1746 15 April
16 April
April 15th, O.S.—Prince Charles marched his army in three columns from Culloden Muir in hopes to surprize the Duke of Cumberland in his camp at Nairn, ordering at the same time two thousand men to pass the river Nairn and post themselves between Elgin and the camp of the enemy. To deceive the ships that were in Inverness Road he ordered several fires to be made on the mountain where he drew up in battle. At eight at night he began his march, and about two next morning,being the 16th of April, within a mile[389]of the enemy, our van halted. The Prince, who marched in the centre, dispatched an aid-de-camp to know the motive of the halt. Colonel[390][fol.672.] O'Sullivan (who marched in the van) immediately hasted to the Prince and told him Lord George Murray and some other of the chieftains, as they wanted some of their men, did not think themselves sufficiently strong to attack the enemy, and upon a strong belief the Duke of Cumberland was apprized of their design, refused to advance, maugre the instances he (Colonel O'Sullivan) made use of to engage them to the contrary. Upon this the Prince advanced to the head of the column, where, assembling the chiefs, in the most pathetic and strong terms demonstrated to them the visible and real advantages they had of an enemy who thought themselves secure of any such attempt, and descending his horse,[391]drew his sword, and told them he would lead them to an enemy they had as often defeated as seen. But, deaf to his example and intreaties, the [fol.673.] major part declin'd, which so sensibly shocked the Prince, that, remounting his horse, he told them with the greatest concern[392]he did not so much regret his own loss as their inevitable ruin. He immediately marched back to the former camp at Culloden, where he arrived at five in the morning. At ten he was informed the Duke of Cumberland was in full march towards him. Whereupon the Prince gave the necessary orders for the attack, riding from rank to rank encouraging his troops and exhorting them [with his usual sprightliness][393]to behave as they had done at Prestonpans and Falkirk. Between twelve and one the Prince engag'd the enemy, commanding himself in the centre. The right wing immediately broke the left of the enemy, but their flank being exposed to seven[394]squadrons ofhorse, who attack'd them while they were in pursuit of the [fol.674.] enemy's foot, was put into so much confusion that it was dispers'd. The Prince gallop'd to the right, and endeavouring to rally them[395]had his horse shot under him.[396]The left followed the example of the right, which drew on an entire deroute in spite of all the Prince could do to animate or rally them. Notwithstanding which he remained upon the field of battle untill there were no more hopes left, and then could scarce be persuaded to retire, ordering the Irish piquets and FitzJames's horse to make a stand and favour the retreat of the Highlanders, which was as gallantly executed. Previous to the battle the Prince had ordered the chieftains that (in case of a defeat) as the Highlanders could not retreat as regular troops, they should assemble their men near Fort Augustus. In consequence of this, immediately after the battle the Prince dispatched me to Inverness to repeat his orders to such of his [fol.675.] troops as were there. That night the Prince retir'd six miles from the field of battle[397]and went next day as far, and in three days more arrived at Fort Augustus, where he remained a whole day in expectation his troops would have join'd him. But seeing no appearance of it, he went to the house of Invergary and ordered me to remain there to direct such as pass'd that way the road he took. I remained there two days and announc'd the Prince's orders to such as I met, but to no effect, every one taking his own road.
28 April
I then followed the Prince, who was so far from making a precipitate retreat [as has been maliciously reported][398]that he retired by six and six miles and arrived the 28th of April[399]O.S. at Knoidart, where I join'd him next day and gave him an [fol.676.] account of the little or no appearance there was of assemblinghis troops, upon which he wrote circular letters to all the chiftains, enjoining them, by the obedience they owed him, to join him immediately with such of their clans as they could gather; at the same time representing to them the imminent danger they were in if they neglected it. After remaining some days there in hopes his orders would have been obeyed, and seeing not one person repair to him, the extreme danger his person was in, being within seven miles[400]of Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald and the MacLeods, it was proposed to evade it by retreating to one of the islands near the continent. After repeated instances of the like nature he reluctantly assented, leaving Mr. John Hay behind to transmit [fol.677.] him the answers of his letters, with an account of what should pass, and parted for the Isles in an open fishing boat at eight at night, attended by Colonel O'Sullivan and me only.[401]About an hour after we parted a violent hurricane arose, which drove us ninety miles[402]from our designed port; and next day running for shelter into the Island of North Uist,[403]we struck upon a rock and staved to pieces,[404]and with great difficulty saved our lives. At our landing we were in the most melancholy situation, knowing nobody and wanting the common necessaries of life. After much search we found a little hut uninhabited, and took shelter there, and with a great deal of pains made a fire to dry our cloaths. Here the Prince remained two days, [fol.678.] having no other provisions but a few biskets we had saved out of the boat, which were entirely spoiled with the salt water.
1 May.
6 May
As this island belonged to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and not judging ourselves safe, we determined going elsewhere, and by the greatest good fortune, one of our boatmen discovered a boat[405]stranded on the coast, and, having with great difficulty launched it into the water, we imbarked for the Harris. In our passage we unfortunately met with another storm which obliged us to put into an island near Stornoway. Next day the Prince dispatched me[406]for Stornoway to look for a ship, ordering me to imbark on board the first I could get, and to make the most diligent haste after my landing on the Continent to the Court of France, ordering me to give an exact account to [fol.679.] his most Christian Majesty of his disasters and of his resolution never to abandon the country untill he knew the final result of France, and if it was not[407]possible once more to assemble his faithful Highlanders. Unluckily the person that the Prince sent with me[408]getting drunk, told the master of the ship somewhat that induced him to refuse taking me on board, and immediately alarmed the country, which obliged me to return and join the Prince, who upon what I told him resolved for the continent by way of Seaforth's country. But the boatmen absolutely refused to comply, which made us take the road we came. And meeting with three ships of war we were constrained [fol.680.] to put into a desert island where we remained eight days[409]in the greatest misery, having no sustenance but somedried fish that Providence threw in our way in this island. When the ships disappeared we put to sea again, and next morning met with another ship of war just coming out of one of the lochs, who pursued us for near an hour; but the wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon we arrived at the Island of Benbecula, and one of the boatmen, being acquainted with a herd of the island, led us to his house, where, passing for friends of the boatman, we remained four days, and then the Prince sent the boat to the continent with a Highland gentleman whom he charged with letters to the chiefs, Secretary [fol.681.] Murray and John Hay, requiring an exact account how affairs stood.
Not thinking ourselves secure in the cottage, by the advice of a friend we retired to the mountain of Coradale to wait the return of the gentleman, where we remained two-and-twenty days, when the gentleman returned with a letter from Secretary Murray importing that the clans had almost all delivered up their arms, and, consequently, were no more to be depended on. He likewise acquainted the Prince of two French ships who had arrived at the continent with money and arms, and in which the Duke of Perth, his brother, Sir Thomas Sheridan, and John Hay had imbarked for France.
June.
Here we remained some days longer, till the Duke of Cumberland having intelligence that the Prince was concealed in the Long Isle, ordered the militia of the Isle of Sky and the Independent Companies to go in search of him. As soon [fol.682.] as we had notice of their landing we retreated to an island about twelve miles distance, called Ouya, where we remained till we found they had followed us, and then we went for Loch Boisdale, and stayed there eight days, when Captain Carolina Scott landed within a mile of us, which obliged us to separate, the Prince taking me to the mountains, and O'Sullivan remaining with the boatmen. At nightfall we marched towards Benbecula, being informed Scott had ordered the militia tocome and join him. At midnight we came to a hut, where by good fortune we met with Miss Flora MacDonald, whom I formerly knew. I quitted the Prince at some distance from the hut, and went with a design to inform myself if the Independent Companies were to pass that way next day, as we had been informed. The young lady answered me—Not—and said that they would not pass till the day after. Then I told her I brought a friend to see her, and she, with some emotion, [fol.683.] asked me if it was the Prince. I answered her it was, and instantly brought him in.[410]We then consulted on the imminent danger the Prince was in, and could think of a no more proper and safe expedient than to propose to Miss Flora to convey him to the Isle of Sky, where her mother lived. This seemed the more feasible, as the young lady's father being captain of an Independent Company would accord her a pass for herself and a servant to go visit her mother. The Prince assented, and immediately propos'd it to the young lady, to which she answered with the greatest respect and loyalty; but declined it, saying Sir Alexander MacDonald was too much her friend to be the instrument of his ruin. I endeavoured to obviate this by assuring her Sir Alexander was not in the country, and that she could with the greatest facility convey the Prince to her mother's, as she lived close by the waterside. I then [fol.684.] remonstrated to her the honour and immortality that would redound to her by such a glorious action, and she at length acquiesc'd, after the Prince had told her the sense he would always retain of so conspicuous a service. She promised to acquaint us next day when things were ripe for execution, and we parted for the mountains of Coradale. Next day at four in the afternoon we received a message from our protectress, telling usALL WAS WELL. We determined joining her immediately,but the messenger informed us we could not pass either of the fords that separated the island we were in from Benbecula, as they were both guarded. In this dreadful situation a man of the country tendered us his boat, which we readily accepted, and next day landed at Benbecula, and immediately marched for Rossinish, the place of rendezvous, where we arrived at midnight, and instead of our protectress, [fol.685.] found [ourselves within fifty yards of][411]a guard of the enemy. We were constrained to retreat four miles, having eat nothing for thirty hours[412]before. The Prince ordered me to go to the lady and know the reason she did not keep her appointment. She told me she had engaged a cousin of hers in North Uist to receive him in his house, where she was sure he would be more safe than in the Isle of Sky.[413]I immediately dispatched a boy with this news to the Prince, and mentioned him the place of appointment, whither he came. But the gentleman absolutely refused receiving us, alleging for a motive that he was vassal to Sir Alexander MacDonald. In this unexpected exigence, being within a small half mile of a captain and fifty men, we hastened for Rossinish, being apprized the enemy had just [fol.686.] abandoned it. The Prince sent me to acquaint Miss Flora of our disappointment and to intreat her to keep to her promise, as there was no time to lose. She faithfully promised for next day, and I remained with her that night, the Prince remaining at Rossinish attended by a little herd. Next day I accompanied Miss Flora to the rendezvous, where we had not long been when we had an account[414]that General Campbell was just landed with 1500 men.[415]We were now apprehensive that we were betrayed, and instantly got to our boat and put to another place, where we arrived at daybreak. We dispatched to Clanranald's house to learn what news, who brought us word that General Campbell was there with Captain Ferguson,and that he saw Captain Scott's detachment coming to join [fol.687.] them, and that they amounted in all to 2300 men. The Prince intreated the young lady I should accompany him, but she absolutely refused it, having a pass but for one servant. The Prince was so generous as to decline going unless I attended, untill I told him, if he made the least demur, I would instantly go about my business, as I was extremely indifferent what became of me so that his person was safe. [With much difficulty and after many intreaties][416]he at length imbarked, attended only by Miss Flora MacDonald.[417]
July.
Here my hard fate and the Prince's safety, which was my only object, obliged me to share no longer the misfortunes of that illustrious hero, whose grandeur of soul and intrepidity, with a calmness of spirit particular to himself in such dangers, [fol.688.] increased in these moments when the general part of mankind abandon themselves to their fate. I now could only recommend him to God and his good fortune, and made my way amidst the enemy to South Uist, where we had left Colonel O'Sullivan.[418]Next day I joined O'Sullivan, and found (four days after the Prince parted) a French cutter, commanded by one Dumont, and who had on board two captains of the Irish brigade with a number of volunteers. Here Colonel O'Sullivan and I concerted what were the properest measures to be taken. We agreed that he should go on board the cutter, as he was so reduced by the long fatigues that he had undergone in the mountains, as not to be able to walk, and that he should bring the cutter to Loch Seaforth, nigh the Isle of Rasay, where the Prince ordered me to join him by a billet he had sent me the day before by one of the boatmen who had rowed [fol.689.] him to the Isle of Sky. After having seen my friend on board, and after innumerable difficulties, I got a boat and went round the Isle of Sky to the Isle of Rasay, place of rendezvous; but at my landing had intelligence that the Prince was returned to the Isle of Sky, whereupon I hasted to said Isle of Sky again,and there too had the grief to learn that he had departed that island, but for what place nobody could inform me in the least. I then repaired to Loch Nammaddy in North Uist, where by our agreement Colonel O'Sullivan was to come to me in case that in eight days I did not join him at Loch Scaforth; but not meeting my friend there, after a delay of four days I returned to the Island of Benbecula, where I promised [fol.690.] myself greater safety than any where else; but I met with a quite different usage. For the very person[419]in whom I had entirely confided, and under whose care I was, betrayed me to Captain MacNeal (induced thereto by a great sum of money offered for me), who was in that country under the command of Captain Ferguson of theFurnace-Bomb. I was taken by this Captain MacNeal in a rock over a loch, where I had skulked for four days, and brought to Captain Ferguson,[420]who used me with all the barbarity of a pirate, stripped me, and had ordered me to be put into a rack and whipped by his hangman, because I would not confess where I thought the Prince was. As I was just going to be whipped, being already stripped, Lieutenant MacCaghan of the Scotch Fusileers, who commanded a party under Captain [fol.691.] Ferguson, very generously opposed this barbarous usage, and coming out with his drawn sword threatened Captain Ferguson that he'd sacrifice himself and his detachment rather than to see an officer used after such an infamous manner.
I can't avoid acquainting the public that four days after I was taken[421]General Campbell sent me word upon his parole of honour that if I had money, or other effects in the country, in sending them to him they should be safe. Upon which (always imagining that the word of honour was as sacredly kept in the English army as 'tis in others) I went with a detachment for my money and gold watch which I had hid in the rock when I perceived the party searching for me, and sent to GeneralCampbell by Captain Skipness Campbell 450 guineas, with my gold watch, broadsword, and pistols, all which he has thought [fol.692.] proper (to be sure consistent with his honour) to keep from me upon diverse applications made to him to that purpose.
I hope the public will excuse this long digression, that I have made since my separation from the Prince, the more so that I have only made it to show that I did everything in my power as well to fulfil my duty as to endeavour to deserve the confidence with which the Prince was graciously pleased to honour me.
(Sic subscribitur)
F. O'Neille.
A coppy.
1747 8 Dec.
N.B.—After getting notice that Captain Felix O'Neille, after his being removed from the Castle of Edinburgh to some part in England, had transmitted an attested copy of his Journal to one of his friends in Edinburgh, I was at no small pains to find it out. At last I discovered that it was in the hands of the Countess of Dundonald. Upon Tuesday, December 8th, 1747, I did myself the honour of paying my respects to lady Mary Cochran in Edinburgh. I begged to know of her ladyship if [fol.693.] it was true that the Countess had any such Journal and if I could have the favour of seeing it. Lady Mary said it was very true that her mamma had the Journal with O'Neille's own subscription at it, and that it was transmitted to her from O'Neille himself, and that she would endeavour to procure it for me from her mamma and send it down to me as soon as possible. But, then, her ladyship was pleased to observe that the Countess would not allow any copy to be taken of it, as Captain O'Neille had desired that no copy should be given of it, till he should send a letter to the Countess from France, wherein he would give allowance for copies to be taken of it at a proper time. And therefore Lady Mary added that all the favour I could obtain was only the reading of it. To this I answered that I had heard the Journal was made a great secret, and seeing it was so, I did not chuse to have the trust of it; for that if copies should happen to appear from other quarters it might be said that I had taken a copy without any allowance, [fol.694.] and thereby had become the occasion of spreading it. Andtherefore I would much rather chuse to read it in her ladyship's presence and return it directly into her hands, if her ladyship would take the trouble of procuring me a sight of it while I had the honour of being with her. Lady Mary was so good as to say that though my Lady Dundonald was confined to her apartment with a severe cold, she would step to her and ask a reading of the Journal. Accordingly, in a very short time, Lady Mary returned and gave me the Journal. After reading of it I could not help declaring my surprize that the Journal should be made a matter of so much nicety when I could assure her ladyship that I had been master of a copy of it (the preface and conclusion only excepted) for about six months past, and that several such copies as mine were in Edinburgh and other places of Scotland. Lady Mary said that certainly Captain O'Neille's touching so severely upon General Campbell behoved to be the reason why he made his Journal an affair of such secrecy. To this I answered that the reason [fol.695.] was good so long as Captain O'Neille remained in any part of Scotland or England, because the making such a particular the subject of common conversation might have brought rough enough treatment upon Captain O'Neille. But now that he was safe in France, I could not help looking upon it as a point of justice to make that particular part of the Journal known to the world, that so General Campbell might have an opportunity of vindicating himself, if there was any mistake in the case, and that if the charge was a fact, the truth might be fixed. Then I added that if my Lady Dundonald could be prevailed upon to allow me the use of the attested copy to compare it with my own, and to take transcripts of the preface and conclusion, I would promise to give her ladyship in return for that favour a copy of Ker of Gradyne's account; and withal I said I should not give copies of the preface and conclusion or have any hand in making them common. Lady Mary was so good as to assure me that she would faithfully reportthatto [fol.696.] my Lady Dundonald, and would employ her interest to procure that favour for me upon the conditions I had mentioned. I then took leave, and said I would do myself the honour of waiting upon her ladyship some day next week.
17 Dec.
Upon Thursday, December 17th, I again made my court toLady Mary, who had most faithfully performed her promise, and had procured what I so much desired. Upon receiving the attested Journal at Lady Mary's hands, I repeated the conditions and assured her ladyship I would observe them.
I had been promised the use of Ker of Gradyne's account from the right reverend Bishop Keith in the Canongate, who at that time had the only copy of it in Scotland. Lady Mary informed me that the Countess was very much surprized to hear that I should have a copy of O'Neille's Journal, the preface and conclusion excepted, for that her ladyship had firmly believed that there was no such thing in all Scotland as the copy of a single sentence of it. Upon this I informed Lady Mary that Mr. William MacDougal, Wine merchant, [fol.697.] was master of a transcript of O'Neille's attested Journal, which he had got when taking a jaunt with his lady in England for her health sometime in the month of September, from one of the French officers then prisoners upon parole at Berwick, but that Mr. MacDougal had given his promise not to communicate it by giving a copy to any one whatsoever, even though O'Neille had before that time set out for France, the officers that were left behind being much afraid that they themselves might feel the effects of resentment, should the animadversion upon General Campbell be publickly known before they should be exchanged and set free. Upon comparing the attested copy with the one I had formerly transcribed [vol. i. f. 181] I found no other difference betwixt them than what might proceed from a multiplicity of copies and from the unskilfulness and inattention of transcribers. And therefore at first I intended only to remark the differences of the two copies and to take transcripts of the preface and conclusion. But, upon second thoughts, I [fol.698.] judged it more eligible to take an exact and faithful transcript of the whole of the attested copy, that so I might have it all as it had come from the hands of Captain O'Neille, who had sent it to my Lady Dundonald wrapped up in a cover with two seals upon it, and with an address in the following words precisely:—
'To the right honble. the Countess of Dondanold, Edinburgh.'
The remarks I have made[422]still hold good even as to the attested copy: for (to omit other particulars) considering the long time that Captain O'Neille was with the Prince after the battle of Culloden (about ten or eleven weeks), and the great variety of difficulties and dangers they had to struggle with during all that time, certainly the Captain behoved to have much more to say than what he has given an account of in his Journal, had he only been at the trouble of taking time and leisure to recollect himself with that accuracy and exactness [fol.699.] which the importance of the subject justly calls for. In such an uncommon and interesting scene of life the minutest occurrence that has the smallest tendency to illustrate the character of thesuffering heroshould not be omitted. Let this piece of history be cooly and impartially considered only from April 16th to September 20th, and I dare venture to say one will not find a parallel to it in any history whatsoever. For a prince to be a-skulking five long months exposed to the hardships of hunger and cold, thirst and nakedness, and surrounded on all hands by a numerous army of blood-thirsty men, both by sea and land, eagerly hunting after the price of blood, and yet that they should miss the much coveted aim, is an event of life far surpassing the power of words to paint. In a word, I presume it may be asserted with great truth that the Prince (all circumstances considered) could not have been safe in any other place of the three kingdoms but in the Highlands of Scotland. Let any one compare O'Neille's Journal [fol.700.] with Donald MacLeod's,[423]and I am persuaded he will find the Captain's account of things dull and wanting when put into the balance with that of the old honest Palinurus, whose simple unadorn'd sayings have a peculiar energy and beauty in them.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
Tuesday's forenoon, February 2d, 1748.
1748 2 Feb.
I paid my respects to the Countess of Dundonald and Lady Mary Cochran, when I delivered back to the Countess the attested copy of O'Neille's Journal, and likewise gave to herladyship the copy I had promised of Gradyne's account. I then asked the Countess if her ladyship remembered at what time she had received the attested copy from O'Neille. Her ladyship was pleased to answer that as she had received a letter along with the Journal from Captain O'Neille, so she could fully satisfy me about that; and going to a cabinet her ladyship fetched O'Neille's letter out of one of the drawers and showed me the date of it, which was as follows: 'Berwick, August 30th, 1747.'
Robert Forbes, A.M.
A.—A Coppy of aLetterfrom a Soldier in Cobham's Dragoons sent to his Brother at Cirencester.[424]
May 11th, 1746: Stonehive,80 miles this side Inverness.
To which we marched since that glorious 16th of April which gave liberty to three kingdom. These rapacious villains thought to have destroyed their prisoners, and by their orderly books, had they got the better, we were to have been every soul of us cut off, and not have had one prisoner, and for the Duke he was to have been cut as small as herbs for the pot, thus they and their books declare. But, God be praised, he wou'd not suffer such inhumanity and such barbarous villains to thrive, and I pray God our young hero is preserved to be a second deliverer to church and state; he beeing the darling of mankind, for we had certainly been starved had it not been his care to bring ovens and bakers with him. I say, Down on your knees all England and, after praise to God who gives victory, pray for the young British hero, for had he been at Falkirk these brave Englishmen that are now in their graves had not been lost, his presence doing more than five thousand men; and every man stands an equal chance for his life without partiality; which has not been the case for these six months last past. Your news papers give you a tolerable account, so I shall not, nor can I, give you a better within the compass of a letter. Since the last I sent you we find kill'd amongst the rebels no less than ten colonels, seven majors, fifteen captains, and as to lieutenants and ensigns, a volume of them. I leave you to guess at the number of rank and file that must fall. In short, 'tis mine and every bodie's opinion no history can bragof so singular a victory and so few of our men lost, that we lost but one man; 'tho I fear I shall lose my horse, he having at this moment of writing a ball in his left buttock. 'Twas pritty near Enoch that time, but, thank God, a miss is as good as a mile, as we say in Gloustershire. And now we have the pleasure of a bed and not hard duty; but for six weeks before the battle few of Cobham's heroes (thank God, that is our caracter from the Duke and the general officers, except General Hawley, who does not love us because our regiment spoke truth about Falkirk job), I say for six weeks before I had not my cloaths off once, and had it not been for our dear Bill, we had all been starved, only for the good loaves he order'd for the army, and some provisions that came by shipping. But thank God, I am well and in good quarters for this country, and I hope I shall live to see you once more. I have the vanity to believe Cobham's will be welcome to England now; for the regiment has always been in front upon all occasions where hard and dangerous duty was to be done: from our first setting off to Stonefild where the sneaking dogs stole away in the night, at Clifton-Moor where we dismounted and fought on foot and the Duke thanked us at the head of the regiment and so he has done several times. I shou'd be glad to hear what the caracter of Cobham's is in England. Direct for me at Stonehive or elce-where. 'Tis impossible for me to tell you what hard duty we have done since we have been in the north, but had we done ten times more, 'tis what I shou'd think of with pleasure so as we serve our King and country. We are all hearty that is left of us, and we thank and praise God for our deliverance. We have not lost above one troop and one hundred horses, which I think a miracle. As to what you say about agents, you must think I tried long ago. But, in short, the officers dont care how little cash they have about them in these parts, especialy in war; for every time we thought of a battle the officers' servants had all the regiment's cash, rings, and watches. I sold my watch a little before Falkirk's battle, and the dear lad that bought it was kill'd the first fire, so that he and all he had fell to these inhumane dogs. He was my particular friend. I hope all is now over. We are guarding the coast that Charles may not get off. I pray God I had him in this room, and he the last of the Stuart race; it wou'd be my glory to stab the villain to the heart. Beside it wou'd look well in history for him to fall by the hand of a Bradshaw. I dare say did the rankest Jacobite inEngland know the misery he has brought on the north of England, he wou'd be sick of the name of Stuart; for I have a shocking story of their villainy, which wou'd make even a papist tremble at the reading of it. My humble service to all friends in general. I pray God I had a flicth of your bacon, but am well, and we have bread and brandy in plenty.—Yours,
Enoch Bradshaw.
Scottish History Society.
THE EXECUTIVE.
President.The Earl of Rosebery, K.G., K.T., LL.D.
Chairman of Council.David Masson, LL.D., Historiographer Royal for Scotland.
Council.
J. Ferguson, Advocate.Right Rev.John Dowden, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh.Professor SirThomas Grainger Stewart, M.D.J. N. Macphail, Advocate.Rev.A. W. Cornelius Hallen.SirArthur Mitchell, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D.Rev.Geo. W. Sprott, D.D.J. Balfour Paul, Lyon King of Arms.A. H. Millar.J. R. Findlay.P. Hume Brown, M.A.G. Gregory Smith, M.A.
Corresponding Members of the Council.
C. H. Firth, Oxford;Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D.; Rev.W. D. Macray, Oxford; Rev. ProfessorA. F. Mitchell, D.D., St. Andrews.
C. H. Firth, Oxford;Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D.; Rev.W. D. Macray, Oxford; Rev. ProfessorA. F. Mitchell, D.D., St. Andrews.
Hon. Treasurer.J. T. Clark, Keeper of the Advocates' Library.
Hon. Secretary.T. G. Law, Librarian, Signet Library.
1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing, under selected editorship, of unpublished documents illustrative of the civil, religious, and social history of Scotland. The Society will also undertake, in exceptional cases, to issue translations of printed works of a similar nature, which have not hitherto been accessible in English.
2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited to 400.
3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council, consisting of a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve elected Members, five to make a quorum. Three of the twelve elected Members shall retire annually by ballot, but they shall be eligible for re-election.
4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One Guinea. The publications of the Society shall not be delivered to any Member whose Subscription is in arrear, and no Member shall be permitted to receive more than one copy of the Society's publications.
5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publications,i.e.without the intervention of a publisher or any other paid agent.
6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about 320 pages each.
7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held on the last Tuesday in October.
8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be held each year, one on the last Tuesday of May, the other on the Tuesday preceding the day upon which the Annual General Meeting shall be held. The Secretary, on the request of three Members of the Council, shall call a special meeting of the Council.
9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit for the Society.
10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will also be presented with a certain number of copies.
11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members shall be printed.
12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a General Meeting of the Society. A fortnight's notice of any alteration to be proposed shall be given to the Members of the Council.
For the year 1886-1887.
1.Bishop Pococke's Tours in Scotland, 1747-1760.Edited byD. W. Kemp.(Oct. 1887.)2.Diary of and General Expenditure Book of William Cunningham of Craigends, 1673-1680.Edited by the Rev.James Dodds, D.D.(Oct. 1887.)
1.Bishop Pococke's Tours in Scotland, 1747-1760.Edited byD. W. Kemp.
(Oct. 1887.)
2.Diary of and General Expenditure Book of William Cunningham of Craigends, 1673-1680.Edited by the Rev.James Dodds, D.D.
(Oct. 1887.)
For the year 1887-1888.
3.Panurgi Philo-caballi Scoti Grameidos libri sex.—The Grameid: an heroic poem descriptive of the Campaign of Viscount Dundee in 1689, byJames Philipof Almerieclose. Translated and Edited by the Rev.A. D. Murdoch.(Oct. 1888.)4.The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews.PartI.1559-1582. Edited byD. Hay Fleming.(Feb. 1889.)
3.Panurgi Philo-caballi Scoti Grameidos libri sex.—The Grameid: an heroic poem descriptive of the Campaign of Viscount Dundee in 1689, byJames Philipof Almerieclose. Translated and Edited by the Rev.A. D. Murdoch.
(Oct. 1888.)
4.The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews.PartI.1559-1582. Edited byD. Hay Fleming.
(Feb. 1889.)
For the year 1888-1889.
5.Diary of the Rev. John Mill, Minister of Dunrossness, Sandwick, and Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited byGilbert Goudie, F.S.A. Scot.(June 1889.)6.Narrative of Mr. James Nimmo, a Covenanter, 1654-1709.Edited byW. G. Scott-Moncrieff, Advocate.(June 1889.)7.The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews.PartII.1583-1600. Edited byD. Hay Fleming.(Aug. 1890.)
5.Diary of the Rev. John Mill, Minister of Dunrossness, Sandwick, and Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited byGilbert Goudie, F.S.A. Scot.
(June 1889.)
6.Narrative of Mr. James Nimmo, a Covenanter, 1654-1709.Edited byW. G. Scott-Moncrieff, Advocate.
(June 1889.)
7.The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews.PartII.1583-1600. Edited byD. Hay Fleming.
(Aug. 1890.)
For the year 1889-1890.
8.A List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion (1745).With a Preface by theEarl of Roseberyand Annotations by the Rev.Walter Macleod.(Sept. 1890.)Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery.9.Glamis Papers: The 'Book of Record,' a Diary written byPatrick, first Earl of Strathmore, and other documents relating to Glamis Castle (1684-89). Edited byA. H. Millar, F.S.A. Scot.(Sept. 1890.)10.John Major's History of Greater Britain (1521).Translated and Edited byArchibald Constable, with a Life of the author byÆneas J. G. Mackay, Advocate.(Feb. 1892.)
8.A List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion (1745).With a Preface by theEarl of Roseberyand Annotations by the Rev.Walter Macleod.
(Sept. 1890.)
Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery.
9.Glamis Papers: The 'Book of Record,' a Diary written byPatrick, first Earl of Strathmore, and other documents relating to Glamis Castle (1684-89). Edited byA. H. Millar, F.S.A. Scot.
(Sept. 1890.)
10.John Major's History of Greater Britain (1521).Translated and Edited byArchibald Constable, with a Life of the author byÆneas J. G. Mackay, Advocate.
(Feb. 1892.)
For the year 1890-1891.
11.The Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies, 1646-47.Edited by the Rev. ProfessorMitchell, D.D., and the Rev.James Christie, D.D., with an Introduction by the former.(May 1892.)12.Court-Book of the Barony of Urie, 1604-1747.Edited by the Rev.D. G. Barron, from aMS.in possession of Mr.R. Barclayof Dorking.(Oct. 1892.)
11.The Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies, 1646-47.Edited by the Rev. ProfessorMitchell, D.D., and the Rev.James Christie, D.D., with an Introduction by the former.
(May 1892.)
12.Court-Book of the Barony of Urie, 1604-1747.Edited by the Rev.D. G. Barron, from aMS.in possession of Mr.R. Barclayof Dorking.
(Oct. 1892.)
For the year 1891-1892.
13.Memoirs of the Life of Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, Baronet, Baron of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union, etc. Extracted by himself from his own Journals, 1676-1755. Edited from the originalMS.in Penicuik House byJohn M. Gray, F.S.A. Scot.(Dec. 1892.)14.Diary of Col. the Hon. John Erskine of Carnock, 1683-1687.From aMS.in possession ofHenry David Erskine, Esq., of Cardross. Edited by the Rev.Walter Macleod.(Dec. 1893.)
13.Memoirs of the Life of Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, Baronet, Baron of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union, etc. Extracted by himself from his own Journals, 1676-1755. Edited from the originalMS.in Penicuik House byJohn M. Gray, F.S.A. Scot.
(Dec. 1892.)
14.Diary of Col. the Hon. John Erskine of Carnock, 1683-1687.From aMS.in possession ofHenry David Erskine, Esq., of Cardross. Edited by the Rev.Walter Macleod.
(Dec. 1893.)
For the year 1892-1893.
15.Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, First Volume—The Library of James vi., 1573-83.Documents illustrating Catholic Policy, 1596-98.Letters of Sir Thomas Hope, 1627-46.Civil War Papers, 1645-50.Lauderdale Correspondence, 1660-77.Turnbull's Diary, 1657-1704.Masterton Papers, 1660-1719.Accompt of Expenses in Edinburgh, 1715.Rebellion Papers, 1715 and 1745.(Dec. 1893.)16.Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston (1671-1707).Edited by the Rev.A. W. Cornelius Hallen.(June 1894.)
15.Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, First Volume—
The Library of James vi., 1573-83.Documents illustrating Catholic Policy, 1596-98.Letters of Sir Thomas Hope, 1627-46.Civil War Papers, 1645-50.Lauderdale Correspondence, 1660-77.Turnbull's Diary, 1657-1704.Masterton Papers, 1660-1719.Accompt of Expenses in Edinburgh, 1715.Rebellion Papers, 1715 and 1745.
(Dec. 1893.)
16.Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston (1671-1707).Edited by the Rev.A. W. Cornelius Hallen.
(June 1894.)
For the year 1893-1894.
17.Letters and Papers illustrating the Relations between Charles ii. and Scotland in 1650.Edited, with Notes and Introduction, bySamuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D., etc.(July 1894.)18.Scotland and the Commonwealth. Letters and Papers relating to the Military Government of Scotland, Aug. 1651-Dec. 1653. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, byC. H. Firth, M.A.
17.Letters and Papers illustrating the Relations between Charles ii. and Scotland in 1650.Edited, with Notes and Introduction, bySamuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D., etc.
(July 1894.)
18.Scotland and the Commonwealth. Letters and Papers relating to the Military Government of Scotland, Aug. 1651-Dec. 1653. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, byC. H. Firth, M.A.
(Oct. 1895.)
For the year 1894-1895.
19.The Jacobite Rising of 1719.Letter Book of James, Second Duke of Ormonde, Nov. 4, 1718-Sept. 27, 1719. Edited byW. K. Dickson, Advocate.(In progress.)20, 21.The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, by the Rev.Robert Forbes, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775. Edited from his Manuscript byHenry Paton, M.A. Vols.I.andII.(Oct. 1895.)
19.The Jacobite Rising of 1719.Letter Book of James, Second Duke of Ormonde, Nov. 4, 1718-Sept. 27, 1719. Edited byW. K. Dickson, Advocate.
(In progress.)
20, 21.The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, by the Rev.Robert Forbes, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775. Edited from his Manuscript byHenry Paton, M.A. Vols.I.andII.
(Oct. 1895.)
In preparation.
The Lyon in Mourning.Vol.III.
Extracts from the Presbytery Records of Inverness and Dingwall from 1638 to 1688.Edited byWilliam Mackay.
Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies(continued) for the years 1648-49, 1649-50, 1651-52. Edited by the Rev. ProfessorMitchell, D.D., and Rev.James Christie, D.D.
Journal of a Foreign Tour in 1665 and 1666 by John Lauder, Lord Fountainhall.Edited byDonald Crawford, Sheriff of Aberdeenshire.
Journals and Papers of John Murray of Broughton, Prince Charles' Secretary.Edited byR. Fitzroy Bell, Advocate.
Sir Thomas Craig's De Unione Regnorum Britanniæ.Edited, with an English Translation, from the unpublishedMS.in the Advocates' Library, byDavid Masson, Historiographer Royal.
Note-book or Diary of Bailie David Wedderburne, Merchant of Dundee, 1587-1630.Edited byA. H. Millar.
A Translation of the Statuta Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ, 1225-1556, byDavid Patrick, LL.D.
Documents in the Archives of the Hague and Rotterdam concerning the Scots Brigade in Holland.Edited byJ. Ferguson, Advocate.
The Diary of Andrew Hay of Stone, near Biggar, afterwards of Craignethan Castle, 1659-60.Edited byA. G. Reidfrom a manuscript in his possession.
A Selection of the Forfeited Estates Papers preserved in H.M. General Register House and elsewhere.Edited byA. H. Millar.
A Translation of the Historia Abbatum de Kynlos of Ferrerius.ByArchibald Constable.
Documents relating to the Affairs of the Roman Catholic Party in Scotland, from the year of the Armada to the Union of the Crowns. Edited byThomas Graves Law.