage," he also defends the established order of things, and proves that the passages quoted by the peasants had no reference to bodily, but to spiritual freedom. "Therefore," he says, "the expectation of the peasants has no pretext. Yes, it would be better if so wild and unruly a nation, like the German, had less liberty than they really possess."—"Our authorities indulge the people in all wantonness, and only require money of them, but keep them under no restraint, which causes great disorders!"
He then reviews the remaining articles, of the chase, forests, services, taxes, penalties, &c. Of the right of heriot, a tax, he says that the government ought to abolish it, and remember the poor orphans. He concludes his pamphlet with very earnest words to the princes and peasants. To the former he says, they should humble themselves, because they had transgressed in many ways. "For God has always, from the beginning, overturned governments, when their wantonness became too great." He advises them to abolish the abuse of the mass, the celibacy of the clergy, and to appropriate the possessions of convents for useful purposes, especially for schools. Thus, should the princes lend a friendly hand, there should be some hope that words might answer a good purpose; but should this clemency be unavailing, the princes should strengthen themselves to treat the rebels as murderers. Melanchthon, who completed this pamphlet before the conclusion of the war of the peasants, added an appendix as soon as he heard that the peasants had been put down on every side. Now, the amiable man is merely aherald of peace and clemency. In this appendix he says: "As God has now given the victory, and the murderous rabble, which would not have peace, has been punished according to the laws of God, the princes should further be very careful that no harm befall the innocent, and also show mercy to the poor people, some of whom sinned through fear, others through folly." He points them to the example of David, who punished at the proper time, but at another also showed mercy, and concludes his excellent production in the following words—worthy of being taken to heart: "The Government should also look to it, that the word of God might be preached in the proper way, and that those customs of the church which oppose the word of God, be changed. Then God would grant them peace and prosperity in their government, as he did to Hezekiah and other pious monarchs, who put away the old abuses in the services of religion. For he declares, 1 Sam. ii. 30: 'For them that honor me, I will honor, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.'" Not all the victorious princes regarded this truly Christian word, but punished and oppressed the peasants most severely, whilst they laid the blame of the rebellion upon the gospel thus recommended. But the Elector Frederick the Wise did not act thus. The peasants had also risen in rebellion in his dominions.Thomas Münzer, one of the most crazed and preposterous of beings, stood at their head. He endeavored to screen himself behind divine revelations, for all his violence against the government. When the rebellion was increasing, the Elector was confined by illness. These events moved him deeply; but in a letter to his brother, Duke John, he thus expressed himself: "It is God's sending and work, and God grant a happy conclusion." Again, he says: "Perhaps occasion has been giventhe poor people, particularly by prohibiting the word of God. Thus the poor are oppressed in many ways by us secular and spiritual authorities. God avert his anger from us!" This was Frederick's opinion, and his brother fully coincided in it. The Lord also gave the victory to the princes in Saxony and Thuringia. Melanchthon has described this rebellion in its beginning and close. He thus begins his narrative: "After Dr. Martin Luther had preached several years, and had taught the pure and true gospel, the devil sowed his seed by its side, raised many false and hurtful preachers, in order that the gospel might again be darkened and suppressed, and much blood might also be shed. For Christ himself has given the devil this name, and has thus painted him, that he was a murderer from the beginning, and will cause murders to the end of the world."
Before the termination of the war, the Elector fell asleep on the 5th of May, 1525, in a truly Christian manner, so that his physician said: "He was a child of peace, and died peacefully." As it was desirable to prevent all superstitious customs at the funeral of the Elector, Luther and Melanchthon were requested to give their opinion. They did so; and the funeral ceremonies were conducted in this manner. Not only did Luther preach his celebrated funeral sermon, but Melanchthon also delivered a Latin oration in the church, which shows how well he was able to appreciate a prince of Frederick's character. He spoke of the excellent qualities of the deceased, and his love for the word of God, and concluded thus: "I pray that God in his mercy may receive into his own keeping the soul of Frederick! May he also bless the administration of the government by his brother, protect our country in these unhappy times, and grant you all thataffection for public peace, that you may reverence your princes with all fidelity and conscientiousness, according to the command of God."
Melanchthon sustained a great loss in the death of this exalted patron; butJohn the Constant, who now held the reins of government, bore the same affection in his heart towards the chosen instruments of the Reformation.
He even took a more decided stand than his brother, as we shall see hereafter. Melanchthon feared that the wheels of the machine would be interfered with too much. The slow, prudent conduct of the Elector, which he had extolled in his address, pleased him very well. To his fears in this respect another event was added during this year, which incited their enemies to increased slanders. This was Luther's sudden marriage in June, 1525, toCatharine von Bora, who had been a nun. Luther took this step, standing upon the word of God, and in defiance of his enemies. But there seemed to be no end to the noise; yet Melanchthon, who had declared himself in favor of the marriage of the clergy, could not but approve of the marriage. Yet he would have prevented it during this period of ferment, had it been in his power to do so. But when Luther began to be concerned himself, Melanchthon became his comforter.[10]
CHAPTER VIII.
HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS.
AlthoughMelanchthon's professional activity was principally directed to the education of good teachers and pastors for the schools and churches, yet the confidence enjoyed by him, and his splendid reputation, which bore his name far beyond the confines of Saxony, soon affordedhim an opportunity to exert a very salutary influence in the erection of new, and improvement of established schools. Even before he had, together with Luther, arranged the school in Eisleben, and also one in Magdeburg, of whichCrucigerwas Rector, he was invited to Nuremberg, byJerome Baumgartner, towards the close of the year 1524, in order to establish a Gymnasium,[11]and to act as its Rector. But nothing could induce him to leave Wittenberg. He therefore declined the offer of an appointment in Nuremberg, although he had the establishment of this institution of learning much at heart. One year after the invitation to visit Nuremberg, he undertook the journey with his friend Camerarius. This celebrated imperial city, which was then called "the eye of Germany," attracted him on many accounts; for it had an eye open to the Gospel, and numbered among its inhabitants many of the most distinguished minds, with whom Melanchthon was intimately connected. Among these were Pirkheimer, Baumgartner, Lazarus Spengler, Ebner and Nützel. He entered Nuremberg on the 12th of November, 1525. He communicated his views in regard to the arrangement of the school, and proposed able men as teachers. Camerarius, his beloved friend, was appointed Rector of the school. Other men also accepted the call extended to them. In the following year we find Melanchthon, true to his promise, in Nuremberg again. He formally opened this learned institution with a Latin address, May 23, 1526. In this address he uttered weighty words concerning the necessity and utility of the sciences. He concluded with the appropriate prayer: "I pray Christ that he may assist your important work by hisgrace, and that he may accompany your intentions and the diligence of those who shall study here, with his blessing." Among his friends in Nuremberg, he also numbered the celebrated painter,Albert Dürer, whose heart was also with the work of the Reformation. He spent a few very pleasant days with him and the rest of his friends, but returned to Wittenberg in June. Important business awaited him there, but in the middle of July he was seized with a severe illness, and his physician considered his recovery doubtful; but the Lord could not spare him yet.
In the beginning of the year 1526, he was formally appointed to deliver lectures on Theology, although he remonstrated against it. His salary was increased to 200 florins. But the most important duty in which he was engaged at that time was in participating in the visitation of the schools and churches in Saxony. It may well be imagined that these were in a miserable condition. The Apostolic doctrine, which was proclaimed in Wittenberg with Apostolical power, had not found an entrance everywhere. In some of the schools and churches they still pertinaciously adhered to the beaten path. In other quarters it was patchwork, a new patch upon an old garment. There was one case of a minister who preached the gospel in his principal church, but read mass in the under-parochial church where they required a different practice. The confusion in doctrine, church customs, and church treasuries was truly deplorable. Luther did not complain without reason: "Help, dear Lord, what frequent distress have I seen, because the common people, particularly in villages, know nothing at all of Christian doctrine, and it is but too true that many ministers are unskilful and unfit to teach. And yet all are called Christians, are baptized, and enjoy the holy sacraments, and do not even know the Lord'sPrayer, or the Creed, or the Ten Commandments, and live on like the brutes...."
Luther had taken this distress to heart long before, and had earnestly appealed to Court, to institute a Visitation of all the schools and churches in the land. The Elector John, who was greatly concerned for the spread of the truth, ordered such a visitation. It took place in 1527, and was a real work of necessity, but at the same time full of blessings. Different commissions were appointed for different parts of the country. Melanchthon was ordered to visit Thuringia, accompanied by Jerome Schurff, Erasmus of Haugwitz, and John of Planitz. Great indeed was the spiritual distress discovered by them! Melanchthon often went out and wept, as he writes himself: "What can be offered in justification, that these poor people have hitherto been left in such great ignorance and stupidity? My heart bleeds when I regard this misery. Often when we have completed the visitation of a place, I go to one side and pour forth my distress in tears. And who would not mourn to see the faculties of man so utterly neglected, and that his soul, which is able to learn and grasp so much, does not even know anything of its Creator and Lord." However, the Elector's instructions to the visitors enjoined it upon them to proceed in the most lenient manner. They obeyed strictly, and no doubt accomplished more in this way than if they had fallen upon everything in the stormy spirit of a Karlstadt.
Melanchthon was also commissioned to prepare anInstructionfor the ministers in the Electorate of Saxony. This called forth a little volume with the title, "Instruction of the Members of the Visitation to the Pastors in the Electorate of Saxony." It was handed to Luther for inspection, who was entirely satisfied with it, and thereforemade but few alterations. He added a Preface to the book, in which he explained the necessity of the Visitation. This volume may be called the first Confession of Faith of the Lutheran Church, and on this account already deserves to be better known. As might be expected from Melanchthon, it is conceived in a spirit of great moderation, and, whilst it gives prominence to the principal doctrines of the true Church, treats the opposite opinions with great forbearance. Let us select a few passages from this book of Instruction. Thefirstchapter treats "Of Doctrine." It says: "But how many now only speak of the forgiveness of sins, and nothing or very little of repentance, and yet there is no forgiveness of sin without repentance; and forgiveness of sins cannot be understood without repentance. And when we preach forgiveness of sins without repentance, it will come to pass that the people will believe that they have already obtained forgiveness of sins, and will thereby become secure and careless. Therefore we have instructed and exhorted Pastors that, according to their duty, they should preach thewholeGospel, and not one part without the other." In the article "Of the Ten Commandments," he requires that the people might be brought to a knowledge of their sins, by an exhibition of the law and of their sins, and proceeds thus: "Besides this, it will be profitable to preach of faith, in this manner, that whosoever feels pain and sorrow for sin should believe that his sins are forgiven him, not because of any merit of his own, but for Christ's sake." But the instruction always reverts to this, that faith is nothing without repentance. "Where there is no repentance there is a painted faith." After having thus given prominence to the two first parts of the Christian life, he proceeds: "The third part of the Christian life is to do goodworks, such as chastity, to love our neighbor, to help him, not to lie nor cheat, not to steal, not to murder, not to be revengeful, not to take vengeance into his own hands, &c. He then enters upon a consideration of the Ten Commandments. In treating the second commandment, he requires "the true Christian prayer." This section fully treats of the manner in which we ought to pray, and renounces all abuses. "Whatever it may be, we are to seek helpfrom God alone." The fourth commandment is treated at length, and proceeds to show how children should treat parents, and parents their children, and particularly how subjects should conduct themselves towards the government. An entire section is devoted to the consideration ofTribulations, as a part of good works. They are to be careful to teach that all tribulations come from God, but also, that God is to be called upon in the midst of them. In considering theSacrament of Baptism, the lawfulness of Infant Baptism is proved from its antitype, circumcision. They should perform the ceremony in the German language, in order that those present might understand its meaning. Here, too, they are directed to repentance and faith.Of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, it teaches, "That in the bread is the true body of Christ, and in the wine the true blood of Christ," and mentions two of the principal passages of the Bible. The miracle is not wrought by the merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordered it, that his body is present wherever men commune. They should teach in the most decided manner thatbothkinds, bread and wine, should be distributed; yet no one, who, because of the weakness and fear of his conscience, could not receive both kinds, should be forced to receive both. Under such circumstances the Pastor should offer butone. It treats fully "Of true ChristianRepentance." Added to this, is the section, "Of true Christian Confession." It says: "Papal Confession, namely, to rehearse all our sins, is not commanded, for it is impossible to do it."
Yet, every one going to communion should be previously examined by the pastor. The article "Of true Christian Satisfaction for Sin," shows that Christ alone has made satisfaction for our sin. In the chapter "Of human Church Regulations," the pastors are exhorted to insist upon the principal matters in their sermons. Sundays and festival-days are to be observed. Yea, they even suffer Apostles' and Saints' days to remain. But on the latter they are to permit labor. But it is not their intention hereby to establish or commend the invocations and intercessions of the saints, for Christaloneis the mediator who intercedes for us. Matters relating to marriage are also briefly considered. Offree willit says, that we are able to perform worldly piety and good works by our own strength, given us and preserved for this purpose by God. This is the righteousness of the flesh. But they also teach—"Man by his own power cannot purify his heart, and produce divine gifts, such as true repentance from sin, a true and unfeigned fear of God, true faith, cordial love, chastity, an absence of revenge, true patience, earnest prayer, freedom from covetousness, &c."Concerning Christian Liberty, the errors of the vulgar are set aside, and liberty in Christ exhibited. We are also freed from the ceremonies of the Old Testament. TheTurksare not forgotten, and it also mentions how thedaily exercise in churchis to be conducted. Would that it were so still in our churches!Concerning true Christian Excommunication, they teach that it is to be employed against those persons who live in open vices, after they have been admonishedseveral times. They are not to be permitted to come to the Lord's Supper; but they are not prevented from hearing preaching. Overseers, called Superintendents, selected from the pastors, were appointed in particular districts. Besides this, this instruction of the visitation devotes a full chapter to schools.
The Commissions of Visitation labored in this mild, conciliatory, and truly scriptural spirit, and that, too, with blessed results. The Catholics pretended to find a creeping back, as Luther calls it, in this book of instruction, and began to rejoice aloud.[12]When the little volume appeared publicly in 1528, and also during the previous years when a Latin sketch of it had been printed, different opinions were expressed concerning it. But the most singular attack upon the book was made by one of the evangelical party. A former friend of Melanchthon,John Agricola, rector in Eisleben, considered it unscriptural, and leading to the papacy, if repentance was derived from the law, and not from the gospel. This dispute made so much noise, that the Elector considered himself obliged to arrange a meeting in Torgau, between Agricola, on the one side, and Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, on the other. It was held in November, 1527. Agricola could easily be refuted from the Scriptures; however, he was a man obstinatelywedded to his own opinion, who, as it is well known, stirred up this very matter ten years after, in the most violent manner, at which time he made use of the most daring expressions, such as "Moses deserves the gallows." But this Antinomian spirit, which was manifested by the ultra-evangelical party from time to time, was refuted by Luther in the most powerful and conclusive manner. Melanchthon refers to this, and refutes it in a number of writings.
In the summer of 1527, the university was removed to Jena, because the plague had broken out in Wittenberg. When Melanchthon had finished his first visitation tour, he continued to lecture in Jena, and wrote against the Anabaptists, who were also carrying on their sectarianism in various parts of Saxony. In the autumn of 1528, he made his second visitation tour into Thuringia, together with Myconius and Menius.
CHAPTER IX.
THE DIET OF SPIRE.
Itis reasonable to suppose that the Pope could not have been satisfied with the great activity of the evangelical party, and the constantly increasing and noble spread of the gospel. He had but too many adherents in Germany, who were filled with the most violent rage against the Evangelical party.Duke Georgeof Saxony, who had been frequently attacked by Luther, especially breathed vengeance. He had in his service a counsellor, namedOtto von Pack. It is a mystery to the present day, how this man came to reveal a pretended secret to the son-in-law of the Duke, the well-known Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, according to which the Catholic princes had formed a league against the evangelical states. He succeeded in presenting the matter in so plausible a manner, that Philip, who was already inclined to fight, believed it necessary to form a counter-league. Even the Elector John, who was otherwise more sober and calm, was of the same opinion. The Landgrave was not satisfied with mere words, but marched to the frontier with his troops; but the Elector was prudent enough to ask the opinions of his theologians, among whom Melanchthon was included.
Their advice was quite temperate. Although they were highly incensed at this Catholic league, they would hear nothing of an attack. How much Melanchthon was inclined to a scriptural peace, is shown in a letter addressed by him to the Elector on the 18th of May, 1528: "To have a good conscience, and to enjoy the friendship of God, is surely the best consolation in all afflictions. But if we should begin by seizing the sword, and commence a war with an evil conscience, we would have lost this consolation. Great sorrow and cares induce me to write this. God knows that I do not value my own life so highly, but I am only thinking how much dishonor might be brought upon the holy Gospel, should your Electoral Grace begin to war, without previously making use of all means and ways to preserve the peace, which indeed ought to be done." The Elector was of the same opinion, but the Landgrave stood prepared to fight. But when he wrote to his father-in-law, Duke George, he declared the whole matter to be "an unfounded lying report." Although the evangelical party could hardly believe this assertion, andperhaps had reason for it, they were, nevertheless, obliged to put an end to all further preparations.
Two years before, in the year 1526, a Diet had been held in Spire, which had taken a turn favorable to the evangelical party. Although the Catholics demanded that the wicked Edict of Worms should be executed, they nevertheless did not succeed. The States were divided, and the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip were about to leave the Diet, when King Ferdinand and the Elector of Treves acted as mediators, and declared that a Christian free council should be held in a year, in order to settle these religious difficulties. During this time each one should remain quiet and peaceful. The princes promised to act as they wished to answer for it before God and the Emperor, or in their own words: "During the meantime, until a council shall be held, each State is so to treat its subjects, in reference to the Edict of Worms, as they hope to answer for it before God and the Emperor." After this, the whole matter remained as it was before, and there was great reason for gratitude to God that such a result had been reached.
There was nothing to be dreaded on the part of the Emperor at this time, for he was engaged in open war with the Pope; he had not yet been reconciled to the king of France, and the Turks were advancing victoriously. It would have been highly imprudent to arouse the hostility of a part of the German princes at this time. But that which he had avoided by the prudence which always characterized his conduct throughout life, was earnestly sought by the Catholic States, who had denied the existence of a league against the Evangelical party. Their hearts were full of anger. The Emperor had summoned another Diet to Spire, to meet on February 1st, 1529. The Imperialproclamation did not promise as favorable a result as had been brought about by the last Diet of Spire. As the Elector well knew what hostility prevailed against Luther, he did not take him along with him, but chose the more peaceful Melanchthon. They arrived at Spire on the 13th of March, 1529. The general hatred was now directed against him. The prospect was a gloomy one. Melanchthon had not the strong faith of Luther, by which he could havebelievedthe clouds away—he rather increased their number by his anxiety. The Imperial proposition, in reference to religious matters, did not speak favorably of the innovations. It regrets that "such wicked, grievous, troublesome and destructive doctrines and errors have arisen in our holy faith, and are daily spread abroad more and more." His Imperial majesty, by his Imperial absolute power, annuls the resolution of the previous Diet, which had indeed been a very flexible one. This was not a good beginning. The Catholics triumphed, and succeeded in passing a final decree of the States of the Empire assembled in Diet, which was very unfavorable to the Evangelical party. For this final decree insisted upon the execution of the Edict of the Diet of Worms. The mass should be retained, and all innovations in the Church be stopped.
The Elector requested Luther and Melanchthon to give their opinion concerning this decree. They express themselves decidedly opposed to assenting to the decree, but drop the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians, who were as unpopular in the electoral dominions as elsewhere. This opinion no doubt exercised an influence upon the Evangelical States. Melanchthon's spirits were deeply affected during the progress of these negotiations. He expressed his sorrow in his letters. On the 15th of March he wroteto Camerarius that it could easily be seen on every side that the Evangelical party is hated, as well as what they intend to do. "You know," he continues, "that I observe many defects among our friends, but their object here is not to correct our faults, but to suppress the best of causes. But I hope that Christ will prevent this, and frustrate the counsels of those people who desire war." So he also entreated his friend Myconius: "I exhort thee to pray Christ that he would regard us in mercy, and protect us. For here we are objects of scorn to the proud spirits, and of derision to the rich."
A very bad state of feeling prevailed in Spire. Faber preached: "The Turks are better than the Lutherans, for they fast, and these do not." He even went so far as to say, that if he had his choice, he would rather throw away the Bible, than the ancient errors of the church. Camerarius exhorted Melanchthon to cast his cares upon God. He replied, "If I had no cares, I should not cry unto God. But whereas piety conquers cares by prayers, it cannot be altogether rid of them. By cares, therefore, am I driven to prayer, and prayer drives away my cares."
Verbal and written objections to the final decree were unavailing. Finally, the Evangelical party, and Melanchthon with them, saw themselves compelled to take the step which has become so celebrated in the history of the Reformation. On the 15th of April, 1529, they entered a formalProtestandAppealagainst the decree of the diet. Even though the Catholics afterwards called themProtestants, by way of derision, the despised ones could regard that name as an honorable title.[13]And at this time, morethan ever, should we abide by this name, as an honorable distinction of the Evangelical Church, because the old assumptions are again endeavoring to gain an influence; and even in the bosom of the Evangelical Church, there is enough against which we must protest.
The Emperor received the Protest in a very ungracious manner. A threatening imperial reply arrived from Barcelona, dated July 12, 1529, in which he expresses his disapprobation of the Protest, and concludes thus: "If you should continue to appear disobedient after this our gracious warning, we would no longer hesitate, but would and should be obliged to punish you, in order to maintain proper obedience in the Holy Empire." We may well imagine how such language was calculated to trouble Melanchthon.
During this season of troubles, he made a brief visit to Bretten, to see his mother. He saw her for the last time, for she completed her earthly pilgrimage on the 6th of June, 1529.[14]
CHAPTER X.
THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.
Whilethe Catholics were filled with the most violent enmity against the evangelical party, and dark clouds were gathering over the heads of the Protestants, because of the decided expression of the emperor's will, it was a matter for the very deepest regret that a deep gulf was opened in the midst of the evangelical party, which grew wider and wider in the course of time. This was the rupture between the Lutherans and the Reformed, to use the names familiar now. We have already become acquainted with the restless, stormy spirit of Dr. Carlstadt, whom Melanchthon called the wicked A B C, on account of the initials of the three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlstadt. Among other errors, he also denied the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament, and explained the words of institution in so forced a manner, that Luther was doubtful whether he should consider him in earnest, or think that God had hardened and blinded him. Luther simply adhered to the words of Christ, however much, as he confesses himself, he was spurred by his reason to deviate from the words. "But I am a prisoner," he says, "and cannot escape; the text is too powerful, and will not permit its meaning to be changed by words." Melanchthon also strictly held, that the body and blood of Christ are truly and essentially present in the Lord's Supper.
Because Carlstadt would not return to Wittenberg, he was obliged to leave the country. But soon after he solicitedLuther's intercession, who willingly complied. He returned to Saxony in the year 1525. Luther baptized his son, and his wife and Melanchthon acted as sponsors. But in the year 1527, Luther already expressed himself unfavorably of the man, who still adhered to his ridiculous explanation of the words of the Lord's Supper. Carlstadt now left Saxony, and in 1528 came to Basle, where he was appointed preacher and professor. He soon disappeared in the back-ground, when another,Ulrich Zwingli, the Swiss reformer, appeared with his unsatisfactory exposition of the words of the supper, according to which the words "Thisismy body," were said to mean "Thissignifiesmy body." Although he labored with great success in Switzerland, he yet bore some resemblance to Dr. Carlstadt, in his stormy proceedings, for he destroyed the images, bells, organs, and the like. Zwingli took Carlstadt's side against Luther. John Oecolampadius, professor and pastor in Basle, and a friend of Melanchthon's youth, united with him in the same unsatisfactory view of the Lord's Supper.
Luther was greatly grieved at these innovations, and attacked them with terrible earnestness. He called the SwissSacramentarians. We shall not introduce those matters, which more properly belong to the Life of Luther. Adhering to his declaration: "Thus it is written," he laid powerful blows upon the Sacramentarians, who replied in equally violent and biting publications. Although Melanchthon had not mingled in the strife up to the present time, he yet stood on Luther's side. He too felt himself bound by the express words of the Bible. Even from Spire, as early as the year 1529, he had written to his otherwise dearly beloved friend Oecolampadius concerning this matter: "It is very painful to me that discord should have arisen in this matter, ordained by Christ himself toestablish an indissoluble love. Never has anxiety for any matter disturbed my heart more than my anxiety in this. And I have not only myself considered what might be said for and against this matter, but I have also examined the opinions of the ancients. For I should not like to stand up as the author or defender of any new dogma in the Church. After having thus weighed what seemed to be best established on both sides, I will express my sentiments, with your permission, but I cannot agree with your opinion." He then reviews the objections of opponents. One of these objections was, that theabsentbody of Christ could not be present. In answer to this he says: "I know that there is a promise of Christ; 'I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world;' and other ones similar to this, in which it is not necessary to separate his humanity from his divinity; and therefore I am of the opinion that this sacrament is a testimony of the true presence.... That opinion, that Christ has taken possession of a part of heaven in such a manner that he is shut up in it as in a prison, is one altogether unworthy of a Christian." Such an important question should not be judged by the rules of geometry, but by the word of God. He also says, that the most distinguished Fathers of the Church explain the sacrament like those of the Evangelical party. In the conclusion of his letter he yet presents a variety of considerations. "I observe," he says, "that your cause relies upon the assistance of the understanding and subtleties, and that you are not only employing public but secret arts also, to attract attention; and I doubt whether these will further your cause more than public ones. I am well aware of your own modesty; therefore I consider it necessary to remind you to reflect, that even shrewd and prudent persons may sometimes fall, and it isparticularly dangerous to rely upon our own reason in spiritual matters." Melanchthon gave up all thoughts of a conference concerning this matter.
However, this plan, entertained by another individual also, was soon to be realized. The LandgravePhilipof Hesse saw what incalculable mischief would follow a division of the Germans and the Swiss. He regarded the matter from a political point of view, because a party, divided in itself, could not accomplish that which it might do when united. But he also appreciated the religious aspect of the question. It was soon discovered to which side he leaned in this dispute. Be this as it may, the Landgrave considered it advisable to arrange a conference at Marburg between the Germans and the Swiss. Although the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was the principal point of difference, there were yet besides this a number of other differences. Although Melanchthon had suggested the idea of such a conference to Oecolampadius, he now dissuaded from it, when the Landgrave wished such an one to take place. With Luther he believed that the conference would not be productive of good.
But finally both parties consented. The day after Michaelmas, the Wittenbergians, Luther, Melanchthon and Jonas, arrived in Marburg, after Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucer and Hedio, had already arrived. Andrew Osiander, of Nuremberg, Brenz of Hall, and Stephen Agricola of Augsburg, arrived after this. Jonas cannot sufficiently extol the gracious, friendly, even princely reception, they met with. Although it had at first been arranged that they should lodge in the city, the Landgrave now received them into his palace. Jonas remarks: "This has been done in these forests, not only in honor of learning, but of the true God and Christ, whom wepreach. Would to God that everything might be decided to the honor of Christ!"
Melanchthon reported the proceedings of the conference to the Elector John of Saxony, and likewise to Duke Henry of Saxony. We follow his narrative, which gives us a clear view of this important meeting. At first, Luther conversed with Oecolampadius alone, and Melanchthon with Zwingli. It was stated that Zwingli was accused of teaching that Original Sin was not sin, and that Baptism did not secure to children forgiveness of Original Sin. That he declared concerning the Lord's Supper, that the body and blood of Christ are not truly in the sacrament. He is also said to teach that the Holy Ghost is not given through the Word and Sacrament, but without the word and sacrament. Further, it is asserted, that some do not teach correctly of the Divinity of Christ, and also spoke awkwardly of Justification before God. That they did not insist enough upon the doctrine of Faith. Zwingli hereupon declared that he always believed, and did still believe, that Christ is true God and man. That it is not his fault if others have taught improperly. They disputed a long time concerning original sin, and the means by which the Holy Ghost is communicated. Zwingli yielded this point.