"On Wednesday, February 7, shortly before supper, Dr. Martinus was attacked by his usual affection, a pain in the pit of the stomach, with which he was several times afflicted here. This returned after supper, and as it did not cease, he went into his chamber, and laid himself down for about two hours, until the pains had become much worse. He then called Doctor Jonas, who slept in the same room, and asked him to request Ambrosius, the tutor of his sons, to make a fire in the room. He then went in, and was soon surrounded by Count Mansfeld and his lady, and many others, whose names, on account of haste, are not mentioned in this letter. On the morning of Feb. 18, before four o'clock in the morning, he commended himself to God in this prayer: 'My dear heavenly Father, eternal, merciful God! Thou hast revealed unto me thy beloved Son, our Lord Jesus Christ; him have I taught and confessed, him I love and honor as my dear Saviour and Redeemer, whom the wicked persecute, despise, and revile. Take my soul to thyself!' He then thrice repeated the words: 'Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemedme, O God of Truth!' and then said: 'God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life.' This prayer he repeated several times, and was thus taken by God into the everlasting school, and eternal joy, where he is now enjoying fellowship with God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, together with all prophets and apostles. Alas! the Chariot of Israel is gone, which ruled the Church in this last age of the world. For assuredly this doctrine of forgiveness of sin, and of faith in the Son of God, was not invented by the wisdom of man, but was revealed by God through this man, as we ourselves have also seen that he was awakened by God. Therefore let us willingly remember him, and love the doctrine which he proclaimed; let us also live more discreetly and moderately, and consider what great troubles and changes will follow the departure of this man. I beseech thee, O Son of God and Immanuel, who wast crucified for us, and didst rise again, to rule and protect thy Church. Amen."
Thus Melanchthon spoke and prayed, with tears and with a troubled heart. His hearers were so deeply affected, that it seemed, as Selnecker says, as if the very walls were weeping, for all manifested their sorrow by sobbing aloud. On the 19th of February, he inquired of Jonas on what day they would arrive in Wittenberg with the corpse. In this letter, he also expresses his great sorrow on account of the death of this beloved man: "We are greatly troubled at the loss of such a teacher and leader, not only on account of the University, but also because of the Church Universal of the whole world, which he led by his counsels, doctrine, reputation, and the power of the Holy Ghost. Especially are we troubled when we think of the dangers and storms which will come, since he has been called awayfrom his post.... But let us call upon our Lord Jesus Christ, who has said, I will not leave you comfortless, that he may continue to guide and preserve his Church, and let us thank him for the benefits he has conferred upon us through Dr. Luther, and let us hold Luther in grateful remembrance." On the same day, he also informed Amsdorf of this calamity, and concluded thus: "Although I have no doubt that many worthy persons everywhere will grieve most sincerely, I yet know that your grief will be still greater, because he had no older and dearer friend than you, and you loved him as a father. You have therefore a great personal reason for your sorrow. But to this must also be added public reasons, for after his death we seem to be threatened by many other evils; but I pray and conjure you, for God's sake, that you would encourage yourself with the divine consolations afforded us in the Gospel, and that you would remember us and the Church."
About noon on the 22d of February, Luther's remains arrived at the Elster gate of Wittenberg, and amidst the ringing of all the bells, and the escort of a vast, deeply-moved multitude, were solemnly conveyed to the Electoral church, where the Elector had assigned him a resting-place. Melanchthon also walked in the procession; and after Bugenhagen had, with many tears, preached an affecting funeral sermon, Melanchthon also ascended the pulpit, and delivered a Latin address, the substance of which we propose to relate.
"Although my own great sorrow almost forbids me to speak in this great sorrow of all pious hearts, and of the Church of Christ, yet, as I am to say something to this Christian assembly, I will not, after the manner of the heathen, merely praise the departed one, but would rather remind this honorable assembly of the great, wonderful,and divine guidance of the Church, and of the many dangers with which it must always contend, in order that Christians might learn so much better what should grieve them most, what they should seek and ask of God, more than anything else." Thus he commenced, and then spoke ofthe officewhich Luther had filled in the Church.
He mentions particularly what he had done in respect to doctrine, how he had taught true repentance, justification by faith alone, the difference between the law and the Gospel, and true good works; how he had translated the Holy Scriptures, "in such a clear and plain manner," into the German language, and had also written other useful books. "Therefore, there can be no doubt but that pious Christian hearts will for ever continue to praise and glorify the divine blessings, which he has given to his Church by the hands of this Doctor Luther. They will first of all praise and thank God for it; but after that, also confess that they have been greatly benefited by the faithful labors of this worthy man in his writings and preaching, and that they owe him thanks for all this." He now speaks of it, that many reproached Doctor Luther "on account of being too severe and rough in his writings." He would reply to this, in the words of Erasmus: "God has also given a severe and rough physician to the world, which in this latter time has been filled with grievous plagues and defects." But he is truly blamed too much. "He always faithfully and diligently defended the true faith, and always maintained a good, sincere, and undefiled conscience. And every one who knew him well, and had much intercourse with him, must confess that he was a very kind-hearted man; and when among others, was always friendly, amiable, and gracious in his conversation, and by no means insolent, stormy, obstinate, or quarrelsome. And yetwithal, there was an earnestness and bravery in his words and gestures, which should be found in such a man. In short, he had a heart, faithful and without guile, words gracious and friendly, and, as St. Paul requires of the Christian, 'whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report.' Therefore, it is evident that the severity which he manifested in his writings against the enemies of the pure doctrine, did not proceed from a quarrelsome or wicked spirit, but rather from his great earnestness and zeal for the truth. This testimony must be given by us, and many pious persons, who saw and knew him intimately." He then proceeds to say: "No unchaste act or any other vice was ever discovered in him, no word leading to tumult or rebellion was ever heard from his lips, but he always exhorted men to reconciliation and peace; he never mingled other things with matters of religion, and never made use of any intrigues to strengthen his own power or that of his friends."... "I myself have often heard him pray with many tears for the whole Church. For he daily took time to repeat a few Psalms, with which he mingled his prayers to God, with sighs and tears, and often, in his daily conversation, expressed his displeasure against those who, because of their indolence or business, pretend that it is sufficient to call upon God with a brief ejaculation."... "We have likewise frequently seen, when great and important debates in regard to sudden and dangerous emergencies arose, that he always exhibited great courage and manliness; for he was not easily terrified, and did not lose confidence on account of threats, or dangers, or terror. For he trusted to this sure foundation, as upon an immovable rock, even upon the help and support ofGod, and permitted nothing to take this faith and confidence from his heart. Besides this, he possessed so great and keen an understanding, that he could tell before all others what should be advised and done in intricate, dark, and difficult affairs and disputes. That so worthy a man, gifted with such a mind, of sound learning, and tried and experienced by long practice, gifted with many lofty, Christian, and peculiar virtues, chosen by God to raise up the Church; one, too, who loved us with all his heart as a father; that such a man should have been called away, and has departed from this life, and from our midst and association, even from the foremost place of all, is surely enough to call forth our sorrow and distress. For we are now like poor, wretched, forsaken orphans, who have lost an affectionate and excellent father. However, as we ought to obey God, and resign ourselves to his will, we should for ever cherish the memory of this our beloved father, and never suffer it to be effaced from our hearts." The speaker then proceeded to describe the pleasant lot which had fallen to the sainted one in heaven, after having found that for which he had wished for a long time. "We ought not to doubt that this our dear father, Dr. Luther, is present with God, in external happiness." It is God's will that we should always remember his virtues, and the blessings bestowed upon us through him. We should faithfully discharge this debt of gratitude towards him, and should acknowledge that he was a precious, noble, useful, and blessed instrument in God's hands; and we should study his doctrine diligently, and preserve it faithfully. We should also regard his virtues as an example to be imitated by us; such as his piety, faith, earnest and fervent prayer, fidelity and diligence in office, chastity and modesty, prudence, anxiety to avoid everything which might cause tumultsand other offences, and a constant pleasure and desire to learn more and more.
Thus Melanchthon spoke with a sorrowful heart. He felt more than all how much he had lost in Luther, who might well be compared to the sturdy oak, against which this timid man could often lean. He expressed his sorrow in every direction, as his letters at this time prove. And his way was gradually becoming lonely, for his dearest friends were dying, as for instance Spalatin; and the departure of another, his beloved Myconius, who had once before been snatched from the bonds of death by the faith and prayer of Luther, was also near at hand. Myconius was suffering with bronchitis, and it was evident that he would soon rest from his labors. It was at this time that Melanchthon addressed two letters to him, which we present on account of their consolatory contents. On the 1st of March, 1546, he wrote: "I most earnestly wish that God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, might again restore your bodily strength, so that you might serve the Church longer, and superintend the studies of your sons. But if God, my Frederick, has resolved to call you away, oh! then consider into what an assembly you shall be admitted; to God, and his Son given for us, to the patriarchs, prophets and apostles. You will see and converse with those who shall proclaim the glory of God to you without deceitful arts. I seek their intercourse with such ardent desire, that I am often sorrowful that I am obliged to sojourn longer in this earthly prison, especially as I am constantly contending with great sufferings and dangers. Rather would I be torn in pieces than unite with those deceivers who are at present endeavoring to consummate false unions. And yet you know that I am constantlycalled to attend these artful proceedings. Therefore I beseech you to commend the Church and me to God!" And on March 4, he wrote: "Dearest Frederick! The gracious word of the Son of God has frequently comforted me in great afflictions: 'Neither shall any man pluck them out of my hand.' We will not seek any other explanation of the sheep, than that given us by Christ, who calls those his sheep who hear and love the Gospel. We are such, without doubt. Therefore, in all the dangers of this life and of death, we should entertain the confiding assurance that the watchman and defender, our shepherd, the Son of God, is with us always. Since Luther has been called away from this mortal state of existence, I have, besides my sorrow, additional cares and labors."
On the 7th of April, Myconius died, to the great sorrow of Melanchthon, who thus expresses it in a letter to Jonas: "Frederick Myconius, after contending with his disease for a long time, has at last been called away from this mortal life. You see that the righteous are gathered in, that they may not behold the approaching calamities, which may God lessen, as we pray." These calamities were nearer at hand than he thought.
CHAPTER XXV.
WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR.
WhileLuther's death was not only deeply moving Wittenberg and Saxony, but all the friends of the Gospel elsewhere, the religious discussion of Ratisbon, which had been commenced on the 27th of January, was in full operation, but not in a very encouraging manner. For the Spanish Ecclesiastic,Malvenda, proved himself to be a proud and obstinate priest. He had proposed nine propositions in regard to the article on Justification, which were composed in such a way that it was altogether impossible for the Protestants to accept them. The latter, therefore, declared in a protest, that they intended to abide by the Augsburg Confession, and regarded this as the true Catholic and Christian doctrine. The Theologians of Wittenberg were of the same opinion; and, in a letter to the Elector of the 5th of March, declared: "Dr. Martinus has left a valuable jewel behind him, even the true meaning of Christian doctrine, which we wish to transmit, undefiled, to our posterity. May God grant us his Grace and Holy Spirit for this purpose!" But on the banks of the Danube, that is, in Ratisbon, the Imperial party would have nothing to do with this pure doctrine, and laid every difficulty in the way of the Protestants. Indeed, it appeared more and more, that the whole discussion was a mock-fight, and that the Emperor was determinedto cut the Gordian knot with his sword. He indeed did not wish this to be made known, for he was a deceitful man, who well knew how to conceal his thoughts. But the Elector saw through his disguise, and ordered his Theologians to retire from the discussion at Ratisbon. They returned in the beginning of April.
Melanchthon about this time prepared an opinion in the name of the Theologians, in which resistance against the Emperor is declared to be a duty: "If it is true that the Emperor intends to fall upon these States on account of religion, then it is doubtless right that these States should earnestly protect themselves and their subjects, with the help of God." When the Emperor, therefore, came to Ratisbon, and had opened the diet on the 5th of June, the Protestants were forced to ask him the reason of his warlike preparations.
He distinctly told them "that, as he was unable to restore peace in Germany by mild measures, he was obliged to proceed against the disobedient with the power of the Empire." The Pope united with him, and published this treaty, in which he openly speaks of the extermination of heretics. Melanchthon wrote about this to Amsdorf, on June 25th: "It is certain that the Emperor Charles is preparing to wage a terrible war against the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave. Already large armies are gathered in the neighborhood of Guelders, and troops, to be supported by the Pope, are expected from Italy. Charles does not conceal that he intends to wage war against the Duke of Saxony; for he called together the deputies of the cities in Ratisbon, and exhorted them not to assist the Duke of Saxony. But the cities nobly and firmly declared that they would not forsake their ally in the hour of danger. So much of the beginning of the war.But as God protected the house of the widow of Zarephath, so I pray that God would protect our princes, who govern justly, and do many good services to the churches and the studies of religion." As the treaty between the Pope and the Emperor was published, the Protestants opposed it in a public address, in which they asserted that the Emperor had been instigated to this war by the Roman Antichrist, in order to suppress religion, and German liberty. On the other hand, the Emperor gave as a reason the disobedience of the princes, which was particularly shown in their invasion of the rights of the bishops and founders, in the expulsion of the monks, and also because they detained the Duke of Brunswick in custody. The Pope ordered public prayers for the extermination of heretics, but the Protestants made all possible preparations to resist the Emperor.
Melanchthon published Luther's excellent little book, "A Warning to my beloved Germans," and added an encouraging introduction, in which he says: "Let all who fear God in Germany, now seriously consider and remember what they owe to God in these terrible warlike preparations. For now that it is known that the Pope is lending such great aid in money and soldiers to carry on this war, there can be no doubt that it is his principal aim to exterminate the true doctrine, which is now preached in our churches, and to re-establish and secure forever his own idolatry and errors, by shedding of blood, murder, the lasting destruction of the German nation, and by dismembering all the Electoral and princely families." He encourages resistance, and adds: "I am surprised that wise men have suffered themselves to be induced to begin this war. But it is not only the work of men, the devil's rage, and desire to bring about greater destruction andmisery in Christendom.... But I pray all God-fearing men earnestly to beseech God to protect his Church, in which the true doctrine is preached, and also every Christian government. Besides this, all such should remember that every one is in duty bound to aid in preserving the true Christian doctrine, according to his position and means. For this we live, and we cannot do a better work in this life."
The Imperial ban of the Empire against the Elector and the Landgrave, the two leaders of the league of Smalkald, made its appearance on the 20th of July. Besides this, Duke Maurice of Saxony, who was full of ambition, betrayed the cause of his relative, the Elector, and the cause of the Protestants in general. He went over to the Emperor's side. But before the Emperor had gathered his troops, the Protestants were already standing on the banks of the Danube, in the month of July, with an army of 40,000 men, prepared to strike. But they did not make a good use of their favorable position, for they could at this time have brought the war to an end by one decisive blow. The experienced commander of the Upper Germans,Sebastian Schärtlin, wished to fall upon the Emperor, who with a few hundred men was then in Ratisbon, and compel him to make peace. But his plan was defeated by the scruples of the leaders of the League, until the Emperor had received reinforcements, and was now able to assume an offensive attitude. He soon became master of the Danube, and entered Swabia. When the leaders of the League now proposed terms of peace, he ordered them to surrender at discretion. Here they also learned that Duke Maurice had united with the Emperor, and therefore the two leaders of the League resolved to return to their own dominions, in order to protect them, especially asMaurice had already entered the Electoral dominions, and was capturing one city after the other. The Emperor had also promised the Electoral dignity to Duke Maurice. When the princes retreated, with the intention, it is true, of meeting the Emperor the following spring with a stronger force, they placed the game entirely in his hands. He conquered, and laid under contribution, the various confederate cities in Southern Germany; and on the Rhine, humbled the aged Duke Ulrich, of Würtemberg, and deprived the aged Archbishop of Cologne of his princely dignity. He had thus covered his rear in Swabia and on the Rhine, and was now able, without much difficulty, to shift the war into the dominions of the two leaders of the Confederation.
While the Emperor was proceeding thus in Southern Germany, and on the Rhine, the Elector, John Frederick, entered Thuringia with 2000 men, and soon swept away the armies of Duke Maurice. He even entered his dominions, and conquered the whole land, with the exception of Leipzig. At Altenberg, he was opposed by Maurice and his ally, the Margrave Albert, of Brandenburg, but in vain. For the Margrave was taken prisoner, and Maurice evacuated the country. Thus John Frederick stood as a victor upon the banks of the Elbe, but without taking advantage of his victory.
We may easily suppose that the University and schools could not prosper much in these warlike times. When the troops of Duke Maurice were advancing, it was thought advisable in Wittenberg to dissolve the University. The Margrave Joachim offered a retreat to Melanchthon. Many fled to Magdeburg, but Melanchthon selected Zerbst, when the troops of Maurice threatened Wittenberg. We may conceive the feelings of Melanchthon's heart, when agedsires, women, and children, were thus compelled to flee, in mid-winter, in a snow-storm. He was received in a hospitable manner at Zerbst, and at the same time also received invitations from Brunswick and Nuremberg. But, while everything looked so gloomy, the sky assumed a bright appearance at the return of the Elector, who had so expeditiously cleared his dominions of hostile troops. Melanchthon, too, returned to Wittenberg, now freed from the siege, but only for a few days, as matters were still in a state of insecurity and uncertainty. He returned to Zerbst, and was destined soon to experience greater calamities than ever before. But, although he was greatly afflicted, he comforted himself with the word of God. He at this time wrote to Camerarius: "Let us be assured that God will preserve the seed of his Church and of the truth, as he has so repeatedly promised in his divine word, and let us not doubt that God has our welfare at heart, even if the world should be destroyed." In the beginning of February, 1547, he again returned to Wittenberg for a few days, and thence wrote to the Elector to make peace, but without effecting anything.
While Melanchthon was deeply afflicted by the death of his beloved daughterAnna, who had been married to Sabinus, and died on the 26th of February, in the flower of life, he was also to behold calamities falling upon the dominions of his prince from every quarter. The Emperor had arisen with the determination to subdue John Frederick. He united with his brother Ferdinand and Duke Maurice, at Egra, and advanced into the Electoral dominions with 27,000 men, while the Elector had rapidly retreated to Wittenberg, which was well fortified. But he was overtaken by the Imperial cavalry. A battle was fought at Mühlberg, April 24. The pious Elector was atthe time attending divine worship, and thought that he ought to remain until the close; he was overtaken on the heath of Lochau, and after a brave resistance on his part, was made prisoner. The Emperor received him in a very ungracious manner, and ordered him, together with the captive Duke Ernest of Brunswick-Lüneburg, to be conveyed to the camp. Intoxicated by his victory, he even went so far as to pronounce sentence of death upon the Elector, against all the prerogatives of princes. But the Elector received the announcement with the greatest tranquillity. However, he did not venture to execute the sentence, and changed it to imprisonment for life. As the Elector steadily rejected the resolutions of the Council of Trent, he was declared to have forfeited his lands and electoral dignity, and the traitor Maurice was entrusted with the Electorate. When Melanchthon, who was then at Zerbst, heard of the defeat of the Elector, he was deeply moved, and thus expresses his troubles in a letter written to Caspar Cruciger, on the 1st of May: "Dearest Caspar, if I were able to weep as many tears as the Elbe rolls deep waters by you and our walls, I could not weep out my sorrow on account of the defeat and imprisonment of our prince, who truly loved the Church and Justice. Many important considerations increase my distress. I deeply commiserate the prisoner. I foresee a change of doctrine, and a new confusion of the Churches. Then, what an ornament is destroyed in the dispersion of our school? and we too are torn asunder. Truly, if it were possible for one to consider, I would rather die in your society, and before your altars, than wander about in this state of exile, in which my strength is daily decreasing." As the Spanish and Italian soldiers made great havoc, and especially mal-treated women and maidens, he did not consider Zerbst asafe retreat any longer. He, therefore, removed with his family to Magdeburg. He here met Luther's widow, who was about to depart to Denmark, where she had found a noble patron in the king. He accompanied her to Brunswick, where she remained for some time, and he went to Nordhausen. A faithful friend, MayorMeienberg, resided here, with whom he had carried on a cordial correspondence. He had written to him on Ascension day, shortly before his arrival in Nordhausen: "I write this letter on a happy day, in which the Ascension of the Son of God is publicly commemorated, and which was beheld in former days by many of the Church with their own eyes. And I thought of the sweet words of comfort which are read on this day. But the Son of God still sitteth at the right hand of the Eternal Father, and bestows his gifts upon the children of men. Therefore, if we call upon him, he will also grant us gifts, and protect and preserve his Church." And this trust, which he reposed in the Lord of the Church, was not put to shame.
He dropped the plan he had formed, of visiting his home, and also declined a call to the University of Tübingen, which he received at this time; for his heart was wedded to Wittenberg, which had become his second home. He wrote to a friend on the 5th of June: "The University of Tübingen has called me. But in my bosom and inmost feelings I feel a great affection for our little nest on the Elbe, and towards the friends residing there, and in the neighborhood, so that it would give me the greatest pain to part from them. Therefore I shall soon return to the Elbe again."
CHAPTER XXVI.
RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WITTENBERG.
Hisdesire to return to Wittenberg was to be gratified sooner than he expected. In the beginning of June, he was informed by his countryman, the Imperial secretaryObernburg, that Duke Maurice had become Elector, and intended to restore the University of Wittenberg; and by a letter from Cruciger, the former instructors were called upon to return. Already, on the 8th of June, Melanchthon signified his intention of going to Wittenberg or Dessau, in order to consult with his friends in regard to this matter. A portion of the dominions of the Elector had been left to his sons, including Weimar, Jena, Eisenach, Gotha, and other places; and it seems the father was anxious that a new institution should be founded in Jena. This wish of the Elector, who was deeply interested in the cause of the Gospel, was worthy of all commendation; for the treachery of Duke Maurice did not permit the hope that Wittenberg would again become a nursery of the pure doctrine. It must, therefore, have been a very desirable object with the young dukes, to secure the former teachers of Wittenberg, particularly Melanchthon, for the new school. The elder Duke therefore requested Melanchthon not to remove from those parts. He immediately replied from Nordhausen, June 9th, 1547: "Although the parents of your Grace, as well as your Grace, and your brothers, and all your faithful subjects, areplunged at present into the deepest sorrow which can come upon us in this world of trouble, yet we ought not to forget that God seeth all these things, and if we call upon him with all the heart, will lessen our misery, and show mercy, although we must endure chastisement for a season. I thank your Grace most humbly that you have been graciously pleased to invite me to stay near you; and if I could serve your Electoral Grace in an humble position as a teacher, I would rather serve your Grace in poverty, than in riches in other quarters, although I have been invited to several places. But I will not leave your dominions without the knowledge of your Grace. I intend soon also to pay another visit to Wittenberg." At the same time, he also received a letter from his friends at Wittenberg, urging him to come thither. In a letter to a friend there, he says: "I love the University as my home, for I have there lived in the greatest intimacy with learned and honorable colleagues, and we have together endeavored to spread abroad the doctrine of the most needful things, with moderate zeal. The son of the imprisoned prince has merely requested me not to leave his dominions, without previously informing him of my intention to do so; and if I could find a little place, even in an humble school in his dominions, I would be inclined to serve him. For I am not thinking of a brilliant position, but of my grave." He now for the first time learned that it was intended to establish an institution of learning at Jena; and he therefore wrote to the dukes that he would come to Weimar, "in order to hear further what your wishes may be, and also to communicate my own simple and humble opinion." From a number of letters written at this time, for instance, from one written to Augustin Schurff, on the 13th of July, it is evident that he had no other intention but to settlewhere he might live and labor together with his old friends and colleagues. He said: "I will regard the place of their residence as my native land." However, he went to Weimar, in order to consult with the dukes and Chancellor Brück. Here, it seems, they intended to gain over Melanchthon for Jena, without, however, appointing his friends. This did not please him. Without expressing his sentiments fully, he proposed to retire to Zerbst, in order to consult with Schurff, Eber, and some other friends. But in Merseburg, he, on the 18th of July, received letters from George of Anhalt, and Cruciger, summoning him to Leipzig. Duke Maurice was there at the time, and wished to see the Wittenberg Theologians, especially Melanchthon, who immediately departed for Leipzig. Bugenhagen refers to this in the following manner: "There Master Philip came to us, on account of which we greatly rejoiced, and thanked God. My most gracious lord (Maurice), entertained us splendidly in his own inn, paid all our expenses, and honored us with various gifts, and presents of money; he also received us in person, in a very gracious manner, and publicly declared before us, and all the Superintendents, that he would never permit himself to be led back to those Papal errors, which oppose the word of God, and the blessed Gospel of Jesus Christ. Therefore we should continue to teach the pure Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to condemn such abuses, together with all other fanaticism and error. His Electoral Grace also enjoined it upon us, that we should call the professors of the University of Wittenberg together again, resume our lectures, and to call the Consistory of the Church." Ratzeberger relates that the Elector presented a velvet cap, filled with dollars, to Dr. Pommer and Master Philip, and assured all of his favor.
The Elector Maurice had before this been exhorted to restore the University, and he had now returned a gracious answer. Melanchthon rejoiced that he was able to return to Wittenberg again. On the 25th of June, he departed thither, accompanied by Bugenhagen, Cruciger, and Eber; after having declined the invitation to remain as professor in Leipzig. He wrote to Camerarius: "I do not know how long I shall remain here." And to Weinlaub: "The deliberations in regard to the restoration of the University are still very uncertain, for, as you may imagine, many difficulties stand in the way." And to Aurifaber, August 4th: "You are familiar with the old accounts, with what great difficulty cities were restored after their destruction. How often was the rebuilding of Jerusalem hindered, after the return of the Israelites from Chaldea! And yet the temple was finally restored. Thus will our University perhaps be restored again, although it be done slowly; I trust that it may be accomplished by the help of God." The prince gave the best assurances that he would secure a new income; and this was very necessary, for the University owned very little real-estate. Melanchthon was actually living at his own expense;[22]and, as he remarked in thelast of the letters above, the restoration was progressing very slowly. But notwithstanding all this, he declined repeated offers from Königsberg, Frankfort-on-the-Oder, &c., so firmly was he rooted in Wittenberg. He wrote to Meienburg: "Verily, if this University is not restored, a state of barbarism will fall upon the churches, which may God prevent!" On the 12th of August, he went with Eber to Dresden, in order to consult with Chancellor Cummerstadt about the income of the University, without, however, receiving any definite promises. His family were still in Nordhausen, whither he went to pay them a visit in October. He was accompanied by his son-in-law Sabinus, who, in compliance with Melanchthon's wishes, had brought his daughters to the house of their grand-parents, to be raised by them. At last, in the middle of October, the University was restored, and the family could again remove to the old home.
By thus remaining in Wittenberg, in the service of the perfidious Duke Maurice, Melanchthon was much reproached by the friends of the unfortunate prisoner, and his sons, who were establishing a University in Jena. And it will remain a question, whether it would not have been more honorable in him to have retired to Jena. However, we must hear the reasons which induced him to pursue this course. He justified this step, in various letters addressed to his friends. He wrote to the PastorAquila, in Saalfeld, August 29th: "As there seemed some prospect of the restoration of our University, and my colleagues earnestly conjured me to return, I was persuaded to do so by considering the name of the University, my connection with my colleagues, and the desertion and affliction of this Church, towards which many nations formerly directedtheir eyes. It seemed a mark of the special mercy of God that our city was not utterly destroyed, and I would regard it as a greater mercy still, if our University should be re-established. Although I know that many speak ill of me on account of this my return, I yet do not reply, but merely pray that my grief may be forgiven me. Ennius says a melancholy mind is always in error. In my great sadness I therefore longed too earnestly for my old friends, with whom I labored so long in one and the same excellent work. I also hoped too much in these insecure times, when I believed in the possibility of the restoration of the University, the certainty of which is not yet apparent. At all event, I did not seek carnal pleasures or treasures. I live here like a stranger at my own expense, in constant sorrow and prayer, and no day passes over my head without tears." As many friends of the Gospel entertained the suspicion that the truth would now be departed from in Wittenberg, Melanchthon declared in a letter to Aquila: "When those, of whom you write, say that the preachers of this place have deserted the truth, they do great injury to this Church, which is already sufficiently distressed. By God's grace, the voice of the Gospel now resounds as unanimously in the city of Wittenberg as it did before the war. And almost every week, ministers of the Gospel are publicly ordained, and sent into the neighboring districts. It was but this week that six pious and learned men were sent forth, all of whom declare, even as formerly, that they will preach the pure Gospel to their hearers. And they are likewise examined, as in former times. The facts of the case prove that we have not changed our minds in regard to doctrine. We also offer up public and private prayers for the imprisoned prince. We do not hear anyone speak ill of our prince, and the authorities of this city would not permit anything of the kind. Therefore, I beseech you, do not believe those who slander us, or the Church here; I hope that God himself will confute them, and deliver us from their envenomed tongues. I myself honor the imprisoned prince with devout reverence, and daily commend him to God with tears and supplications, and pray God to deliver and guide him. As this is true, I am amazed at the levity of the slanderer who accuses me of the cruelty of preventing prayer for the prince. But I will beseech God, that he would protect his Church everywhere, and that he would also deliver us from such slanders in this our great distress."
Melanchthon thus openly expresses himself in regard to his position at that time, and we are warranted in believing that these were the honest and sincere sentiments of his heart. But still more difficult relations arose, in which his Christian character was to be tried in the severest manner. The following chapters will show how he demeaned himself in these.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM.
TheEmperor Charles, proud of his victories, would not be satisfied until he also succeeded in securing the second leader of the League of Smalkald, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. For this purpose he also employed Duke Maurice, which was especially disgraceful, because he was the son-in-law of the Landgrave. Maurice did not believe that the Emperor would capture the Landgrave treacherously, in order to lead him behind his victorious chariot, as he did with Duke John Frederick. The Landgrave yielded to persuasion, and upon his knees asked the Emperor's pardon; yet, notwithstanding all assurances to the contrary, he was seized and made a close prisoner. Thus the League of Smalkald was destroyed, and the Emperor found himself the mighty monarch of all he surveyed.
In the meantime, the Council of Trent had published several articles of religion, which were opposed to the acknowledged Evangelical truth; and the Pope had now also removed it from Trent to Italian soil, to Bologna, in order to have it completely in his power. This displeased the Emperor, who did not like to see the Pope assuming too powerful and prominent a position. On the 1st September, 1547, he had opened another diet at Augsburg, towards which many looked with great anxiety. Not only the Ecclesiastical Electors, but also the Protestant princeswere induced, by his influence, to declare that they would submit to the Council, provided it should be removed back again to Trent, and the articles of religion would be reconsidered. John Frederick alone opposed this; while the Pope did the same on the other side, because he could not bear to see the growing power of the Emperor. But Charles had for years learned at least so much, that it would be utterly impossible to introduce into Germany a reformation such as the Papacy desired; and because he wished to hold all the reins, not only of the worldly, but also of the spiritual government, in his own hands, he proposed to undertake the Reformation of the German Church himself. He had entertained this project for a long time, as he also manifested by the Ratisbon book, and now he believed he could carry out his plans, almost without any opposition, as the German States were prostrate at his feet. He therefore proposed to these to appoint a number of able men to meet and deliberate for the present, upon a form of doctrine and discipline for the Church. In January, 1548, Duke Maurice had demanded the opinion of the Theologians of Wittenberg, in regard to this matter. On the 26th of January, they replied: "We see that it is intended to form an interim, which many States, who are now one with us in doctrine, will not receive, which will cause new and great wars. Therefore, we need the Grace of God and good counsel in this matter, which we dread very much. It would be burdensome besides, to afflict our Churches by new changes; and it would be Christian and beneficial to suffer them to remain in their present condition." As the Elector had summoned them to Augsburg, they declared they would hold themselves in readiness. In regard to the Council, which was to be continued in Trent, Melanchthon expressed himself to the followingpurpose: "I believe, that if we agree to holding it, we are also bound to obey its decrees. But as various articles are false and opposed to divine truth, I cannot advise their adoption, and thus burden my conscience. But if the Emperor should insist upon a General Council, the other side should also be heard. The Emperor should be urged to permit an accommodation in Germany, as had been advised in Spire. And both sides should present written opinions."
It is highly gratifying that Melanchthon behaved so valiantly in this matter. And this must be valued still more highly, when we remember that the Emperor had twice already demanded his delivery. But the Emperor had already formed his plans. It is very likely that the ElectorJoachim II., of Brandenburg, presented a writing to him, which, like the notorious book of Ratisbon, endeavored to bring about an agreement between the Catholics and Protestants. There is very little doubt of the fact, that the Elector's Chaplain, John Agricola, had composed a considerable portion of this book. When he entered his carriage in Berlin, he is said to have remarked that he was now going to Augsburg as the Reformer of Germany, and everywhere praised this performance exceedingly. The Emperor placed this document in the hands of the two Catholic Theologians, Julius von Pflug and Helding, that, in connection with Agricola, they might revise it in such a manner that it might be introduced into Germany as a temporary form of doctrine and discipline of the Church. It is generally called theAugsburg Interim, that is to say, the Augsburg "in the mean time." Agricola was so highly pleased with it, that he could not praise and magnify its advantages too much. It granted the cup, marriage of the priests, and the possession of confiscated church propertyto the Protestants; and while it approximated their doctrine of the Church, the mass, and justification, it demanded that the rights of the Bishops, the seven Sacraments, transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, fasting, and ceremonies, should be retained. When Duke Maurice had received the book, he sent it to Melanchthon, who, from Altenburg, gave his opinion as follows: "It resembles the Ratisbon book, some articles being more stringent, others more moderate. What it says of the power of the Bishops needs limitation. It speaks in a very weak manner of faith and grace, although much better than the Council of Trent." Of the Pope and the Bishops, he says: "If the Pope has the true doctrine, we ought to obey him; but if he has not the true doctrine, our obedience must end." He expresses himself in a very decided manner against some points in the articles on the Sacraments, auricular confession, marriage, the mass, and invocation of saints, and says: "Finally, I am not willing to burden my conscience with this book, for the following reason: If the rulers would insist that the Pastors should adhere to this to the very letter, it would cause great persecution, sorrow, and offences, which would have such an injurious influence upon many persons, that they would not believe in any form of religion after it."
After a more thorough examination of the Interim, he published a still more decided and definite opinion from Klosterzelle, whither he had gone, because the Emperor had again demanded his delivery or exile. He pronounces a severer judgment in regard to the "deceitful article of faith and love." "In reality, this is its true meaning: faith is a mere preparation for justification, then cometh love, by which man is justified. That is as much as to say: man is just because of his own works and virtues, so thatthis light is taken away; man is just and accepted by God, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, through faith." "Thus man is led away from Christ to depend upon himself, and thus loses the comfort he should find in the Son of God." He adds: "I pray that these things may be well considered, for they concern the glory of God and the harmony of all the Churches." And again: "If they wish to make a tolerable, Christian Interim, they ought doubtless to make a difference between those matters which are right and needful, and those which are unnecessary, wrong, and, besides this, impossible. Why do they wish to desolate the Churches on account of the needless and false masses for souls, invocations of the saints, &c.?" For although the Interim admitted that the mass is no sacrifice for sin, and does not purchase forgiveness of sins, yet it still retained these four errors: thefirst, that the priest offers the Son of God as a sacrifice in the mass; thesecond, that by this the people obtain the merits of Christ; thethird, that departed saints are to be invoked; and thefourth, that this sacrifice is beneficial to the dead. "These are all terrible lies, and therefore these articles should not be agreed to."
Thus did Melanchthon express himself, and the other Theologians, Cruciger, Maior, and Pfeffinger, agreed with him. The Elector Maurice had not been pleased with the Interim from the beginning, and declared that he would not undertake anything of the kind without consulting his people. When he had, therefore, read Melanchthon's views, he demanded a full and dispassionate opinion from the Theologians. They went to Celle, and prepared one. On the 14th of April they sent it to the Elector, accompanied by a modest, yet determined letter. They again rejected the articles of justification, private masses, masses for souls,and the canons, while they agreed to confirmation, extreme unction, the power of the Bishops, private absolution without auricular confession, and several festivals and ceremonies, provided that work-holiness and the invocation of saints be abolished. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius on the following day: "As long as I live I shall act as I did yesterday, and speak the same things, no matter where I shall be." "I have this consolation, that whatsoever cometh from God shall not perish. And I would not wish that our opinions should pass down to posterity if they are not of God."
He wrote a letter of justification to MinisterVon Carlowitzon the 28th of April, which gained him the ill-will of many of Luther's friends. We shall communicate some portion of it: "When the prince has formed his resolutions, I shall not make any disturbance, although I may not approve of many things in them, but will either remain silent or go away, or bear whatever arises. I have also formerly borne an almost unbecoming servitude when Luther suffered himself to be led more by his nature, which was inclined to fight, than by his dignity, and the general welfare. And I know that we must silently and modestly bear and cover many defects in the affairs of State, even as we must bear the evil effects of a storm. But you tell me that I am not merely required to besilent, but to approve of the Interim." He proceeds to show the minister that he is by no means quarrelsome, but had always been moderate and advising peace, so that the very persons who now appear in Augsburg as peacemakers, had calumniated him at court on account of his moderation. "And afterwards others, for almost twenty years, called me frost and ice; others again, that I agreed with the enemy. Irecollect even, that one accused me of striving after a Cardinal's hat." But that notwithstanding all this, he had adhered to essentials in doctrine, cutting off all useless questions. He did not wish a change of doctrine, or the expulsion of worthy men, and that he could only think of it with the greatest sorrow. He now discusses the separate articles of the Augsburg book, how much he would yield, and what he would adhere to. But, if he should be regarded an obstinate fool, because he did not agree to all the articles, he would bear it, and imitate those who had preferred the truth to life in far less important things than these." We can easily discover his love of peace in all this, but also that he was determined not to yield in important points. While many of the more decided Protestants misinterpreted his constant yielding, he drew upon himself the highest displeasure of the Emperor, who again wished his expulsion, but without gaining his purpose. Melanchthon about this time wrote toJerome Weller: "In the consciousness of having desired what is right, we shall bear all that may fall upon us. For, in obedience to the divine commandment, we have sought the truth, which was indeed buried in thick darkness, and we have brought many good things to the light of day. Therefore let us also hope that God will hear our groans. We have experienced the uncertainty of the help of man."
But the Interim did not only displease the Protestants, but the Catholic Electors and Bishops declared in Augsburg that they would adhere to the old state of things, but would not object to it if his Imperial Majesty would bring back the apostates to the right way.
When Melanchthon had returned to Wittenberg, he, by request, prepared an opinion concerning the demand ofthe Bishops, that their jurisdiction should be restored to them; in which he plainly declares, that it was impossible to enter into an agreement with the persecutors; "and even if we would patch at it, it would be a peace like that between wolves and sheep." "But as for myself, I declare that we have just and needful reasons for avoiding their false doctrine and abuses. For this is God's eternal and unchangeable commandment: Flee Idolatry."... That the Bishops say of the Augsburg Confession, that it was never lived up to, I do not understand whom or what they mean. But it is certain that in the Churches of Saxony, and as far as Denmark, nothing more or different has been adopted than the doctrine contained in said "Augsburg Confession." The Interim was finally read to the States in the middle of May. The Catholics were not pressed to adopt it, but the Protestants were required to adhere to it until the Council should have published its decrees. Thus the Emperor succeeded in carrying out his own wishes; the Elector of Brandenburg signed it unconditionally, but Maurice only under certain conditions. The MargravesWolfgang, andJohn von Custrin, and the prisonerJohn Frederick, refused to sign, as faithful witnesses of the truth, who would not permit it to be tampered with. The Protestant cities raised a general opposition to it; the cities of southern Germany alone yielded to force, as threats and abuse were employed against them. About 400 ministers of the Gospel in these cities remained faithful to the truth, and were banished. The cities of northern and eastern Germany greatly distinguished themselves by their resistance, especially Magdeburg, which now called itself the chancery of God. The Protestants could with great justice say of the Interim:
"Blest is the man, who can put trust in God,And does not consent to the Interim,For it is but a rogue in disguise."[23]
CHAPTER XXVIII.
HOW THE INTERIM FARED IN THE ELECTORATE OF SAXONY.
Wehave already heard that the Elector Maurice only signed the Interim conditionally. Partly because he did not approve of many things in it, and partly also because he did not think it possible to enforce it in his dominions, where the Reformation had taken such deep root, he presented a protest at Augsburg, in which he explained that he could not at once force the Interim upon his people; it would be necessary first to consult the Chambers; but whatever he could do with God and a good conscience he would diligently do, so that he should not be found wanting. In the month of June he returned to his dominions, and demanded a full opinion from his Theologians at Wittenberg. It was composed by Melanchthon, and was already the fourth which the miserable Augsburg Interim had called forth. With a bold faith he declares in the beginning: "Although war and destruction are threatened, we oughtto esteem the commandment of God greater, that is, we should not deny the truth of the Gospel which has become known to us. Besides this, the doctrine of the Son of God and forgiveness of sins is a particular counsel of God, which He, in infinite mercy, has revealed, and wishes that all men should help to sustain this doctrine, in order that they may call upon him aright, and obtain salvation. Now we know, from many examples, that from Adam's time the devil has tried many arts, again and again, to extinguish or to darken this doctrine. In the third place, it should also be considered what great offence it would cause in our Churches, if false doctrine and idolatry should be publicly introduced into them again. For many pious persons would fall into great distress, and the true worship of God would be hindered." After the opinion has declared that the Theologians would heartily wish to see and enjoy peace, it yet demands that Saxony should not be troubled with the Augsburg Interim. "For it will certainly not be received in many countries and cities." They would review it, and openly and honestly confess the truth it contained, but condemn its errors. The Theologians particularly objected to the article on Justification, and said: "We cannot advise any one to agree with the book in this point." They also rejected the article which treated of the Church and Bishops, and then entered upon an examination of the various articles on the Sacraments, confirmation, extreme unction, repentance, confession, &c., and pointed out every defect, and confessed in conclusion:—"And whereas we have recently received notice that the preface of the work prohibits every one from preaching, teaching, or writing against the Interim, it is necessary, with all humility, to make this declaration: That we shall not change the true doctrine, as it has hitherto beenpreached in our churches, for no creature has the right to change divine truth, and no one is permitted to deny truth when known to him." This lengthy opinion was signed by Bugenhagen, Pfeffinger, Cruciger, Major, Melanchthon, and Fröshel, and delivered into the Elector's hands.
On the 2d of July he received his Chambers, together with several Theologians, one of whom was Melanchthon, in the city of Meissen. In his address to the Chambers, the Elector reviewed the entire course of things, and concluded by saying, that they should prove themselves disposed to assist the Emperor in whatever may be promotive of Christian harmony, quiet, peace, and unity, and can be done with the approbation of God and a good conscience." On the 4th of July, Melanchthon wrote to Maienburg: "It has been resolved to address a most reverent letter to the Emperor, beseeching him not to urge the errors of this document upon our Church. I therefore entertain the hope that the Churches of these countries will not suffer any change." He wrote in a still more decided manner to Paul Eber, that those were greatly in error who believed that the dissensions in the Church could be removed by ambiguous efforts to bring about an agreement, because an irreconcilable war exists between the devil and the Son of God, even as it is written: "I will put enmity between the serpent and the seed of the woman." He thus concludes this letter: "But I beseech the Son of God, that he would rule and support our minds in confessing and explaining the truth!" The Elector had presented the Augsburg Interim to the Chambers, together with the intimation that they should take the advice of the Theologians. This was done. Melanchthon immediately began the work, and particularly treated of the articles on justification and good works, which were the most rotten in the Interim, and onwhich so much, it may even be saidall, depended. He, on the whole, considered it most advisable to pray the Emperor to exempt Saxony from the Interim. The Theologians communicated these views to the Chambers: "This is our opinion, we should prefer above all if these churches could remain as they now are. For a change would produce great trouble and offence." The Chambers agreed to this proposition, and besought the Elector to write to the Emperor to that effect. But Maurice, who was bound by the Emperor's kindness towards himself, declared that he could not thus utterly reject the Interim—that they ought to yield in indifferent matters; but that he would postpone the matter to the next meeting of the Chambers.
The adoption of the Interim was particularly urged by the ElectorJoachimof Brandenburg, or rather by the author, his Court Chaplain Agricola, who entertained a very high opinion of it, and on his return from Augsburg endeavored to persuadeAquilaof Saalfeld to agree to it. But he came to the wrong person, who said of the Interim, "that in the beginning it showed the sheep's clothing, but afterwards the ravening wolf."
When Agricola exclaimed against Melanchthon's Opinion: "Away with Philippus; he writes nothing but lies in his book, the Opinion. Fie upon you! there is not a word in it but they are ashamed of." Aquila answered: "Let us not abuse our teachers, but highly honor them; Master Philip Melanchthon will be able to defend himself." Then Eisleben, (for Agricola was also known by this name,) replied: "I will summon Philip to come to me, and will read the text to him; for the land must be utterly ruined if they oppose the Interim." Aquila replied: "If the devastation of countries is the fruit of the Interim, it would be better if it had never been born." Agricola wasindeed obliged to hear much of such misery, but in Saxony the Interim made no progress at all. Melanchthon also hoped that the people of Saxony would give a brilliant evidence of their constancy, as he at this time expressed himself very decidedly in his letters to various friends. The MargraveJohnof Brandenburg-Cüstrin, who did not at all agree with the ElectorJoachim, in regard to the Interim, and who by not subscribing it in Augsburg had incurred the displeasure of the Emperor, demanded an opinion from Melanchthon. He replied on the 31st of July, that godly and sensible ministers could not adopt it, because it was false in the article on justification: "As regards my own person, by God's grace I will not approve of this book, called Interim, for which I have very important reasons; and I shall commend my poor life to God, whether I be imprisoned or banished." But, as to what counsel should be given to rulers, many things might be said. There are points in this book which no prince, who understands the truth, could receive under any circumstances. As many cities would not approve of it, it would be best not to hasten with a reply. Perhaps the Emperor would be satisfied if a prince should offer to maintain uniformity in non-essentials, and would besides declare what he could and what he could not adopt. But if a government adopts the Interim, it also pledges itself to persecute innocent pastors. Whether rulers are to defend themselves? To this he replies: "As the father of the family is bound, as far as he is able, to protect his wife and children, if a murderer should break into his house, so are rulers bound, as far as they can, to protect their churches and innocent subjects! Whoever wishes to confess the truth, should commend himself to God, and remember that it is written: the hairs of your head are all numbered."Thus did he always advise. Although he may have recommended compliance in indifferent matters, he never advised any one to submit to a change of doctrine.
We have already heard that Maurice had postponed the final decision in regard to the Interim, to the next meeting of the Chambers. But before this meeting in Torgau, he thought it advisable to enter into negotiations with the two Bishops of his dominions, Pflug of Naumburg, and Maltitz of Meissen, in order to yield everything to the Emperor which could be yielded in accordance with the pure doctrine and conscience. On the 23d of August, prince George of Anhalt and Forster, and Melanchthon with Eber, instead of Cruciger, who was ill, met the two Bishops in Conference in Pegau. The Elector, proceeding from the principle that we must give to God the things that are God's, and to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, said, that he expected that they would not be "obstinate" in those matters which might be granted without detracting from the honor of God, or offending conscience. Of course this conference adjourned after a few days, without having accomplished anything, for the two Bishops would not agree to any change of the Interim. On the 30th of August, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg by way of Leipzig, to behold the approaching end of one of his dearest friends, Caspar Cruciger, who died on the 16th of November. The sick man, shortly before his death, had a heavy and alarming dream. He said to Fröshel: "Oh, what a terrible and cruel disputation I held in my dream to-day." When he asked to hear the particulars, he replied: "I cannot tell. They wished to persuade me, and to absolve me in regard to it, that it would be all right, and do me no harm, but I protested against it." Fröshel began to comfort him, and Cruciger wished to receive absolution of his sins.When he had heard it, he began to pray fervently for the church, and with his hands clasped together, he frequently repeated these words: "Father, sanctify them by thy truth, thy word is truth; grant that they may be one in us." Fröshel endeavored to comfort him by a somewhat longer address, to which the dying man replied "Amen!" in a soft tone, and soon after fell asleep in the Lord. We may imagine the greatness of Melanchthon's sorrow, when he received the sad news at the meeting of the Chambers at Celle. He wrote to Dietrich in Nuremberg, that God had at last called Caspar to the heavenly university. Although no one was more distressed at this death than he himself, because they had been most intimate friends, he yet congratulated him upon this happy journey, because he was thereby removed from many sad scenes.
The Chambers had met in Torgau, on the 18th of October. Already on the first day of the session, five knights and two Electoral chancellors, no doubt at the instigation of the Elector, arose and presented a document, in which they explained what they thought of the Augsburg Interim, and what they believed might be yielded. They also at the same time admonished the Theologians to yield in indifferent matters, and thus to save the country from great afflictions. Their proposition leaned towards the Interim, and wished to reintroduce the Catholic state of things, which had been abolished by the Reformation. On the 20th of October, Melanchthon departed from Torgau, deeply distressed at the plans of the Electoral Court, as he himself writes to the prince of Anhalt. In this letter of October 24th, he says that he would not countenance troublesome alterations of doctrine, and would rather suffer banishment or death. He believes that the Emperor's favor could be secured by introducing confirmation, excommunication,and foolish fasting. But wherefore also the mass? He saw very well that they did not merely wish to reconcile the Emperor, but also to introduce private masses. "If they wish this, I wish they would acknowledge it at once, for I know that I cannot prescribe laws to them; but those could depart who would not be satisfied with such a change of the churches." As late as November 14th, he wrote to Maienburg, that he had indeed always replied with moderation, but that he would never consent to a change of doctrine, and of the mass. This he was now to prove when he came toCelle, with Bugenhagen and Maior, November 16th. The SuperintendentsLauterbach, of Pirna, andWeller, of Freiberg, and also Camerarius, of Leipzig, were present. They were requested to revise the Liturgy, which had been prepared in the days of Duke Henry, of Saxony, approved by Luther, and printed in the year 1539, and had been used in the territory of Misnia up to the present time; but these changes were to be made in the spirit of the Interim. The Theologians declared, on the 18th of November, that God, who knows the hearts of all men, knows that we do not contend in an inconsiderate, wilful, or obstinate spirit, but are really anxious for peace; but that they could not accept false doctrine and idolatrous ceremonies.
Upon this the deputies, without the assistance of the clergy, placed together all the articles. This document is called theRecess of Celle. It was to be laid before the next meeting of the Chambers. But previously to this, the Electors Maurice and Joachim met in Jüterbock on the 16th of December, and signed this Recess. The Chambers met in Leipzig on the 21st of December, to which Maurice had summoned all the deputies of his dominions. The Theologians present were the Prince of Anhalt, Melanchthon,Gresser, of Dresden, Pfeffinger and Camerarius, of Leipzig. The Elector presented the Recess of Celle, and called upon the Chambers to be obedient in everything which duty to God and conscience would permit them to yield. "That will be your own greatest advantage, and also for the peace and quiet of our dominions." The Interim of Celle contained the pure doctrine of the Evangelical Church, and merely wished to adopt such usages and ceremonies from the Catholic Church as were indifferent or non-essential. The Interim which was prepared here in Leipzig, with a reference to previous forms of agreement, is called theLeipzig Interim. They did not dispute about the fall of man; and in regard toJustification, they had already come to terms at Pegau. They declared in this part that man is not justified by works, but by mercy, gratuitously, without our merit, so that the glory may redound to Christ, and not to man. But yet man is not a block; he is drawn in such a manner that his own will also co-operates. OfGood Works, they taught that God indeed accepts men for Christ's sake, but that nevertheless good works are very needful. They said of them, that they must be in us, and are needful to salvation. Melanchthon had composed these articles, while the remaining ones were prepared by the Elector's counsellors. Of theChurch, they said that we must receive what she teaches, "as she shall not and cannot command anything opposed to the Holy Scriptures." All other ministers of the Church should be subject and obedient to the bishops, who discharge their office according to the commandment of God, and use it for edification, and not for destruction.Baptismis to be administered with exorcism, the presence and confession of Christian sponsors, and other ancient, Christian ceremonies; and so likewiseConfirmation.Repentance,Confession, andAbsolution, are to be taught, and no one admitted to the most holy sacrament of the body and blood, without confession and absolution.Extreme Unctionmight be practised according to the customs of the Apostles, yet without any superstition and misapprehension. The ministers of the Church should be earnestly and diligently examined prior toordination. TheMassshould be celebrated in future with ringing of bells, lights, and vessels, singing, appropriate dress, and other ceremonies. It also referred to further particulars as to the manner of celebrating mass. The pictures of the passion of Christ and the saints may be present to remind us of them, but are not to receive any divine honor. Thehymnsare also introduced again. The days of Corpus Christi and the festivals of the holy virgin are to be added to the other festival days.Abstaining from meaton Saturday and Friday, and in Lent, is introduced as an outward observance. The ministers of the Church are todressdifferently from the laity.
The Chambers accepted this Interim, only expressing their scruples in regard to Ordination, Confirmation, Anointing (Chrism) the festival of Corpus Christi, and the Mass. They were assured in regard to this by a declaration from the Theologians, December 28th, and the Elector also gave assurances. On the 6th of January, 1549, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg, and on the same day wrote to Maienburg: "The Leipzig negotiations effect no change in the Church, because the contention in regard to the mass and the canon is postponed until further negotiations. Yet I wish that some things had been prepared differently."
CHAPTER XXIX.
DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM.
Themore decided and strict adherents of Luther, who had before found so much fault with Melanchthon, now exhibited particular enmity towards him. He was bitterly reproached on account of his compliance. But we now enter upon a part of the history of his life, and of the evangelical Church, which is not of a very refreshing character. But this too should not be wanting, and will exhibit Melanchthon to us in such a light that we cannot refuse our sympathy, and even acknowledgment to the goodness of his heart, although we may regret the want of an energy like Luther's. These disputes mainly arose from the Interim. In the month of January, the Theologians of Berlin made inquiries of those at Wittenberg concerning the Interim. Agricola had boasted very much of it in the pulpit, and said that now the door of all Europe was opened to the Gospel. They wished to know now whether they comprehended among these "indifferent things," all that had been customary in the Papacy, such as holy water, salt, herbs, palms, consecration of unleavened bread, processions with flags and torches, unction at baptisms and sick-beds, the laying of the cross in passion-week, &c. They therefore asked for a copy of the agreement of Jüterbock, and, on the whole, a fuller explanation of these indifferent things, orAdiaphora, as they are called. They also asked for further explanations in regard to extremeunction. They replied by Bugenhagen and Melanchthon, on the 11th of January. They were not able to send the articles of Jüterbock, because they had not been present at the secret conference, and did not possess a copy of them. They did not enumerate the consecration of oil and salt among indifferent things, and had always rejected this and other matters. They exhorted those of Berlin to adhere to the Church discipline formerly given by the Elector. They also added this much-disputed sentence: "As such great devastations are occurring in other places, we believe that it is better to endure a hard servitude, if it can only be done without impiety, than to separate ourselves from the Churches." Questions and answers, however, did not everywhere pass off as well as in this instance. The excitement increased among the more determined friends of truth, when the Interim was about to be introduced; and the prince of Anhalt had considerably revised and altered the Liturgy, which had been introduced by Duke Henry. Several conferences were held, and Melanchthon was again actively engaged. On the 13th of April he was present at a meeting of the Chambers at Torgau, where the Interim was to be read. He here communicated the fact, that an adherent of Flacius, most likely Deacon Schultz of Torgau, had accused the Theologians of an intention to lead the people back again to Popery. He at the same time presented a defence to the Chambers, in which he showed that it would be necessary to yield somewhat in indifferent matters, if the main things in doctrine and the Sacrament were sustained. But that they had also yielded somewhat, because they had been seeking to bring about uniformity in doctrine and ceremonies. But this could not be looked upon as strengthening the Papacy. Their opponents declared, indeed, that fear had driventhem to compliance, but to this they would reply: "We ought not to be condemned for being so fearful as to yield indifferent to needful things, and that we are thus fearful, not for our sakes, but the good of the people, children, and the entire government." Luther himself had frequently advised compromises in indifferent matters. That they had not introduced any new ceremonies. He defends himself most powerfully against the objection, that they were introducing idolatry, and thus concludes: "This is indeed a new form of Popery, that these violent persons wish to force every one to hold the same opinions as themselves, and fearfully condemn every one who does not at once agree with them."