Kitchen utensils:—“1 Iron Pot.1 Great Copper Kettle.1 Small Kettle.1 Lesser Kettle.1 Large Frying pan.1 Brass Mortar.1 Spit.1 Gridiron.2 Skillets.Platters, dishes, and spoons of wood.A pair of Bellows.A Skoope, etc.”
Among the implements of husbandry, etc., and mechanics’ tools we find evidence of hoes, spades, shovels, scythes, “sikles,” mattocks, bill-hooks, garden-rakes, hay-forks (“pitch-forks”), besides seed-grain and garden seeds. Axes, saws, hammers, “adzs,” augers, chisels, gouges, squares, hatchets, an “iron jack-scrue,” “holdfasts” (vises), blacksmiths’ tools, coopers’ tools, iron and steel in bar, anvils, chains, etc., “staples and locks,” rope, lime (for mortar), nails, etc., are also known to have been in the ship. Francis Eaton, the carpenter, seems to have had a very respectable “kit,” and Fletcher, the smith, was evidently fairly “outfitted.”
The implements of husbandry were of the lighter (?) sort; no ploughs, harrows, carts, harness, stone-drags, or other farming tools requiring the strength of beasts for their use, were included. In nothing could they have experienced so sharp a contrast as in the absence of horses, cattle, and sheep in their husbandry, and especially of milch kine. Bradford and Window both mention hoes, spades, mattocks, and sickles, while shovels, scythes, bill-hooks (brush-scythes, the terrible weapons of the English peasantry in their great “Mon mouth” and earlier uprisings), pitchforks, etc., find very early mention in inventories and colonial records. Josselyn, in his “Two Voyages to New England,” gives, in 1628, the following very pertinent list of “Tools for a Family of six persons, and so after this rate for more,—intending for New England.” This may be taken as fairly approximating the possessions of the average MAY-FLOWER planter, though probably somewhat exceeding individual supplies. Eight years of the Pilgrims’ experience had taught those who came after them very much that was of service.
5 Broad Howes [hoes].6 Chisels.5 Narrow Howes [hoes].3 Gimblets.5 Felling Axes.2 hatchets.2 steel hand saws.2 frones (?) to cleave pail! (Probably knives for cleaving pail stock.)2 hand saws.2 hand-bills.1 whip saw, set and files with box.Nails of all sorts.2 Pick-axes.A file and rest.3 Locks and 3 paire fetters.2 Hammers.2 Currie Combs.3 Shovels.Brands for beasts.2 Spades.A hand vice.2 Augers.A pitchfork, etc.2 Broad Axes.
Unhappily we know little from contemporaneous authority as to what grain and other seeds the Pilgrims brought with them for planting. We may be sure, however, that rye, barley, oats, wheat, pease, and beans were the bulkiest of this part of their freight, though Bradford mentions the planting of “garden seeds” their first spring.
While we know from the earliest Pilgrim chronicles that their mechanics’ implements embraced axes, saws, hammers, “adzs,” augers, hatchets, an “iron jack-scrue,” “staples and locks,” etc., we know there must have been many other tools not mentioned by them, brought over with the settlers. The “great iron-scrue,” as Bradford calls it in his original MS., played, as all know, a most important part on the voyage, in forcing the “cracked and bowed” deck-beam of the ship into place. Governor Bradford tells us that “it was brought on board by one of the Leyden passengers,” and one may hazard the guess that it was by either Moses Fletcher, the smith, or Francis Eaton, the “carpenter.” “Staples” and “locks” found their place and mention, as well as the “chains,” “manacles,” and “leg-irons” named in the list of accoutrements for offence or defence, when it became necessary to chain up the Indian spy of the Neponsets (as narrated by Winslow in his “Good Newes from New England”) and other evil-doers. The planters seem to have made stiff “mortar,” which premises the use of lime and indicates a supply.
Among the fishing and fowling implements of the MAY FLOWER colonists are recorded, nets, “seynes,” twine, fish hooks, muskets (for large game), “fowling pieces,” powder, “goose-shot,” “hail-shot,” etc.
Such early mention is found of the nets, “seynes,” etc., of their fishing equipment, as to leave no room for doubt that store of them was brought in the ship. They seem to have been unfortunate in the size of their fish-hooks, which are spoken of as “too large” even for cod. They must, as Goodwin remarks, “have been very large.” Window also says, “We wanted fit and strong seines and other netting.”
They seem to have relied upon their muskets to some extent for wild fowl (as witness Winslow’s long and successful shot at a duck, on his visit to Massasoit), as they undoubtedly did for deer, etc. They were apparently fairly well supplied with them, of either the “matchlock” or “snaphance” (flintlock) pattern, though the planters complained to the Merchant Adventurers (in their letter of August 3, from Southampton), that they were “wanting many muskets,” etc. That they had some “fowling-pieces” is shown by the fact that young Billington seems (according to Bradford) to have “shot one off in his father’s cabin” aboard ship in Cape Cod harbor, and there are several other coeval mentions of them.
The arms and accoutrements (besides ordnance) of the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims, known on the authority of Bradford and Winslow to have been brought by them, included muskets (“matchlocks”), “snaphances” (flintlocks), armor (“corslets,” “cuirasses,” “helmets,” “bandoliers,” etc.), swords, “curtlaxes” (cutlasses), “daggers,” powder, “mould-shot,” “match” (slow-match for guns), “flints,” belts, “knapsacks,” “drum,” “trumpet,” “manacles,” “leg-irons,” etc., etc. “Pistols” (brass) appear in early inventories, but their absence in the early hand-to-hand encounter at Wessagussett indicates that none were then available, or that they were not trusted. It is evident from the statement of Bradford that every one of the sixteen men who went out (under command of Standish) on the “first exploration” at Cape Cod had his “musket, sword, and corslet;” that they relied much on their armor, and hence, doubtless, took all possible with them on the ship. They probably did not long retain its use. In the letter written to the Adventurers from Southampton, the leaders complain of “wanting many muskets, much armour, &c.”
Josselyn gives’ the equipment he considers necessary for each man going to New England to settle:—
“Armor compleat:—One long piece [musket] five feet or five and a half long.One Sword.One bandoleer.One belt.Twenty pounds of powder.Sixty pounds of shot or lead, pistol and Goose-shot.”
“Another list gives an idea of ‘complete armor.’”CorseletBreast [plate or piece].Back [ditto].Culet (?).Gorget [throat-piece].Tussis [thigh-pieces].Head-piece “[morion skull-cap].”
Bradford states that they used their “curtlaxes” (cutlasses) to dig the frozen ground to get at the Indians’ corn, “having forgotten to bring spade or mattock.” “Daggers” are mentioned as used in their celebrated duel by Dotey and Leister, servants of Stephen Hopkins. Bradford narrates that on one of their exploring tours on the Cape the length of guard duty performed at night by each “relief” was determined by the inches of slow-match burned (“every one standing when his turn came while five or six inches of match was burning”), clearly indicating that they had no watches with them. The “drum” and “trumpet” are both mentioned in “Mourt’s Relation” in the account given of Massasoit’s reception, the latter as eliciting the especial attention of his men, and their efforts at blowing it.
The Ordnance (cannon) brought in the ship consisted (probably) of ten guns, certainly of six. Of these, two (2) were “sakers,”—guns ten feet long of 3 to 4 inches bore, weighing from fifteen to eighteen hundred pounds each; two (2) were “minions” (or “falcons”),—guns of 3 1/2 inch bore, weighing twelve hundred pounds (1200 lbs.) each; and two (2) were “bases,”—small guns of 1 1/4 inch bore, weighing some three hundred pounds (300 lbs.) each. These were mounted on “the Hill” fort or platform. It is probable that besides these were the four smallest cannon, called “patereros” (or “murderers”), which, at the time of De Rasiere’s visit to Plymouth in 1627, were mounted on a platform (in front of the Governor’s house), at the intersection of the two streets of the town, and commanded its several approaches. It is not likely that they were sent for after 1621, because the Adventurers were never in mood to send if asked, while Bradford, in speaking of the first alarm by the Indians, says, “This caused us to plant our great ordnance in places most convenient,” leaving a possible inference that they had smaller ordnance in reserve. With this ordnance was of course a proper supply of ammunition adapted to its use. The “sakers” are said to have carried a four-pound ball, the “minions” a three-pound ball, and the “bases” a ball of a pound weight. There is not entire agreement between authorities, in regard to the size, weight, and calibre of these different classes of early ordnance, or the weight of metal thrown by them, but the above are approximate data, gathered from careful comparison of the figures given by several. There is no doubt that with this heavy ordnance and ammunition they stowed among their ballast and dunnage (as was the case in Higginson’s ships), their “spare chains and anchors, chalk, bricks, sea-coal (for blacksmithing), iron, steel, lead, copper, red-lead, salt,” etc.; all of which they also necessarily had, and from their bulk, character, and weight, would stow as low in the ship as might be.
That a considerable “stock of trading goods” was included in the MAY-FLOWER’S lading is mentioned by at least one writer, and that this was a fact is confirmed by the records of the colonists’ dealings with the Indians, and the enumeration of not a few of the goods which could have had, for the most part, no other use or value. They consisted largely of knives, bracelets (bead and metal), rings, scissors, copper-chains, beads, “blue and red trading cloth,” cheap (glass) jewels (“for the ears,” etc.), small mirrors, clothing (e. g. “red-cotton horseman’s coats—laced,” jerkins, blankets, etc.), shoes, “strong waters,” pipes, tobacco, tools and hard ware (hatchets, nails, hoes, fish-hooks, etc.), rugs, twine, nets, etc., etc. A fragment of one of the heavy hoes of the ancient pattern—“found on the site of the Pilgrim trading house at Manomet”—is owned by the Pilgrim Society, and speaks volumes of the labor performed by the Pilgrims, before they had ploughs and draught-cattle, in the raising of their wonderful crops of corn. Such was the MAY-FLOWER’S burden, animate and inanimate, whe —the last passenger and the last piece of freight transferred from the SPEEDWELL—her anchor “hove short,” she swung with the tide in Plymouth roadstead, ready to depart at last for “the Virginia plantations.”
Thomas Jones, Master, from London, England, towards “Hudson’s River” in Virginia
[The voyage of the MAY-FLOWER began at London, as her consort’s didat Delfshaven, and though, as incident to the tatter’s brief career,we have been obliged to take note of some of the happenings to thelarger ship and her company (at Southampton, etc.), out of duecourse and time, they have been recited only because of theirinsuperable relation to the consort and her company, and not as partof the MAY-FLOWER’S own proper record]
SATURDAY, July 15/25, 1620Gravesend. Finished lading. Gotpassengers aboard and got under way forSouthampton. Dropped down the Thames toGravesend with the tide.[Vessels leaving the port of London always, in that day, “droppeddown with the tide,” tug-boats being unknown, and sail-headwayagainst the tide being difficult in the narrow river.]Masters Cushman and Martin, agents of thechartering—party, came aboard at London.
SUNDAY, July 16/26Gravesend. Channel pilot aboard. Favoringwind.
MONDAY, July 17/27In Channel. Course D.W. by W. Favoringwind.
TUESDAY, July 18/28In Channel. Southampton Water.
WEDNESDAY, July 19/29Southampton Water. Arrived at Southamptonand came to anchor.[Both ships undoubtedly lay at anchor a day or two, before haulingin to the quay. The MAY-FLOWER undoubtedly lay at anchor untilafter the SPEEDWELL arrived, to save expense]
THURSDAY, July 20/30Lying at Southampton off north end of “WestQuay.”
FRIDAY, July 21/31Lying at Southampton. Masters Carver,Cushman, and Martin, three of the agentshere. Outfitting ship, taking in lading,and getting ready for sea.
SATURDAY, July 22/Aug 1Lying off Quay, Southampton.
SUNDAY, July 23/Aug 2Lying off Quay, Southampton.
MONDAY, July 24/Aug 3Lying off Quay, Southampton.
TUESDAY, July 25/Aug 4Lying off Quay, Southampton. Waiting forconsort to arrive from Holland.
WEDNESDAY, July 26/Aug 5Lying off Quay, Southampton. PinnaceSPEEDWELL, 60 tons, Reynolds, Master, fromDelfshaven, July 22, consort to this ship,arrived in harbor, having on board some 70passengers and lading for Virginia. Shecame to anchor off north end “West Quay.”
THURSDAY, July 27/Aug. 6Lying at Quay, Southampton, SPEEDWELLwarped to berth at Quay near the ship, totransfer lading.[Some of the cargo of the SPEEDWELL is understood to have been heretransferred to the larger ship; doubtless the cheese, “Hollands,”and other provisions, ordered, as noted, by Cushman]
FRIDAY, July 28/Aug. 7Lying at Quay, Southampton, Much parleyingand discontent among the passengers.[Bradford gives an account of the bickering and recrimination atSouthampton, when all parties had arrived. Pastor Robinson hadrather too strenuously given instructions, which it now began to beseen were not altogether wise. Cushman was very much censured, andthere was evidently some acrimony. See Cushman’s Dartmouth letterof August 17 to Edward Southworth, Bradford’s Historie, Mass. ed.p. 86.]
SATURDAY, July 29/Aug. 8Lying at Quay, Southampton. Some of thepassengers transferred from SPEEDWELL andsome to her. Master Christopher Martinchosen by passengers their “Governour” forthe voyage to order them by the way, see tothe disposing of their pro visions, etc.Master Robert Cushman chosen “Assistant.”The ship ready for sea this day, butobliged to lie here on account of leakinessof consort, which is forced to retrim. Shiphas now 90 passengers and consort 30.
SUNDAY, July 30/Aug. 9Lying at Southampton.
MONDAY, July 31/Aug. 10Lying at Southampton. Letters received forpassengers from Holland. One from theLeyden Pastor [Robinson] read out to thecompany that came from that place.
TUESDAY, Aug. 1/Aug. 11Lying at anchor at Southampton. SPEEDWELLretrimmed a second time to overcomeleakiness.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 2/Aug. 12Lying at anchor at Southampton. MasterWeston, principal agent of the Merchantssetting out the voyage, came up from London to see the ships dispatched, but, onthe refusal of the Planters to sign certainpapers, took offence and returned to Londonin displeasure, bidding them “stand ontheir own legs,” etc.[The two “conditions” which Weston had changed in the proposedagreement between the Adventurers and Planters, the Leyden leadersrefused to agree to. Bradford, op cit. p. 61. He says: “But theyrefused to sign, and answered him that he knew right well that thesewere not according to the first Agreement.” Dr. Griffis has madeone of those little slips common to all writers—though perfectlyconversant with the facts—in stating as he does (The Pilgrims intheir Three Homes, etc. p. 158), with reference to the new“conditions” which some blamed Cushman for assenting to, as “morefit for thieves and slaves than for honest men,” that, “neverthelessthey consented to them;” while on p. 169 he says “The SPEEDWELLpeople [i.e. the Leyden leaders would not agree with the newconditions, without the consent of those left behind in Leyden.”The fact is that the Pilgrims did not assent to the new conditions,unwarrantably imposed by Weston, though of small consequence in anyview of the case, until Cushman came over to New Plymouth in theFORTUNE, in 1621, and by dint of his sermon on the “Sin and Dangerof Self-Love,” and his persuasion, induced them (they being alsoadvised thereto by Robinson) to sign them. All business up to thistime had been done between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims,apparently, without any agreement in writing. It was probably felt,both by Robinson and the Plymouth leaders, that it was the leastreparation they could make Cushman for their cruel and unjusttreatment of him, realizing at length that, through allvicissitudes, he had proven their just, sagacious, faithful, andefficient friend. There does not appear to be any conclusiveevidence that any articles of agreement between the Adventurers andcolonists were signed before the MAY-FLOWER Sailed.]
THURSDAY, Aug. 3/Aug. 13Lying at anchor at Southampton. AfterMaster Weston’s departure, the Planters hada meeting and resolved to sell some of suchstores as they could best spare, to clearport charges, etc., and to write a generalletter to the Adventurers explaining thecase, which they did. Landed some threescore firkins of butter, sold asdetermined.
FRIDAY, Aug. 4/Aug. 14Lying at anchor at Southampton. Consortnearly ready for sea. Heard that theKing’s warrant had issued to Sir JamesCoventry, under date of July 23, to preparea Patent for the Council for the Affairs ofNew England to supersede the PlymouthVirginia Company, Sir Ferdinando Gorges andSir Robert Rich the Earl of Warwick amongthe Patentees.
SATURDAY, Aug. 5/Aug. 15Weighed anchor, as did consort, and incompany dropped down Southampton Water.Took departure from Cowes, Isle of Wight,and laid course down the Solent to Channel.Winds baffling. General course S.W. by S.
SUNDAY, Aug. 6/Aug. 16Head winds. Beating out Channel.SPEEDWELL In Company. Passed Bill ofPortland.
MONDAY, Aug. 7/Aug. 17Wind contrary. Beating out Channel.SPEEDWELL In company.
TUESDAY, Aug. 8/Aug. 18Wind still contrary. Beating out Channel.SPEEDWELL in company.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 9/Aug. 19Wind ahead. Beating down Channel. Consortin company.
THURSDAY, Aug. 10/20Wind fair. All sail set. SPEEDWELL incompany. Signalled by consort, which hoveto. Found to be leaking badly. Onconsultation of Masters and chief ofpassengers of both ships, it was concludedthat both should put into Dartmouth, beingnearest port. Laid course for Dartmouthwith wind ahead.
THURSDAY, Aug. 11/21Wind ahead. Bearing up to Dartmouth.
SATURDAY, Aug. 12/22Made port at Dartmouth. SPEEDWELL incompany, and came to anchor in harbor.[Bradford, op. cit. Deane’s ed. p. 68, note. Russell (PilgrimMemorials, p. 15) says: “The ships put back into Dartmouth, August13/23.” Goodwin (op. cit. p. 55) says: “The port was reachedabout August 23.” Captain John Smith strangely omits the return ofthe ships to Dartmouth, and confuses dates, as he says “But the nextday after leaving Southampton the lesser ship sprung a leak thatforced their return to Plymouth,” etc. Smith, New England’s Trials,2d ed. 1622. Cushman’s letter, written the 17th, says they hadthen lain there “four days,” which would mean, if four full days,the 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th.]
SUNDAY, Aug. 13/23Lying at anchor with SPEEDWELL leakingbadly in Dartmouth harbor. No passengers,except leaders, allowed ashore.[Cushman in his letter to Edward Southworth, written at Dartmouth,August 17, says that Martin, the “governour” of the passengers inthe MAY-FLOWER, “will not suffer them the passengers to go, ashorelest they should run away.” This probably applied especially tosuch as had become disaffected by the delays and disasters, theapprenticed (“bound”) servants, etc. Of course no responsiblecolonist would be thus restrained for the reason alleged.]
MONDAY, Aug. 14/24Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.SPEEDWELL at Quay taking out lading forthorough overhauling.
TUESDAY, Aug. 15/25Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 16/26Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.SPEEDWELL being thoroughly overhauled forleaks. Pronounced “as open and leaky as asieve.” Much dissatisfaction between thepassengers, and discontent with the ship’s“governour” Master Martin, between whomand Mr. Cushman, the “assistant,” there isconstant disagreement.[Cushman portrays the contemptible character and manner of Martinvery sharply, and could not have wished to punish him worse for hismeannesses than he has, by thus holding him up to the scorn of theworld, for all time. He says, ‘inter alia’: “If I speak to him, heflies in my face and saith no complaints shall be heard or receivedbut by himself, and saith: ‘They are froward, and waspish,discontented people, and I do ill to hear them.’”]
THURSDAY, Aug. 17/27Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consortbeing searched and mended. Sailors offendedat Master Martin because of meddling.[Cushman’s letter, Dartmouth, August 17. He says: “The sailors alsoare so offended at his ignorant boldness in meddling and controlingin things he knows not what belongs to, as that some threaten tomischief him . . . . But at best this cometh of it, that hemakes himself a scorn and laughing stock unto them.”]
FRIDAY, Aug. 18/28Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consortstill repairing. Judged by workmen thatmended her sufficient for the voyage.
SATURDAY, Aug. 19/29Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.SPEEDWELL relading.
SUNDAY, Aug. 20/30Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.
MONDAY, Aug. 21/31Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consortrelading.
TUESDAY, Aug. 22/Sept. 1Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Bothships ready for sea.[Bradford, Historie, Deane’s ed. p. 68. He says: “Some leaks werefound and mended and now it was conceived by the workmen and all,that she was sufficient, and they might proceed without either fearor danger.” Bradford shows (op. cit. p. 69) note that they musthave left Dartmouth “about the 21st” of August. Captain John Smithgives that date, though somewhat confusedly. Arber (the Story ofthe Pilgrim Fathers, p. 343 says: “They actually left on 23 August.”Goodwin (Pilgrim Republic, p. 55) says : “Ten days were spent indischarging and re-stowing the SPEEDWELL and repairing her from stemto stern,” etc.)]
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 23/Sept. 2Weighed anchor, as did consort. Laidcourse W.S.W. Ships in company. Windfair.
THURSDAY, Aug. 24/Sept. 3Comes in with wind fair. General courseW.S.W. Consort in company.
FRIDAY, Aug. 25/Sept. 4Comes in with wind fair. Course W.S.W.SPEEDWELL in company.
SATURDAY, Aug. 26/Sept. 5Observations showed ship above 100 leaguesW.S.W. of Land’s End. SPEEDWELL signalledand hove to. Reported leaking dangerously.On consultation between Masters andcarpenters of both ships, it was concludedto put back into Plymouth—Bore up forPlymouth. Consort in company.
SUNDAY, Aug. 27/Sept. 6Ship on course for Plymouth. SPEEDWELL incompany.
MONDAY, Aug. 28/Sept. 7Made Plymouth harbor, and came to anchor inthe Catwater, followed by consort.
TUESDAY, Aug. 29/Sept. 8At anchor in roadstead. At conference ofofficers of ship and consort and the chiefof the Planters, it was decided to send theSPEEDWELL back to London with some 18 or 20of her passengers, transferring a dozen ormore, with part of her lading, to theMAY-FLOWER.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 30/Sept. 9At anchor in Plymouth roadstead off theBarbican. Transferring passengers andlading from consort, lying near by.Weather fine.[Goodwin notes (Pilgrim Republic, p. 57) that “it was fortunate forthe overloaded MAY-FLOWER that she had fine weather while lying atanchor there, . . . for the port of Plymouth was then only ashallow, open bay, with no protection. In southwesterly gales itswaters rose into enormous waves, with such depressions between thatships while anchored sometimes struck the bottom of the harbor andwere dashed in pieces.”]
THURSDAY, Aug. 31/Sept. 10At anchor in Plymouth roadstead.Transferring cargo from SPEEDWELL.
FRIDAY, Sept. 1/Sept. 11At anchor in Plymouth roadstead.Transferring passengers and freight to andfrom consort. Master Cushman and family,Master Blossom and son, William Ring, andothers with children, going back to Londonin SPEEDWELL. All Of SPEEDWELL’Spassengers who are to make the voyage nowaboard. New “governour” of ship andassistants chosen. Master Carver“governour.”[We have seen that Christopher Martin was made “governour” of thepassengers on the MAY-FLOWER for the voyage, and Cushman“assistant.” It is evident from Cushman’s oft-quoted letter (seeante) that Martin became obnoxious, before the ship reachedDartmouth, to both passengers and crew. It is also evident thatwhen the emigrants were all gathered in the MAY-FLOWER there was anew choice of officers (though no record is found of it), as Cushmanvacated his place and went back to London, and we find that, asnoted before, on November 11 the colonists “confirmed” John Carveras their “governour,” showing that he had been such hitherto.Doubtless Martin was deposed at Southampton (perhaps put intoCushman’s vacant place, and Carver made “governour” in his stead.)]
SATURDAY, Sept. 2/Sept. 12At anchor, Plymouth roadstead. Some ofprincipal passengers entertained ashore byfriends of their faith. SPEEDWELL sailedfor London. Quarters assigned, etc.
SUNDAY, Sept. 3/Sept. 13At anchor in Plymouth roadstead.
MONDAY, Sept. 4/Sept. 14At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Some Ofcompany ashore.
TUESDAY, Sept. 5/Sept. 15At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Ready forsea.
WEDNESDAY, Sept. 6/Sept. 16Weighed anchor. Wind E.N.E., a fine gale.Laid course W.S.W. for northern coasts ofVirginia.
THURSDAY, Sept. 7/Sept. 17Comes in with wind E.N.E. Light galecontinues. Made all sail on ship.
FRIDAY, Sept. 8/Sept. 18Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale continues.All sails full.
SATURDAY, Sept. 9/Sept. 19Comes in with wind E.N E. Gale holds.Ship well off the land.
SUNDAY, Sept. 10/Sept. 20Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale holds.Distance lost, when ship bore up forPlymouth, more than regained.
MONDAY, Sept. 11/Sept. 21Same; and so without material change, thedaily record of wind, weather, and theship’s general course—the repetition ofwhich would be both useless and wearisome—continued through the month and until thevessel was near half the seas over. Finewarm weather and the “harvest-moon.” Theusual equinoctial weather deferred.
SATURDAY, Sept. 23/Oct. 3One of the seamen, some time sick with agrievous disease, died in a desperate manner.The first death and burial at sea of thevoyage.[We can readily imagine this first burial at sea on the MAY FLOWER,and its impressiveness. Doubtless the good Elder “committed thebody to the deep” with fitting ceremonial, for though the young manwas of the crew, and not of the Pilgrim company, his reverence fordeath and the last rites of Christian burial would as surely impelhim to offer such services, as the rough, buccaneering Master (Joneswould surely be glad to evade them).Dr. Griffis (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 176) says “ThePuritans [does this mean Pilgrims ?] cared next to nothing aboutceremonies over a corpse, whether at wave or grave.” This willhardly bear examination, though Bradford’s phraseology in this casewould seem to support it, as he speaks of the body as “thrownoverboard;” yet it is not to be supposed that it was treated quiteso indecorously as the words would imply. It was but a few yearsafter, certainly, that we find both Pilgrim and Puritan making muchceremony at burials. We find considerable ceremony at Carver’sburial only a few months later. Choate, in his masterly oration atNew York, December 22, 1863, pictures Brewster’s service at the opengrave of one of the Pilgrims in March, 1621.]A sharp change. Equinoctial weather,followed by stormy westerly gales;encountered cross winds and continuedfierce storms. Ship shrewdly shaken andher upper works made very leaky. One ofthe main beams in the midships was bowedand cracked. Some fear that the ship couldnot be able to perform the voyage. Thechief of the company perceiving themariners to fear the sufficiency of theship (as appeared by their mutterings) theyentered into serious consultation with theMaster and other officers of the ship, toconsider, in time, of the danger, andrather to return than to cast themselvesinto a desperate and inevitable peril.There was great distraction and differenceof opinion amongst the mariners themselves.Fain would they do what would be done fortheir wages’ sake, being now near half theseas over; on the other hand, they wereloath to hazard their lives toodesperately. In examining of all opinions,the Master and others affirmed they knewthe ship to be strong and firm under water,and for the buckling bending or bowing ofthe main beam, there was a great iron scruethe passengers brought out of Holland whichwould raise the beam into its place. Thewhich being done, the carpenter and Masteraffirmed that a post put under it, set firmin the lower deck, and otherwise bound,would make it sufficient. As for the decksand upper works, they would caulk them aswell as they could; and though with theworking of the ship they would not longkeep staunch, yet there would otherwise beno great danger if they did not overpressher with sails. So they resolved toproceed.In sundry of these stormes, the winds wereso fierce and the seas so high, as the shipcould not bear a knot of sail, but wasforced to hull drift under bare poles fordivers days together. A succession ofstrong westerly gales. In one of theheaviest storms, while lying at hull, [hoveto D.W.] a lusty young man, one of thepassengers, John Howland by name, comingupon some occasion above the gratingslatticed covers to the hatches, was withthe seel [roll] of the ship thrown into thesea, but caught hold of the topsailhalliards, which hung overboard and ran outat length; yet he held his hold, though hewas sundry fathoms under water, till he washauled up by the same rope to the brim ofthe water, and then with a boathook andother means got into the ship again and hislife saved. He was something ill with it.The equinoctial disturbances over and thestrong October gales, the milder, warmerweather of late October followed.Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins, wife of MasterStephen Hopkins, of Billericay, in Essex,was delivered of a son, who, on account ofthe circumstances of his birth, was namedOceanus, the first birth aboard the shipduring the voyage.A succession of fine days, with favoringwinds.