CHAPTER XVI.

FOOTNOTES:[380]Somers’ Tracts, Vol. xi. p. 113.[381]Nugæ Antiquæ, Vol. i. p. 373.[382]Narrative of the G. P., p. 88.[383]Letter from Sir E. Hoby to Sir T. Edmondes.[384]Journals of the House of Commons, Jan. 28 1605-6.Criminal Trials.Jardine, p. 115, footnote.[385]Gunpowder Treason, Bp. Barlow, p. (3)[386]Gunpowder Treason, Bp. Barlow, p. (9).[387]P. 141.[388]SeeEncy. Brit., Eighth Ed., Vol. vii. p. 95.[389]Criminal Trials, Jardine, p. 127seq.[390]So it is commonly said; but Mr Tomlinson, in his article on Gunpowder in theEncy. Brit., Vol. xi. p. 150, ed. 1856, says that it was known, in some form at least, in the year 355B.C.[391]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, pp. (48)-(50).[392]Gardiner’s Hist. of Eng., Vol. i. p. 286; and see 3 Jac. I. cap. 1.[393]S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Book, Part II. n. 114.[394]Criminal Trials, Jardine, Vol. ii. pp. 138 and 169.[395]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (55)seq.[396]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (56).[397]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (57).[398]Froude’s Hist. of Eng., Vol. xi. p. 74.[399]Criminal Trials, Jardine, Vol. xi. p. 172, footnote.[400]I quote from Burke’sDormant and Extinct Peerages, p. 285.[401]Henry, Earl of Surrey, was the first English writer of blank verse and sonnets.Beeton’s Encyclopædia.[402]Gunpowder Treason, p. 59.[403]Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 216.[404]Criminal Trials, Jardine, Vol. ii. p. 181.

FOOTNOTES:

[380]Somers’ Tracts, Vol. xi. p. 113.

[381]Nugæ Antiquæ, Vol. i. p. 373.

[382]Narrative of the G. P., p. 88.

[383]Letter from Sir E. Hoby to Sir T. Edmondes.

[384]Journals of the House of Commons, Jan. 28 1605-6.Criminal Trials.Jardine, p. 115, footnote.

[385]Gunpowder Treason, Bp. Barlow, p. (3)

[386]Gunpowder Treason, Bp. Barlow, p. (9).

[387]P. 141.

[388]SeeEncy. Brit., Eighth Ed., Vol. vii. p. 95.

[389]Criminal Trials, Jardine, p. 127seq.

[390]So it is commonly said; but Mr Tomlinson, in his article on Gunpowder in theEncy. Brit., Vol. xi. p. 150, ed. 1856, says that it was known, in some form at least, in the year 355B.C.

[391]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, pp. (48)-(50).

[392]Gardiner’s Hist. of Eng., Vol. i. p. 286; and see 3 Jac. I. cap. 1.

[393]S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Book, Part II. n. 114.

[394]Criminal Trials, Jardine, Vol. ii. pp. 138 and 169.

[395]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (55)seq.

[396]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (56).

[397]Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (57).

[398]Froude’s Hist. of Eng., Vol. xi. p. 74.

[399]Criminal Trials, Jardine, Vol. xi. p. 172, footnote.

[400]I quote from Burke’sDormant and Extinct Peerages, p. 285.

[401]Henry, Earl of Surrey, was the first English writer of blank verse and sonnets.Beeton’s Encyclopædia.

[402]Gunpowder Treason, p. 59.

[403]Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 216.

[404]Criminal Trials, Jardine, Vol. ii. p. 181.

Sir Everard Digby was only allowed two clear days between his trial and his execution to prepare for death. He was not permitted to see his young wife or his little sons, nor was he granted the consolation of the services of a priest. Short as was the time he had yet to live, it must have hung heavily on his hands. Fortunately he had lived much with Jesuits, who would doubtless have instructed him in their admirable system of meditation; but “the exercise of the memory,” which it includes, can hardly have afforded him much consolation under the circumstances. To add to his depression, it was at the time of year when there are but few hours of daylight, and the artificial light permitted in a prisoner’s room in the Tower would certainly be very meagre, and little more than sufficient to render the ghastly gloom of the dungeon-walls more manifest. Very early, too, all prisoners’ lights would be put out, and terrible then must have been the dreariness of the long nights and the dark mornings, until the sun rose at about a quarter to eight o’clock. It is easy to imagine him dreaming of his happy home atGothurst, and fancying himself walking with his wife in its garden, or playing with his little children by its great hall fireside, or entertaining his guests at its long banquetting-table, and suddenly waking with a start, to find himself in darkness, on a hard bed, with a rough, cold wall beside him, and to remember that he was a condemned traitor in the Tower of London; and then, perhaps, lying awake to reflect upon the brilliant opportunities of happiness, prosperity, and usefulness with which he had started in his short life, and the misery in which he was about to end it. Nor does it require any great effort of the imagination to see him falling, from sheer weariness, into a fitful, feverish sleep, and, as he turned and tossed, frequently dreaming of the horrors of his impending execution, as they had been so lately described in his presence by the Attorney-General.

When, in the morning, he rose to obtain consolation from devotion, how likely that the heavy drowsiness or headache resulting from a wretched night would make him feel utterly helpless as he tried to pray or meditate; or that, distracted by the memories of his misfortunes, and the terrible thought of the destitution to which his wife and family might be exposed—for he seems to have died in doubt whether Gothurst, as well as his estates inherited from his father, would not be confiscated—he would be unable to fix his attention upon spiritual matters.

During the interval preceding his death Sir Everard wrote the following lines. Criticise them as you please; call them doggrel if you will; but at least respect them as the words of a broken-hearted and dying man.

JESUS MARIA.

Who’s that which knocks? Oh stay, my Lord, I come:I know that call, since first it made me knowMy self, which makes me now with joy to run,Lest He be gone that can my duty show.Jesu, my Lord, I know Thee by the CrossThou offer’st me, but not unto my loss.Come in, my Lord, whose presence most I crave,And shew Thy will unto my longing mind;From punishments of sin Thy servant save,Though he hath been to Thy deserts unkind.Jesu forgive, and strengthen so my mind,That rooted virtues thou in me maist find.Stay still, my Lord, else will they fade away,As Marigold that mourns for absent Sun:Thou know’st thou plantest in a barren clayThat choaks in Winter all that up is come;I do not fear thy Summers wished for heatMy tears shall water where thy shine doth threat.

Come in, my Lord, whose presence most I crave,And shew Thy will unto my longing mind;From punishments of sin Thy servant save,Though he hath been to Thy deserts unkind.Jesu forgive, and strengthen so my mind,That rooted virtues thou in me maist find.

Stay still, my Lord, else will they fade away,As Marigold that mourns for absent Sun:Thou know’st thou plantest in a barren clayThat choaks in Winter all that up is come;I do not fear thy Summers wished for heatMy tears shall water where thy shine doth threat.

However deeply Sir Everard Digby may have sinned, he knew how to make his peace with God when death approached him. He had a definite religion to depend on, he had no need to consider which of many widely divergent views held by the professors of one nominal church was the most probable. It is true that he was deprived of those consoling rites which the Catholic Church provides for her children when on the threshold of death; he had none of the “soothing charm” of “the words of peace and blessing”[405]uttered by the confessor in absolution; he was not strengthened for the perilous journey from this life to the next by the sacred viaticum, but he knew that, where these privileges could not be obtained, a hearty desire for them, with a good act of contrition, might obtain many of their blessings and all that was necessary for salvation.

From a theological point of view, it was a happy thing that he knew the plot in which he had been implicated to be all but universally condemned by his co-religionists. If many of them had defended it, and he had heard that there were two parties, one extenuating the conspiracy and another anathematising it, he might have clung to the belief that he had done nothing wrong, and that “rending of the heart” conducive to true contrition might have been wanting.

He had sinned deeply; let us hope that deep was his sorrow. Yet is not this the moment—the moment when we are supposing him in the deepestdegradation of spirit for his iniquities—at which we may best say a kind word for him?

Hitherto I have written little in palliation of his crime; perhaps the very fact of his having professed my own religion may have made me more careful to say nothing that might have the appearance of minimising his guilt; nor, in the few more pages that I have still to write, do I intend to plead that his sentence ought to have been commuted on account of any extenuating circumstances. Unquestionably he deserved to die, but I beg to commend his memory to the mercy of my readers.

Let others speak for him. The Protestant Bishop Barlow, in his book on the Gunpowder Plot, which so severely condemns all concerned in it, says[406]:—“This Gentleman was verily persuaded of the lawfulness of this Design, and did engage in it out of a sincere, but ignorant zeal for the advancement, as he thought, of the true Religion.” These are the words of a hostile historian: the following—some of which have been quoted earlier—are those of a friend[407]:—“He was so much and so generally lamented, and is so much esteemed and praised by all sorts in England, both Catholics and others, although neither side can or do approve this last outrageous and exorbitant attempt against our King and country, wherein a man otherwise so worthy, was so unworthily lost and cast awayto the great grief of all that knew him, and especially of all that loved him. And truly it was hard to do the one and not the other.” An unfriendly critic, Scott, in a footnote to theSomers’ Tracts,[408]says that Sir Everard “was a man of unblemished reputation until this hellish conspiracy.” Yet another, Caulfield, says of him,[409]“Digby himself was as highly esteemed and beloved as any man in England”; and one more hostile writer, Jardine, says[410]:—“There is abundant evidence that Sir Everard Digby joined in the enterprise under the full persuasion that in so doing he was rendering good service to his church and promoting the cause of true religion.”

Testimonies to his character would be incomplete without any from a woman. Here is one from a Protestant to the back-bone, Miss Aikin:—[411]“His youth, his personal graces, the constancy which he had exhibited whilst he believed himself a martyr in a good cause, the deep sorrow which he testified on becoming sensible of his error, seemed to have moved all hearts with pity and even admiration; and if so detestable a villainy as the powder plot may be permitted to have a hero, Everard Digby was undoubtedly the man.”

Lastly, he must be allowed to have his share in the fair and considerate pleadings of the greatest of allhistorians of the Stuart period, on behalf of the conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot. Dr Samuel Rawson Gardiner writes:—[412]“Atrocious as the whole undertaking was, great as must have been the moral obliquity of their minds before they could have conceived such a project, there was at least nothing mean or selfish about them. They had boldly risked their lives for what they honestly believed to be the cause of God and of their country.” A few lines further on he says, “if the criminality of their design was hidden from the eyes of the plotters, it was not from any ambitious thoughts of the consequences of success to themselves.” Presently he adds, “As far as we can judge, they would have been ready, as soon as the wrongs of which they complained had been redressed, to sink back again into obscurity.” And finally, after dwelling upon their difficulty in seeing “their atrocious crime in the light in which we see it,” he declares his opinion that, just at last, at least some of them saw “their acts as they really were,” and “with such thoughts as these on their minds,” “passed away from the world which they had wronged to the presence of Him who had seen their guilt and their repentance alike.”

It is well, however, to be just as well as generous, and if it be impossible to consider the fine, handsome youth, of four and twenty, awaiting execution in the Tower of London, without feelings of compassion;we should none the less remember that Sir Everard Digby’s co-religionists have other reasons for sorrow in connection with him. Instead of benefiting the Catholic cause in his country by the enterprise which he assisted with his influence, his wealth, his time, and his personal services, he did it the most serious mischief conceivable; we must keep before our minds, therefore, the fact, that to Catholics he should appear, not so much an unhappy failure, as a most active, if most unintentional, aggressor. Although King James himself declared that the English Catholics, as a body, were neither implicated in, nor approvers of the Gunpowder Plot; although the Archpriest condemned it formally a day or two after its discovery; although Father Gerard and other Jesuits distinctly and categorically disclaimed all connection with it, and although the Pope himself addressed two letters to King James, expressing his unqualified horror of it, the idea was never dispelled that it was a Popish and Jesuitical design. For many years, English people were ready to believe any absurd tale of Catholic conspiracy, such as[413]“Rome’s Master-piece: or, The Grand Conspiracy of the Pope and his Jesuited Instruments,” in 1640, and the pretended plot to assassinate Charles II. in 1678, for which, on the perjured evidence of Titus Oatesand others,[414]“about eighteen Roman Catholics were accused, and upon false testimony convicted and executed; among them the aged Viscount Stafford.” Ballads, such as that which begins as follows, describing this so-called and non-existent conspiracy, were eagerly purchased in the streets.

[415]“Good People, I pray you, give ear unto me,A Story so strange you have never been told,How theJesuit,Devil, andPopedid agreeOurStateto destroy, andReligion so old.TomurderourKing,A most horrible thing, &c.”

Nor did the prejudices against Catholics raised by the Gunpowder Plot, early in the seventeenth century, die out at the end of it. Even now there remains a traditional superstition in this country that it was planned by the Jesuits, admired by the majority of English Catholics, and secretly connived at by the Pope and the Sacred College. For generations, English schoolboys have believed that Roman Catholics are people who would blow up every Protestant with gunpowder if they could. So indelible has been the prejudice created against Catholics by the misdoings of a mere handful of conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot, that the large number of English Catholic squires, baronets, andnoblemen, who squandered their estates and their patrimony, and even gave their lives, for their king, in the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II., failed to eradicate the popular notion that all Catholics were disloyal. The meetings at White Webbs and Gothurst gave rise to the idea that the private house of every Catholic served as a rendezvous for plotters, and every seminary as a nest of traitors; the fact that Catesby and Digby had Jesuit friends has made Protestants believe that every Jesuit would commit a murder if he thought it would serve the cause of his religion; and the fact that they had priests in their houses has led to the impression that, wherever there is a domestic Catholic chaplain, mischief is certain to be brewing. Worst of all, when Protestants are told of “an excellent Catholic,” a man who goes to confession and communion every week, a man of irreproachable character both in private and in public life, a man of high position, great wealth, charming manners, and popularity among Protestants as well as Catholics, they can point, as they have been able to point for nearly three hundred years, to the history of Sir Everard Digby, as an example of what even such a man would be “obliged to do” were “his priest” so to order him.

Thus much for the moral effect produced by the efforts of Sir Everard Digby and his friends for the benefit of the English Catholics; the material effect may be described in a few words. It was,instead of relieving them from oppression, to cause the laws and disabilities under which they suffered to be redoubled. When they reflect upon all these things, can Catholics recall the memory of Sir Everard Digby with no other feelings than those of pity? Surely, if any class of men have cause to execrate the memory of every conspirator in the Gunpowder Plot, it is not the Protestants but the Catholics.

None the less may it be doubted, whether, among misguided men, there is a character in history more to be pitied than Sir Everard Digby. Whatever his faults, whatever his errors, whatever the mischief he wrought to the cause for which he was ready to give his life, he never seems to have been guilty of a selfish action; if he was disloyal to his country, he believed that he was serving its best interests; if he mistook atrocious murder for legitimate warfare, it was with the hope of restoring his fellow-countrymen to the faith of their forefathers.

The inhabitants of London were to have two thoroughly happy days; there was to be a great execution on Thursday and another on Friday. Four traitors were to be hanged, drawn, and quartered on either day.

On Thursday, the 30th of January 1606, Sir Everard Digby was taken from his prison in the Tower to a doorway in front of which four horses were each harnessed to a separate wattled hurdle lying onthe ground. He found three of his fellow-conspirators awaiting him—his late host, Robert Winter of Huddington, the courageous, but rough and pugnacious, John Grant of Norbrook, and—there being no respect of persons on the scaffold—Thomas Bates, Catesby’s servant.

Ordered to lie down on his back, with his head towards the horse’s tail, Sir Everard was tightly bound to the hurdle, and when all the four condemned men had been treated in the same manner, the procession started on its doleful journey. To be dragged through the muddy streets of London, to be splashed and saturated with their slush and filth, and to be bruised and shaken over the rough stones as the hurdle rose and fell over them, must have been as disagreeable as it was degrading; and the mile or more from the Tower to the place of execution—the west of St Paul’s Cathedral—was a long distance over which to be submitted to such an ordeal. To add to the sensations of disgrace, the streets were crowded, and nearly every window in Cheapside was filled with people watching the prisoners passing to their doom.

Every pains had been taken to render the execution as imposing as possible. A large number of soldiers accompanied the procession, and the Lord Mayor had issued an order to the Alderman of each ward of the city, ordering him to[416]“cause one ableand sufficient person, with a halbard in his hand, to stand at the door of every several dwelling-house in the open street in the way that the traitors were to be drawn towards the place of execution, from seven in the morning until the return of the sheriff.” This was partly with a view to add dignity and importance to the terrible function, and partly to provide against tumult or raids by the mob.

When the shadow of St Paul’s Cathedral fell upon his hurdle, Sir Everard knew that he was very near the scene of his execution; the crowd became greater at every step of the horse that was dragging him, and he had scarcely passed the great church before he found himself in a narrow lane formed by a densely packed mass of people, kept apart by a line of soldiers on either side.

Suddenly the horse that was drawing his hurdle stopped, and, on looking up, he saw the ghastly gallows by his side. There, also, was the long, low, thick table, or block, on which the quartering would take place; there, too, were the preparations for the fire in which certain portions of his body would be burnt before it went out.

He was liberated from the hurdle. Stiff and mud-bespattered, he got up and was led towards the gallows. He was then informed that he was to be the first to suffer. Many officials were present. The protestant clergy came forward and offered their services. He courteously refused them; butturning to the crowd, he begged the assistance and prayers of all good Catholics.[417]Even his enemies admitted that as he stood on the scaffold, he was[418]“a man of a goodly personage and a manly aspect,” although “his colour grew pale,” as well it might, after having been dragged on his back for a mile over the streets of that period; nor could a man be expected to carry much colour on his face immediately before being put to a horrible death in cold blood.

After saying a few prayers, he again turned to the people, and one of the officials asked him to acknowledge his treason before he died. He then made a short speech.

[419]“Sir Everard Digby” says Stow, “protested from the bottome of his heart, he asked forgivenesse of God, the King, the Queene, the Prince, and all the Parliament, and if that hee had knowne it at first to have ben so foule a treason, he would not have concealed it to have gayned a world, requiring the people to witnesse he died penitent and sorrowfull for this vile Treason, and confident to be saved in the merits of his sweet Saviour Jesus, etc.”

Still, he declared most solemnly[420]that while he was quite willing to die for his offence, he had not been impelled to commit the treason by feelings of ill-will towards any living creature, or a desire for self-advancement or worldly gains. His sole motive hadbeen to put an end to the persecutions of Catholics, to benefit human souls, and to serve the cause of religion. The action itself he acknowledged to have been sinful; the intentions which prompted it he protested to have been pure.

“His speech was not long,”[421]and, when it was ended he knelt down, made the sign of the Cross, and said some prayers in a low voice in Latin, “often bowing his head to the ground,” says Stow, “mumbling to himself,” and “refusing to have any prayers of any but of the Romish Catholics,” says the hostile historian in theSomers’ Tracts, he “fell to his prayers with such devotion as moved all the beholders,” states his friend Father Gerard, who goes on to say:—“And when he had done, he stood up and saluted all the noblemen and gentlemen that stood upon the scaffold, every one according to his estate, to the noblemen with a lowercongé, to others with more show of equality, but to all in so friendly and so cheerful a manner, as they afterwards said, he seemed so free from fear of death, as that he showed no feeling at all of any passion therein, but took his leave of them as he was wont to do when he went from the Court or out of the city to his own house in the country; yet he showed so great devotion of mind, so much fervour and humility in his prayers, and so great confidence in God, as that very many said[422]they made no doubt but his soul washappy, and wished themselves might die in the like state of mind.”

The hangman now came up to assist him in his preparations for execution. Before going to the gallows for hanging and quartering, the condemned man was stripped, with the exception of his shirt. This humiliating process having been completed, with his hands bound, Sir Everard accompanied the executioner to the foot of the ladder, and saying, “Oh! Jesu, Jesu, save me and keep me,” he ascended it, as also did the hangman.

I should like to let the curtain fall here; but, were I to do so, my story would be incomplete.

The punishment of hanging, drawing, and quartering was so horrible, that it was often mitigated by allowing the victim to hang until he was dead. This might well have been done in the case of Sir Everard Digby. To be hung, partially naked, knowing that his body would afterwards be hacked to pieces in the most disgraceful manner before the eyes of an immense concourse of people, should have been considered a sufficient punishment. But no! Not even was he permitted to be to some extent stupefied by being half-strangled. The executioner had no sooner turned him off the ladder than he cut the rope.[423]Sir Everard “fell on his face and bruised his forehead.” Then followed a scene of vivisection and butchery,[424]which would not be tolerated in these days if the subject were a sheep or an ox. Yet even on the awful block, Sir Everard never betrayed his dignity;[425]and, condemn his offences as we may, we cannot fairly refuse to give him credit for having died like a good Christian, a courteous gentleman, and a courageous Englishman.

No biographer ever felt more genuine sorrow for his subject than have I for Sir Everard Digby. My sympathy for him has been the greater because he was, like myself, a convert to the Roman Catholic Church; because both he and I were received into that Church by Fathers of the Society of Jesus; because, both in his house and in mine, Jesuits have very frequently been welcomed as guests, and because in my private chapel, as in his, they have often acted as chaplains. Moreover, an additional bond between Sir Everard Digby and myself is the fact that he was my ancestor. Nevertheless, I hope that I have not allowed any of these accidents of faith or family to induce me wilfully to conceal an incident important to his history, to gloss over a mistake that he committed, to put a dishonest construction upon one of his actions, or to say an untrue word either abouthimself, or any other character that has been introduced among these pages. Like his own life, my attempt at recounting it may be disfigured by mistaken zeal, false inferences, and rash conclusions; or possibly my authorities, like his friends, may have led me into error; if so, before laying down my pen, like Sir Everard Digby, before laying down his life, let me admit the offence, but declare that it was prompted by no unworthy motive.

FOOTNOTES:[405]See Cardinal Newman inPresent Position of Catholics, p. 351.[406]Gunpowder Treason, Appendix.[407]Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 91.[408]Vol. ii. p. 116.[409]History of the G. P., by James Caulfield, 1804, p. 56.[410]Gunpowder Plot, p. 153.[411]Memoirs of the Court of James I., Vol. i. p. 254.[412]History of England, Vol. i. pp. 263-4.[413]See Wharton’sLaud’s History, &c., p. 567.[414]Haydn’sDictionary of Dates, 1892, p. 696.[415]A New Narrative of the Popish Plot, showing the Cunning Contrivance thereof.[416]Repertories in the Town Clerk’s Office.Criminal Trials.Jardine, Vol. xi. pp. 181-2.[417]Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 217.[418]Somers’ Tracts, Vol. ii. p. 114.[419]Stow’sAnnales, p. 882.[420]Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 217.[421]Somers’ Tracts.[422]A footnote says, “Here wants something.In another hand, erased in Original.”[423]Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 218.[424]Wood, in hisAthenæ Oxonienses, Vol. ii. p. 354, says, “when the Executioner pluck’t out his Heart (when his Body was to be quartered), and according to the manner held it up, saying,Here is the Heart of a Traytor, Sir Everardmade answer,Thou liest.” This a most famous Author [“Franc.LordBacon” says a footnote], mentions, but tells us not his Name, in hisHistoria Vitæ et Mortis.[425]Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 218.

FOOTNOTES:

[405]See Cardinal Newman inPresent Position of Catholics, p. 351.

[406]Gunpowder Treason, Appendix.

[407]Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 91.

[408]Vol. ii. p. 116.

[409]History of the G. P., by James Caulfield, 1804, p. 56.

[410]Gunpowder Plot, p. 153.

[411]Memoirs of the Court of James I., Vol. i. p. 254.

[412]History of England, Vol. i. pp. 263-4.

[413]See Wharton’sLaud’s History, &c., p. 567.

[414]Haydn’sDictionary of Dates, 1892, p. 696.

[415]A New Narrative of the Popish Plot, showing the Cunning Contrivance thereof.

[416]Repertories in the Town Clerk’s Office.Criminal Trials.Jardine, Vol. xi. pp. 181-2.

[417]Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 217.

[418]Somers’ Tracts, Vol. ii. p. 114.

[419]Stow’sAnnales, p. 882.

[420]Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 217.

[421]Somers’ Tracts.

[422]A footnote says, “Here wants something.In another hand, erased in Original.”

[423]Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 218.

[424]Wood, in hisAthenæ Oxonienses, Vol. ii. p. 354, says, “when the Executioner pluck’t out his Heart (when his Body was to be quartered), and according to the manner held it up, saying,Here is the Heart of a Traytor, Sir Everardmade answer,Thou liest.” This a most famous Author [“Franc.LordBacon” says a footnote], mentions, but tells us not his Name, in hisHistoria Vitæ et Mortis.

[425]Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 218.

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