FOOTNOTES:[1]Charlevoix expressly says, speaking, however, of Charles IX., “qu’il fut fort aise de voir que M. de Coligni n’employoit à cette expédition que des Calvinistes, parce que c’étoit autant d’ennemis, dont il purgeoit l’etat.” Of Coligny’s anxiety in regard to this expedition and his objects, the same writer says: “Coligny had the colony greatly at heart. It was, in fact, the first thing of which the admiral spoke to the king when he obtained permission to repair to the court.”[2]Charlevoix describes Ribault as “un ancien officier de marine,” and speaks of him as a man of experience and “Zélé Huguenot.” Of his vessels, on this expedition, he says that they belonged to the class called “Roberges, et qui differoient peu des Caravelles Espagnoles.”[3]Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, gives the regal title among the Floridians as Paracoussi. Charlevoix writes the word Paraousti, or Paracousti; “et ausquels les Castillans donnent le titre général de Caciques.” Mico, in subsequent periods, seems to have been the more popular title among the Florida Indians, signifying the same thing, or its equivalents, Chief, Prince, or Head Warrior.[4]“A quatorze lienes de la Riviere de Mai, il en trouva une troisiémequ’il nomma la Seine.”—Charlevoix’sNew France. Liv. 1, p. 39.[5]Charlevoix seems to afford a sufficient sanction for the claim of Laudonniere, in behalf of the gentle blood among the followers of Ribault. He says “Il avoit des esquipages choisis, et plusieurs volontaires, parmi lesquels il y avoitquelques gentilshommes.” And yet Ribault should have known better than anybody else the quality of his armament. Certainly, the good leaven, as the result showed, was in too small a proportion to leaven the whole colony.[6]Charlevoix, in his “Fastes Chronologiques,” preparatory to his work on New France, locates Charles Fort, under Ribault, near to the site of the present city of Charleston. In his “Histoire Generale,” and in the map which illustrates this narrative, however, he concurs in the statement of the text. He also names the North Edisto the St. Croix.[7]The name in Charlevoix is written Andusta, but this is most probably an error of the press. Laudonniere in Hackluyt uniformly uses the orthography which we adopt, and which furnishes a coincidence so really striking in the preservation of a name so nearly the same in sound, to this very day, in the same region.[8]A remark of Charlevoix, which accords with the experience of all early travellers and explorers among the American Indians, is worthy to be kept in remembrance, as enabling us to account for that frequent contradiction which occurs in the naming of places and persons among the savages. He records distinctly that each canton or province of Florida bore, among the red-men, the name of the ruling chief. Now, as a matter of course where the tribes are nomadic, the names of places continually underwent change, according to that of the tribe by which the spot was temporarily occupied.[9]According to Charlevoix, Toya was the name of the Floridian god, and not that of the ceremonies simply. “Elle se célébroit en l’honneur d’une Divinité nomméeToya.”[10]Iawa was the title of the priest or prophet of the Floridian. The word is thus written by Laudonniere in Hakluyt. It is probably a misprint only which, in Charlevoix, writes it “Iona.”[11]Adair likens the cry of the Southern Indians to the sacred name among the Jews—“Je-ho-vah.” He writes the Indian syllables thus—“Yo-he-wah,” and it constitutes one of his favorite arguments for deducing the origin of the North American red-men from the ancient Hebrews.[12]Charlevoix thus describes Captain Albert: “Le Commandant de Charles-Fort étoit un homme de main, et qui ne manquoit pas absolument de conduite, mais il étoitbrutal jusqu’à la férocité, et ne sçavoit pas meme garder les bienséances........ Il punissoit les moindres fautes, and toujours avec excès, &c.”—N. France, Liv. 1, p. 51.[13]The names are thus written by Laudonniere in Hakluyt. But in Charlevoix there is only one given to this personage, and that is “Lachau.”[14]Says Charlevoix:—“Il pendit lui-même un soldat, qui n’avoit point merité la mort, il en dégrada un autre des armesavec aussi peu de justice, puis il l’exila, et l’on crut que son dessein étoit de le laisser mourir de faim et de misere, etc.” But we must not anticipate the revelations of the text.[15]“Il fallut songer ensuite à lui donner un successeur, et le choix que l’on fit, fut plus sage, qu’on ne devoit l’attendre de gens, dont les mains fumoient encore du sang de leur Chef. Ils mirent à leur tête un fort honnête homme, nommé Nicholas Barré, lequel par son adresse et sa prudence rétablit en peu de tems la paix et le bon ordre dans la colonie.”—Charlevoix,N. Fran., Liv. 1.[16]Lest we should be suspected of exaggeration we quote a single sentence from the condensed account in Charlevoix:—“Lachau, celui là même, que la Capitaine Albert avoit exilé, après l’avoir dégradé des armes, déclara qu’il vouloit bien avancer sa mort, qu’il croyoit inévitable, pour reculer de quelques jours celle de ses compagnons. Il fut pris au mot, et on l’égorgea sur le champ, sans qu’il fît la moindre résistance.Il ne fut pas perdu une goute de son sang, tous en bûrent avec avidité, le corps fut mis en piéces, et chacun en eut sa part.”[17]Charlevoix describes Laudonniere as “un gentilhomme de mérite—bon officier de marine, et qui avoit même servi sur terre avec distinction.”[18]It was much superior to that originally sent out with Ribault. “On lui donna des ouvriers habiles dans tous les arts, &c. que utilité dans une colonie naissante. Quantité de jeune gens de famille, et plusiers gentilshommes voulurent faire ce voyageà leurs dépens, et on y joignitdes détachemensde soldats choisisdans de vieux corps.L’Admiral eut soin surtout qu’il n’y eût aucun catholique dans cet armement.”[19]“The evidence,” says Johnson, however, in an appendix to his life of Greene, “is in favor of the St. Mary’s, and would point to the first bluff on the south side of that river.” But this is certainly a mistake. The general conviction now is, that our St. John’s was the May River of the French.[20]Jacques de Moyne de Morgues represents the Indian Chief or Paracoussi of the neighborhood, Satouriova by name, as taking great umbrage at the erection of the fortress La Caroline within his dominions; thus differing from Laudonniere, who describes him and his subjects as cheerfully assisting in its erection. Charlevoix undertakes to reconcile the difference between them; but in a manner which would soon leave the chronicle and the historian at the mercy of the merest conjecture. The matter is scarcely of importance.[21]Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, spells this name improperly. It is properly written D’Erlach. “Ce Gentilhomme,” says Charlevoix, “étoit Suisse, et il n’y a point de maison de Suisse plus connuë que celle d’Erlach.”[22]“Ces Calos ou Carlos, sont anthropophages, et fort cruels, ils demeurent dans une Baye, qui porte également leur nom, et celui de Ponce de Leon.”—CHARLEVOIX.[23]Holata Mico (or Blue King), and Holata Amathla, were distinguished leaders of the Seminoles in the late war in Florida.[24]The Chevalier de Gourgues is only twice mentioned, but both times with favor, in the chronicles of Montluc. The instances occur in Italy, in 1556; one of which describes the capture of Gourgues, the other his rescue from captivity. “La il fut prius douze ou quatorze chevaux legers de ma compagnie, dont le Capitaine Gourgues, qui estoit à la suite de Strassi, estoit du nombre,”&c.Montluc was not the Gascon to leave his people in captivity. He prepares to scale the fort in which they are confined, and, his attempt begun, Gourgues was Gascon enough to help himself. The Spaniards had a guard of eighteen or twenty men over their prisoners, who were sixty or eighty in number, the latter being tied in pairs, to make them more secure. As soon as the prisoners heard the cry of “France, France!” from their friends without, they began the struggle within—“ils commencerent à se secouer les uns et les autres, et mesmes le Capitaine Gourgues, qui se deslia le premier,”etc.The prisoners, led by Gourgues, assail their guards with naked arms, wrest from them their weapons, and where these are wanting, employ paving stones, actually killing the greater number, and taking the rest captive. Such was the success of the surprise, and the spirit which they displayed.[25]The name is usually written Olotocara; but, to persons familiar with the singular degree of carelessness with which the Indian names were taken down by the old voyagers and chroniclers, and the different modes employed by French, Spanish and English in spelling the same words, there should be nothing arbitrary in their orthography; nothing to induce us to surrender our privilege of seeking to reconcile these names with well-known analogies. My opinion is, that Olotocara was a compound of two words, the one signifying chief or ruler, the other indicative of the degree of esteem or affection with which he was regarded, or as significant of his qualities. Olata, or Holata, was a frequent title of distinction among the Floridians, and Holata Cara, or Beloved Chief or Warrior, is probably the true orthography of the words compounded into Olotocara or Olocotora. It may have been Olata Tacara, and there may have been some identification of this chief with him from whom the river Tacatacourou took its name. Charlevoix writes it Olocotora; Hakluyt, Olotocara. It will be seen that our method of writing the name makes it easy to reconcile it with that of Hakluyt—Olotocara—Holata Cara—and with that of the title familiar to the Floridian usage, past and present. Thus Olata Utina occurs before in this very chronicle; and no prefix is more common in modern times, among the Seminoles, than that of Holata; thus, Holata Amathla, Holata Fiscico, Holata Mico. It is also used as an appendage; thus, Wokse Holata, as we writeEsquireafter the name.
[1]Charlevoix expressly says, speaking, however, of Charles IX., “qu’il fut fort aise de voir que M. de Coligni n’employoit à cette expédition que des Calvinistes, parce que c’étoit autant d’ennemis, dont il purgeoit l’etat.” Of Coligny’s anxiety in regard to this expedition and his objects, the same writer says: “Coligny had the colony greatly at heart. It was, in fact, the first thing of which the admiral spoke to the king when he obtained permission to repair to the court.”
[2]Charlevoix describes Ribault as “un ancien officier de marine,” and speaks of him as a man of experience and “Zélé Huguenot.” Of his vessels, on this expedition, he says that they belonged to the class called “Roberges, et qui differoient peu des Caravelles Espagnoles.”
[3]Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, gives the regal title among the Floridians as Paracoussi. Charlevoix writes the word Paraousti, or Paracousti; “et ausquels les Castillans donnent le titre général de Caciques.” Mico, in subsequent periods, seems to have been the more popular title among the Florida Indians, signifying the same thing, or its equivalents, Chief, Prince, or Head Warrior.
[4]“A quatorze lienes de la Riviere de Mai, il en trouva une troisiémequ’il nomma la Seine.”—Charlevoix’sNew France. Liv. 1, p. 39.
[5]Charlevoix seems to afford a sufficient sanction for the claim of Laudonniere, in behalf of the gentle blood among the followers of Ribault. He says “Il avoit des esquipages choisis, et plusieurs volontaires, parmi lesquels il y avoitquelques gentilshommes.” And yet Ribault should have known better than anybody else the quality of his armament. Certainly, the good leaven, as the result showed, was in too small a proportion to leaven the whole colony.
[6]Charlevoix, in his “Fastes Chronologiques,” preparatory to his work on New France, locates Charles Fort, under Ribault, near to the site of the present city of Charleston. In his “Histoire Generale,” and in the map which illustrates this narrative, however, he concurs in the statement of the text. He also names the North Edisto the St. Croix.
[7]The name in Charlevoix is written Andusta, but this is most probably an error of the press. Laudonniere in Hackluyt uniformly uses the orthography which we adopt, and which furnishes a coincidence so really striking in the preservation of a name so nearly the same in sound, to this very day, in the same region.
[8]A remark of Charlevoix, which accords with the experience of all early travellers and explorers among the American Indians, is worthy to be kept in remembrance, as enabling us to account for that frequent contradiction which occurs in the naming of places and persons among the savages. He records distinctly that each canton or province of Florida bore, among the red-men, the name of the ruling chief. Now, as a matter of course where the tribes are nomadic, the names of places continually underwent change, according to that of the tribe by which the spot was temporarily occupied.
[9]According to Charlevoix, Toya was the name of the Floridian god, and not that of the ceremonies simply. “Elle se célébroit en l’honneur d’une Divinité nomméeToya.”
[10]Iawa was the title of the priest or prophet of the Floridian. The word is thus written by Laudonniere in Hakluyt. It is probably a misprint only which, in Charlevoix, writes it “Iona.”
[11]Adair likens the cry of the Southern Indians to the sacred name among the Jews—“Je-ho-vah.” He writes the Indian syllables thus—“Yo-he-wah,” and it constitutes one of his favorite arguments for deducing the origin of the North American red-men from the ancient Hebrews.
[12]Charlevoix thus describes Captain Albert: “Le Commandant de Charles-Fort étoit un homme de main, et qui ne manquoit pas absolument de conduite, mais il étoitbrutal jusqu’à la férocité, et ne sçavoit pas meme garder les bienséances........ Il punissoit les moindres fautes, and toujours avec excès, &c.”—N. France, Liv. 1, p. 51.
[13]The names are thus written by Laudonniere in Hakluyt. But in Charlevoix there is only one given to this personage, and that is “Lachau.”
[14]Says Charlevoix:—“Il pendit lui-même un soldat, qui n’avoit point merité la mort, il en dégrada un autre des armesavec aussi peu de justice, puis il l’exila, et l’on crut que son dessein étoit de le laisser mourir de faim et de misere, etc.” But we must not anticipate the revelations of the text.
[15]“Il fallut songer ensuite à lui donner un successeur, et le choix que l’on fit, fut plus sage, qu’on ne devoit l’attendre de gens, dont les mains fumoient encore du sang de leur Chef. Ils mirent à leur tête un fort honnête homme, nommé Nicholas Barré, lequel par son adresse et sa prudence rétablit en peu de tems la paix et le bon ordre dans la colonie.”—Charlevoix,N. Fran., Liv. 1.
[16]Lest we should be suspected of exaggeration we quote a single sentence from the condensed account in Charlevoix:—“Lachau, celui là même, que la Capitaine Albert avoit exilé, après l’avoir dégradé des armes, déclara qu’il vouloit bien avancer sa mort, qu’il croyoit inévitable, pour reculer de quelques jours celle de ses compagnons. Il fut pris au mot, et on l’égorgea sur le champ, sans qu’il fît la moindre résistance.Il ne fut pas perdu une goute de son sang, tous en bûrent avec avidité, le corps fut mis en piéces, et chacun en eut sa part.”
[17]Charlevoix describes Laudonniere as “un gentilhomme de mérite—bon officier de marine, et qui avoit même servi sur terre avec distinction.”
[18]It was much superior to that originally sent out with Ribault. “On lui donna des ouvriers habiles dans tous les arts, &c. que utilité dans une colonie naissante. Quantité de jeune gens de famille, et plusiers gentilshommes voulurent faire ce voyageà leurs dépens, et on y joignitdes détachemensde soldats choisisdans de vieux corps.L’Admiral eut soin surtout qu’il n’y eût aucun catholique dans cet armement.”
[19]“The evidence,” says Johnson, however, in an appendix to his life of Greene, “is in favor of the St. Mary’s, and would point to the first bluff on the south side of that river.” But this is certainly a mistake. The general conviction now is, that our St. John’s was the May River of the French.
[20]Jacques de Moyne de Morgues represents the Indian Chief or Paracoussi of the neighborhood, Satouriova by name, as taking great umbrage at the erection of the fortress La Caroline within his dominions; thus differing from Laudonniere, who describes him and his subjects as cheerfully assisting in its erection. Charlevoix undertakes to reconcile the difference between them; but in a manner which would soon leave the chronicle and the historian at the mercy of the merest conjecture. The matter is scarcely of importance.
[21]Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, spells this name improperly. It is properly written D’Erlach. “Ce Gentilhomme,” says Charlevoix, “étoit Suisse, et il n’y a point de maison de Suisse plus connuë que celle d’Erlach.”
[22]“Ces Calos ou Carlos, sont anthropophages, et fort cruels, ils demeurent dans une Baye, qui porte également leur nom, et celui de Ponce de Leon.”—CHARLEVOIX.
[23]Holata Mico (or Blue King), and Holata Amathla, were distinguished leaders of the Seminoles in the late war in Florida.
[24]The Chevalier de Gourgues is only twice mentioned, but both times with favor, in the chronicles of Montluc. The instances occur in Italy, in 1556; one of which describes the capture of Gourgues, the other his rescue from captivity. “La il fut prius douze ou quatorze chevaux legers de ma compagnie, dont le Capitaine Gourgues, qui estoit à la suite de Strassi, estoit du nombre,”&c.Montluc was not the Gascon to leave his people in captivity. He prepares to scale the fort in which they are confined, and, his attempt begun, Gourgues was Gascon enough to help himself. The Spaniards had a guard of eighteen or twenty men over their prisoners, who were sixty or eighty in number, the latter being tied in pairs, to make them more secure. As soon as the prisoners heard the cry of “France, France!” from their friends without, they began the struggle within—“ils commencerent à se secouer les uns et les autres, et mesmes le Capitaine Gourgues, qui se deslia le premier,”etc.The prisoners, led by Gourgues, assail their guards with naked arms, wrest from them their weapons, and where these are wanting, employ paving stones, actually killing the greater number, and taking the rest captive. Such was the success of the surprise, and the spirit which they displayed.
[25]The name is usually written Olotocara; but, to persons familiar with the singular degree of carelessness with which the Indian names were taken down by the old voyagers and chroniclers, and the different modes employed by French, Spanish and English in spelling the same words, there should be nothing arbitrary in their orthography; nothing to induce us to surrender our privilege of seeking to reconcile these names with well-known analogies. My opinion is, that Olotocara was a compound of two words, the one signifying chief or ruler, the other indicative of the degree of esteem or affection with which he was regarded, or as significant of his qualities. Olata, or Holata, was a frequent title of distinction among the Floridians, and Holata Cara, or Beloved Chief or Warrior, is probably the true orthography of the words compounded into Olotocara or Olocotora. It may have been Olata Tacara, and there may have been some identification of this chief with him from whom the river Tacatacourou took its name. Charlevoix writes it Olocotora; Hakluyt, Olotocara. It will be seen that our method of writing the name makes it easy to reconcile it with that of Hakluyt—Olotocara—Holata Cara—and with that of the title familiar to the Floridian usage, past and present. Thus Olata Utina occurs before in this very chronicle; and no prefix is more common in modern times, among the Seminoles, than that of Holata; thus, Holata Amathla, Holata Fiscico, Holata Mico. It is also used as an appendage; thus, Wokse Holata, as we writeEsquireafter the name.
Transcriber's Note:Obvious typos have been amended. The text on the cover image was added to the original for this e-book and is granted to the public domain.