A Translationof the WAR-SONG.Caw waw noo dee, &c.Where’er the earth’s enlighten’d by the sun,Moon shines by night, grass grows, or waters run,Be’t known that we are going, like men, afar,In hostile fields to wage destructive war;Like men we go, to meet our country’s foes,Who, woman-like, shall fly our dreaded blows;Yes, as a woman, who beholds a snake,In gaudy horror, glisten thro’ the brake,Starts trembling back, and stares with wild surprise,Or pale thro’ fear, unconscious, panting, flies.[5]Just so these foes, more tim’rous than the hind,Shall leave their arms and only cloaths behind;Pinch’d by each blast, by ev’ry thicket torn,Run back to their own nation, now its scorn:Or in the winter, when the barren woodDenies their gnawing entrails nature’s food,Let them sit down, from friends and country far,And wish, with tears, they ne’er had come to war.[6]We’ll leave our clubs, dew’d with their country show’rs,And, if they dare to bring them back to our’s,Their painted scalps shall be a step to fame,And grace our own and glorious country’s name.Or if we warriors spare the yielding foe,Torments at home the wretch must undergo[7].
A Translationof the WAR-SONG.Caw waw noo dee, &c.Where’er the earth’s enlighten’d by the sun,Moon shines by night, grass grows, or waters run,Be’t known that we are going, like men, afar,In hostile fields to wage destructive war;Like men we go, to meet our country’s foes,Who, woman-like, shall fly our dreaded blows;Yes, as a woman, who beholds a snake,In gaudy horror, glisten thro’ the brake,Starts trembling back, and stares with wild surprise,Or pale thro’ fear, unconscious, panting, flies.[5]Just so these foes, more tim’rous than the hind,Shall leave their arms and only cloaths behind;Pinch’d by each blast, by ev’ry thicket torn,Run back to their own nation, now its scorn:Or in the winter, when the barren woodDenies their gnawing entrails nature’s food,Let them sit down, from friends and country far,And wish, with tears, they ne’er had come to war.[6]We’ll leave our clubs, dew’d with their country show’rs,And, if they dare to bring them back to our’s,Their painted scalps shall be a step to fame,And grace our own and glorious country’s name.Or if we warriors spare the yielding foe,Torments at home the wretch must undergo[7].
A Translationof the WAR-SONG.
A Translationof the WAR-SONG.
Caw waw noo dee, &c.
Caw waw noo dee, &c.
Where’er the earth’s enlighten’d by the sun,Moon shines by night, grass grows, or waters run,Be’t known that we are going, like men, afar,In hostile fields to wage destructive war;Like men we go, to meet our country’s foes,Who, woman-like, shall fly our dreaded blows;Yes, as a woman, who beholds a snake,In gaudy horror, glisten thro’ the brake,Starts trembling back, and stares with wild surprise,Or pale thro’ fear, unconscious, panting, flies.[5]Just so these foes, more tim’rous than the hind,Shall leave their arms and only cloaths behind;Pinch’d by each blast, by ev’ry thicket torn,Run back to their own nation, now its scorn:Or in the winter, when the barren woodDenies their gnawing entrails nature’s food,Let them sit down, from friends and country far,And wish, with tears, they ne’er had come to war.
Where’er the earth’s enlighten’d by the sun,
Moon shines by night, grass grows, or waters run,
Be’t known that we are going, like men, afar,
In hostile fields to wage destructive war;
Like men we go, to meet our country’s foes,
Who, woman-like, shall fly our dreaded blows;
Yes, as a woman, who beholds a snake,
In gaudy horror, glisten thro’ the brake,
Starts trembling back, and stares with wild surprise,
Or pale thro’ fear, unconscious, panting, flies.
[5]Just so these foes, more tim’rous than the hind,
Shall leave their arms and only cloaths behind;
Pinch’d by each blast, by ev’ry thicket torn,
Run back to their own nation, now its scorn:
Or in the winter, when the barren wood
Denies their gnawing entrails nature’s food,
Let them sit down, from friends and country far,
And wish, with tears, they ne’er had come to war.
[6]We’ll leave our clubs, dew’d with their country show’rs,And, if they dare to bring them back to our’s,Their painted scalps shall be a step to fame,And grace our own and glorious country’s name.Or if we warriors spare the yielding foe,Torments at home the wretch must undergo[7].
[6]We’ll leave our clubs, dew’d with their country show’rs,
And, if they dare to bring them back to our’s,
Their painted scalps shall be a step to fame,
And grace our own and glorious country’s name.
Or if we warriors spare the yielding foe,
Torments at home the wretch must undergo[7].
5. As the Indians fight naked, the vanquished are constrained to endure the rigours of the weather in their flight, and live upon roots and fruit, as they throw down their arms to accelerate their flight thro’ the woods.
5. As the Indians fight naked, the vanquished are constrained to endure the rigours of the weather in their flight, and live upon roots and fruit, as they throw down their arms to accelerate their flight thro’ the woods.
6. It is the custom of the Indians, to leave a club, something of the form of a cricket-bat, but with their warlike exploits engraved on it, in their enemy’s country, and the enemy accepts the defiance, by bringing this back to their country.
6. It is the custom of the Indians, to leave a club, something of the form of a cricket-bat, but with their warlike exploits engraved on it, in their enemy’s country, and the enemy accepts the defiance, by bringing this back to their country.
7. The prisoners of war are generally tortured by the women, at the party’s return, to revenge the death of those that have perished by the wretch’s countrymen. This savage custom has been so much mitigated of late, that the prisoners were only compelled to marry, and then generally allowed all the privileges of the natives. This lenity, however, has been a detriment to the nation; for many of these returning to their countrymen, have made them acquainted with the country-passes, weakness, and haunts of the Cherokees; besides that it gave the enemy greater courage to fight against them.
7. The prisoners of war are generally tortured by the women, at the party’s return, to revenge the death of those that have perished by the wretch’s countrymen. This savage custom has been so much mitigated of late, that the prisoners were only compelled to marry, and then generally allowed all the privileges of the natives. This lenity, however, has been a detriment to the nation; for many of these returning to their countrymen, have made them acquainted with the country-passes, weakness, and haunts of the Cherokees; besides that it gave the enemy greater courage to fight against them.
But when we go, who knows which shall return,When growing dangers rise with each new morn?Farewel, ye little ones, ye tender wives,For you alone we would conserve our lives!But cease to mourn, ’tis unavailing pain,If not fore-doom’d, we soon shall meet again.But, O ye friends! in case your comrades fall,Think that on you our deaths for vengeance call;With uprais’d tommahawkes pursue our blood,And stain, with hostile streams, the conscious wood,That pointing enemies may never tellThe boasted place where we, their victims, fell[8].
But when we go, who knows which shall return,When growing dangers rise with each new morn?Farewel, ye little ones, ye tender wives,For you alone we would conserve our lives!But cease to mourn, ’tis unavailing pain,If not fore-doom’d, we soon shall meet again.But, O ye friends! in case your comrades fall,Think that on you our deaths for vengeance call;With uprais’d tommahawkes pursue our blood,And stain, with hostile streams, the conscious wood,That pointing enemies may never tellThe boasted place where we, their victims, fell[8].
But when we go, who knows which shall return,When growing dangers rise with each new morn?Farewel, ye little ones, ye tender wives,For you alone we would conserve our lives!But cease to mourn, ’tis unavailing pain,If not fore-doom’d, we soon shall meet again.But, O ye friends! in case your comrades fall,Think that on you our deaths for vengeance call;With uprais’d tommahawkes pursue our blood,And stain, with hostile streams, the conscious wood,That pointing enemies may never tellThe boasted place where we, their victims, fell[8].
But when we go, who knows which shall return,
When growing dangers rise with each new morn?
Farewel, ye little ones, ye tender wives,
For you alone we would conserve our lives!
But cease to mourn, ’tis unavailing pain,
If not fore-doom’d, we soon shall meet again.
But, O ye friends! in case your comrades fall,
Think that on you our deaths for vengeance call;
With uprais’d tommahawkes pursue our blood,
And stain, with hostile streams, the conscious wood,
That pointing enemies may never tell
The boasted place where we, their victims, fell[8].
8. Their custom is generally to engrave their victory on some neighbouring tree, or set up some token of it near the field of battle; to this their enemies are here supposed to point to, as boasting their victory over them, and the slaughter that they made.
8. Their custom is generally to engrave their victory on some neighbouring tree, or set up some token of it near the field of battle; to this their enemies are here supposed to point to, as boasting their victory over them, and the slaughter that they made.
Both the ideas and verse are very loose in the original, and they are set to as loose a music, many composing both tunes and song off hand, according to the occasion; tho’ some tunes, especially those taken from the northern Indians, are extremely pretty, and very like the Scotch.
The Indians being all soldiers, mechanism can make but little progress; besides this, they labour under the disadvantage of having neither proper tools, or persons to teach the use of those they have: Thus, for want of saws, they are obliged to cut a large tree on each side, with great labour, to make a very clumsy board; whereas a pair of sawyers would divide the same tree into eight or ten in much less time: considering this disadvantage, their modern houses are tolerably well built. A number of thick posts is fixed in the ground, according to the plan and dimensions of the house, which rarely exceeds sixteen feet in breadth, on account of the roofing, but often extend to sixty or seventy in length, beside thelittle hot-house. Between each of these posts is placed a smaller one, and the whole wattled with twigs like a basket, which is then covered with clay very smooth, and sometimes white-washed. Instead of tiles, they cover them with narrow boards. Some of these houses are two story high, tolerably pretty and capacious; but most of them very inconvenient for want of chimneys, a small hole being all the vent assigned in many for the smoak to get out at.
Their canoes are the next work of any consequence; they are generally made of a large pine or poplar, from thirty to forty feet long, and about two broad, with flat bottoms and sides, and both ends alike; the Indians hollow them now with the tools they get from the Europeans, but formerly did it by fire: they are capable of carrying about fifteen or twenty men, are very light, and can by the Indians, so great is their skill in managing them, be forced up a very strong current, particularlythe bark canoes; but these are seldom used but by the northern Indians.
They have of late many tools among them, and, with a little instruction, would soon become proficients in the use of them, being great imitators of any thing they see done; and the curious manner in which they dress skins, point arrows, make earthen vessels, and basket-work, are proofs of their ingenuity, possessing them a long time before the arrival of Europeans among them. Their method of pointing arrows is as follows: Cutting a bit of thin brass, copper, bone, or scales of a particular fish, into a point with two beards, or some into an acute triangle, they split a little of their arrow, which is generally of reeds; into this they put the point, winding some deers sinew round the arrow, and through a little hole they make in the head; then they moisten the sinew with their spittle, which, when dry, remains fast glewed, nor ever untwists. Their bows are of several sorts of wood, dipped in bears oil, and seasonedbefore the fire, and a twisted bear’s gut for the string.
They have two sorts of clay, red and white, with both which they make excellent vessels, some of which will stand the greatest heat. They have now learnt to sew, and the men as well as women, excepting shirts, make all their own cloaths; the women, likewise, make very pretty belts, and collars of beads and wampum, also belts and garters of worsted. In arts, however, as in war, they are greatly excelled by their northern neighbours.
Their chief trade is with those Europeans with whom they are in alliance, in hides, furs, &c. which they barter by the pound, for all other goods; by that means supplying the deficiency of money. But no proportion is kept to their value; what cost two shillings in England, and what cost two pence, are often sold for the same price; besides that, no attention is paid to the goodness, and a knife of the best temper and workmanship will only sell for thesame price as an ordinary one. The reason of this is, that, in the beginning of the commerce, the Indians finding themselves greatly imposed upon, fixed a price on each article, according to their own judgment; powder, balls, and several other goods, are by this means set so low, that few people would bring them, but that the Indians refuse to trade with any person who has not brought a proportionable quantity, and the traders are cautious of losing a trade in which 5 or 600 per cent. in many articles fully recompences their loss in these.
As to religion, every one is at liberty to think for himself; whence flows a diversity of opinions amongst those that do think, but the major part do not give themselves that trouble. They generally concur, however, in the belief of one superior Being, who made them, and governs all things, and are therefore never discontent at any misfortune, because they say, the Man above would have it so. They believe in a reward and punishment, as may be evinced by their answer to Mr. Martin,who, having preached scripture till both his audience and he were heartily tired, was told at last, that they knew very well, that, if they were good, they should go up, if bad, down; that he could tell no more; that he had long plagued them with what they no ways understood, and that they desired him to depart the country. This, probably, was at the instigation of their conjurers, to whom these people pay a profound regard; as christianity was entirely opposite, and would soon dispossess the people of their implicit belief in their juggling art, which the professors have brought to so great perfection as to deceive Europeans, much more an ignorant race, whose ideas will naturally augment the extraordinary of any thing the least above their comprehension, or out of the common tract. After this I need not say that in every particular they are extremely superstitious, that and ignorance going always hand in hand.
They have few religious ceremonies, or stated times of general worship: the greencorn dance seems to be the principal, which is, as I have been told, performed in a very solemn manner, in a large square before the town-house door: the motion here is very slow, and the song in which they offer thanks to God for the corn he has sent them, far from unpleasing. There is no kind of rites or ceremonies at marriage, courtship and all being, as I have already observed, concluded in half an hour, without any other celebration, and it is as little binding as ceremonious; for though many last till death, especially when there are children, it is common for a person to change three or four times a-year. Notwithstanding this, the Indian women gave lately a proof of fidelity, not to be equalled by politer ladies, bound by all the sacred ties of marriage.
Many of the soldiers in the garrison of Fort Loudoun, having Indian wives, these brought them a daily supply of provisions, though blocked up, in order to be starved to a surrender, by their own countrymen; andthey persisted in this, notwithstanding the express orders of Willinawaw, who, sensible of the retardment this occasioned, threatened death to those who would assist their enemy; but they laughing at his threats, boldly told him, they would succour their husbands every day, and were sure, that, if he killed them, their relations would make his death atone for theirs. Willinawaw was too sensible of this to put his threats into execution, so that the garrison subsisted a long time on the provisions brought to them in this manner.
When they part, the children go with, and are provided for, by the mother. As soon as a child is born, which is generally without help, it is dipped into cold water and washed, which is repeated every morning for two years afterward, by which the children acquire such strength, that no ricketty or deformed are found amongst them. When the woman recovers, which is at latest in three days, she carries it herself to the river to wash it; but though three days is the longest time of theirillness, a great number of them are not so many hours; nay, I have known a woman delivered at the side of a river, wash her child, and come home with it in one hand, and a goard full of water in the other.
They seldom bury their dead, but throw them into the river; yet if any white man will bury them, he is generally rewarded with a blanket, besides what he takes from the corpse, the dead having commonly their guns, tommahawkes, powder, lead, silver ware, wampum, and a little tobacco, buried with them; and as the persons who brings the corpse to the place of burial, immediately leave it, he is at liberty to dispose of all as he pleases, but must take care never to be found out, as nothing belonging to the dead is to be kept, but every thing at his decease destroyed, except these articles, which are destined to accompany him to the other world. It is reckoned, therefore, the worst of thefts; yet there is no punishment for this, or any other crime, murderexcepted, which is more properly revenged than punished.
This custom was probably introduced to prevent avarice, and, by preventing hereditary acquisitions, make merit the sole means of acquiring power, honour, and riches. The inventor, however, had too great a knowledge of the human mind, and our propensity to possess, not to see that a superior passion must intercede; he therefore wisely made it a religious ceremony, that superstition, the strongest passion of the ignorant, might check avarice, and keep it in the bounds he had prescribed. It is not known from whence it came, but it is of great antiquity, and not only general over all North America, but in many parts of Asia. On this account the wives generally have separate property, that no inconveniency may arise from death or separation.
The Indians have a particular method of relieving the poor, which I shall rank among the most laudable of their religious ceremonies,most of the rest consisting purely in the vain ceremonies, and superstitious romances of their conjurers. When any of their people are hungry, as they term it, or in distress, orders are issued out by the headmen for a war-dance, at which all the fighting men and warriors assemble; but here, contrary to all their other dances, one only dances at a time, who, after hopping and capering for near a minute, with a tommahawke in his hand, gives a small hoop, at which signal the music stops till he relates the manner of taking his first scalp, and concludes his narration, by throwing on a large skin spread for that purpose, a string of wampum, piece of plate, wire, paint, lead, or any thing he can most conveniently spare; after which the music strikes up, and he proceeds in the same manner through all his warlike actions: then another takes his place, and the ceremony lasts till all the warriors and fighting men have related their exploits. The stock thus raised, after paying the musicians, is divided among the poor. The same ceremony is made use of to recompence any extraordinarymerit. This is touching vanity in a tender part, and is an admirable method of making even imperfections conduce to the good of society.
Their government, if I may call it government, which has neither laws or power to support it, is a mixed aristocracy and democracy, the chiefs being chose according to their merit in war, or policy at home; these lead the warriors that chuse to go, for there is no laws or compulsion on those that refuse to follow, or punishment to those that forsake their chief: he strives, therefore, to inspire them with a sort of enthusiasm, by the war-song, as the ancient bards did once in Britain. These chiefs, or headmen, likewise compose the assemblies of the nation, into which the war-women are admitted. The reader will not be a little surprised to find the story of Amazons not so great a fable as we imagined, many of the Indian women being as famous in war, as powerful in the council.
The rest of the people are divided into two military classes, warriors and fighting men, which last are the plebeians, who have not distinguished themselves enough to be admitted into the rank of warriors. There are some other honorary titles among them, conferred in reward of great actions; the first of which is Outacity, or Man-killer; and the second Colona, or the Raven. Old warriors likewise, or war-women, who can no longer go to war, but have distinguished themselves in their younger days, have the title of Beloved. This is the only title females can enjoy; but it abundantly recompences them, by the power they acquire by it, which is so great, that they can, by the wave of a swan’s wing, deliver a wretch condemned by the council, and already tied to the stake.
Their common names are given them by their parents; but this they can either change, or take another when they think proper; so that some of them have near half a dozen, which the English generally increase, by givingan English one, from some circumstance in their lives or disposition, as the Little Carpenter to Attakullakulla, from his excelling in building houses; Judd’s friend, or corruptly the Judge, to Ostenaco, for saving a man of that name from the fury of his countrymen; or sometimes a translation of his Cherokee name, as Pigeon to Woey, that being the signification of the word. The Over-hill settlement is by these two chiefs divided into two factions, between whom there is often great animosity, and the two leaders are sure to oppose one another in every measure taken. Attakullakulla has done but little in war to recommend him, but has often signalized himself by his policy, and negotiations at home. Ostenaco has a tolerable share of both; but policy and art are the greatest steps to power. Attakullakulla has a large faction with this alone, while Oconnestoto, sir-named the Great Warrior, famous for having, in all his expeditions, taken such prudent measures as never to have lost a man, has not so much power, and Ostenaco could never have obtained the superiority,if he had not a great reputation in both.
On my arrival in the Cherokee country, I found the nation much attached to the French, who have the prudence, by familiar politeness, (which costs but little, and often does a great deal) and conforming themselves to their ways and temper, to conciliate the inclinations of almost all the Indians they are acquainted with, while the pride of our officers often disgusts them; nay, they did not scruple to own to me, that it was the trade alone that induced them to make peace with us, and not any preference to the French, whom they loved a great deal better. As however they might expect to hasten the opening of the trade by telling me this, I should have paid but little regard to it, had not my own observations confirmed me, that it was not only their general opinion, but the policy of most of their headmen; except Attakullakulla, who conserves his attachment inviolably to the English.
I shall be accused, perhaps, for mentioning policy among so barbarous a nation; but tho’ I own their views are not so clear and refined as those of European statesmen, their alliance with the French seems equal, proportioning the lights of savages and Europeans, to our most masterly strokes of policy; and yet we cannot be surprised at it, when we consider that merit alone creates their ministers, and not the prejudices of party, which often create ours.
The English are now so nigh, and encroached daily so far upon them, that they not only felt the bad effects of it in their hunting grounds, which were spoiled, but had all the reason in the world to apprehend being swallowed up, by so potent neighbours, or driven from the country, inhabited by their fathers, in which they were born, and brought up, in fine, their native soil, for which all men have a particular tenderness and affection. The French lay farther off, and were not so powerful; from them, therefore, they had less tofear. The keeping these foreigners then more upon a footing, as a check upon one another, was providing for their own safety, and that of all America, since they foresaw, or the French took care to shew them, that, should they be driven out, the English would in time extend themselves over all North America. The Indians cannot, from the woods of America, see the true state of Europe: report is all they have to judge by, and that often comes from persons too interested to give a just account. France’s circumstances were not in such a flourishing condition as was represented; the French were conquered, and a war carried into the heart of the Cherokee country; many of their towns were sacked and plundered without a possibility of relieving them, as they lay straggled on a large extent of ground, many miles from one another; it was then their interest, or rather they were compelled, to ask for peace and trade, without which they could no longer flourish.
Were arts introduced, and the Cherokees contracted into a fortified settlement, governed by laws, and remoter from the English, they might become formidable; but hunting must be then laid more aside, and tame cattle supply the deficiency of the wild, as the greater the number of hunters, the more prey would be required; and the more a place is haunted by men, the less it is resorted to by game. Means might be taken, would the Cherokees follow them, to render the nation considerable; but who would seek to live by labour, who can live by amusement? The sole occupations of an Indian life, are hunting, and warring abroad, and lazying at home. Want is said to be the mother of industry, but their wants are supplied at an easier rate.
Some days after my reception at Chilhowey, I had an opportunity of seeing some more of their diversions. Two letters I received from some officers at the Great Island occasioned a great assembly at Chote, where I was conducted to read them; but the Indians finding nothingthat regarded them, the greater part resolved to amuse themselves at a game they call nettecawaw; which I can give no other description of, than that each player having a pole about ten feet long, with several marks or divisions, one of them bowls a round stone, with one flat side, and the other convex, on which the players all dart their poles after it, and the nearest counts according to the vicinity of the bowl to the marks on his pole.
As I was informed there was to be a physic-dance at night, curiosity led me to the town-house, to see the preparation. A vessel of their own make, that might contain twenty gallons (there being a great many to take the medicine) was set on the fire, round which stood several goards filled with river-water, which was poured into the pot; this done, there arose one of the beloved women, who, opening a deer-skin filled with various roots and herbs, took out a small handful of something like fine salt; part of which she threw on the headman’s seat, and part into the fire close to the pot; shethen took out the wing of a swan, and after flourishing it over the pot, stood fixed for near a minute, muttering something to herself; then taking a shrub-like laurel (which I supposed was the physic) she threw it into the pot, and returned to her former seat. As no more ceremony seemed to be going forward, I took a walk till the Indians assembled to take it. At my return I found the house quite full: they danced near an hour round the pot, till one of them, with a small goard that might hold about a gill, took some of the physic, and drank it, after which all the rest took in turn. One of their headmen presented me with some, and in a manner compelled me to drink, though I would have willingly declined. It was however much more palatable than I expected, having a strong taste of sassafras: the Indian who presented it, told me it was taken to wash away their sins; so that this is a spiritual medicine, and might be ranked among their religious ceremonies. They are very solicitous about its success; the conjurer, for several mornings before it isdrank, makes a dreadful howling, yelling, and hallowing, from the top of the town-house, to frighten away apparitions and evil spirits. According to our ideas of evil spirits, such hideous noises would by sympathy call up such horrible beings; but I am apt to think with the Indians, that such noises are sufficient to frighten any being away but themselves.
I was almost every night at some dance, or diversion; the war-dance, however, gave me the greatest satisfaction, as in that I had an opportunity of learning their methods of war, and a history of their warlike actions, many of which are both amusing and instructive.
I was not a little pleased likewise with their ball-plays (in which they shew great dexterity) especially when the women played, who pulled one another about, to the no small amusement of an European spectator.
They are likewise very dexterous at pantomime dances; several of which I have seen performed that were very diverting. In one of these, two men, dressed in bear-skins, came in, stalking and pawing about with all the motions of real bears: two hunters followed them, who in dumb shew acted in all respects as they would do in the wood: after many attempts to shoot them, the hunters fire; one of the bears is killed, and the other wounded; but, as they attempt to cut his throat, he rises up again, and the scuffle between the huntsmen and the wounded bear generally affords the company a great deal of diversion.
The taking the pigeons at roost was another that pleased me exceedingly; and these, with my walking and observations, furnished me with amusement for some time; but the season not always permitting my going abroad, and as I had so little to do at home, I soon grew tired of the country. The Indian senate indeed would sometimes employ me in reading and writing letters for them; of which I generallyacquitted myself to their satisfaction, by adding what I thought would be acceptable, and retrenching whatever might displease.
On the 17th, a party came home from hunting on Holston’s River, bringing with them an eagle’s tail, which was celebrated at night by a grand war-dance, and the person who killed it had the second war-title of Colona conferred upon him, besides the bounty gathered at the war-dance, in wampum, skins, &c. to the amount of thirty pounds; the tail of an eagle being held in the greatest esteem, as they sometimes are given with the wampum in their treaties, and none of their warlike ceremonies can be performed without them.
This Indian acquainted the headman of a current report in the English camp, that a large body of English were to march next spring through the Cherokees country, against the French. There was little probability or possibility in such a report, yet it was received with some degree of belief; every thing ofnews, every flying rumour, is swallowed here by the populace. The least probability is exaggerated into a fact, and an Indian from our camp, who scarce understands four or five words of a conversation between two common soldiers, who often know as little of the state of affairs as the Indians themselves, turn all the rest of it to something he suspects, and imagines he has heard what was never once mentioned; and this, when he returns to his own country, is passed about as a certainty. From hence flows the continual mistakes the Indians unavoidably make in their councils; they must act according to intelligence, and it requires a great penetration indeed to discern the truth, when blended with so much falsity: thus they are often obliged to act according to the report of a mistaken or lying Indian, who are all but too much addicted to this vice, which proved a continual fund of uneasiness to me all the time I remained in their country.
On the 26th of January, advices were received from the Great Island, that some Cherokees had been killed by the northern Indians, who had been encouraged, and much caressed, by the commanding officer. This piece of news seemed greatly to displease them; they suspended however their judgment, till further intelligence. I began to be very uneasy for the return of an express I had sent out on my arrival, who was to come back by the Great Island, and was the only person who could give me any accounts I could rely on, as I was sensible the Indian one was infinitely exaggerated. We were yet talking of this, when theNews Hallowwas given from the top of Tommotly town-house; whereupon Ostenaco rose from the table, and went immediately to the town-house, where he staid till day. On asking him next morning, What news? he seemed very unwilling to tell me, and went out of the house, seemingly very much displeased. I then made the same question to several other Indians, whose different stories convinced me it was something they endeavoured to conceal.
I was under some apprehension at this unusual incivility. It was no wonder I was alarmed; had the English given any encouragement to these northern ravagers, nay, had the French faction persuaded their countrymen of our countenancing them in the slaughter, the meanest of the deceased’s relations had it in his power to sacrifice me to their manes, and would certainly have done it, since, in default of kindred, their revenge falls on any of the same country that unfortunately comes within their reach; and nothing could be a protection to an hostage, when capitulating could not save the garrison of Fort Loudoun: a body of Indians pursued them, and breaking through the articles, and all the laws of war and humanity, surprised and butchered them. Disguising, however, my uneasiness, I seemingly took to some diversions, while I sent M‘Cormack to pry into the true cause of such a change; he following my host, found no difficulty in shuffling amongst the crowd into the town-house, where Ostenaco made the following speech.
“We have had some bad talks lately from the Great Island, which I hope nevertheless are not true, as I should be very sorry that the peace, so lately concluded with our brethren the English, should be broke in so short a time: we must not judge as yet of what we have heard from the Great Island. If Bench the express does not return soon, I myself will raise a party, and go to the Great Island, where I shall get certain information of all that has happened.”
This speech was received with shouts of applause, and the assembly betook themselves to dancing.
On the 28th, I was invited to a grand eagle’s tail dance, at which about 600 persons of both sexes were assembled. About midnight, in the heat of their diversion, news was brought of the death of one of their principal men, killed at the Great Island by the northern Indians. This put a sudden stop to their diversion, and nothing was heard but threats ofvengeance. I easily concluded that this could only proceed from the confirmation of the ill news already received. I tried as much as laid in my power to mollify their anger, by telling them, that, if any accident had happened to their people, it was neither by consent or approbation of the English; that tho’ the northern Indians were our allies as well as they, I was certain more favour would be shewn them than their enemies, as Capt. M‘Neil, who commanded the fort, was a good, humane, brave officer, and had always shewn so much friendship for their nation, as to leave no room to doubt of his protection to any of their people who should be under his care. This satisfied them so well, that some proposed dancing again; but as it was late, they agreed to give over their diversion for that night.
On the 4th of February, an account came in almost contradictory to this. An Indian woman from Holston’s River was the messenger, who related, that the northern Indians had turned their arms against the English, andwere then actually building a breast-work within a quarter of a mile of Fort Robinson; that, whilst one half were employed in carrying on the work, the other observed the motions of our people; but this lie was even too gross for Indians to digest; tho’ the next day, another who came in confirmed it, and moreover affirmed the enemy’s fortifications to be already breast high.
The 15th was the day appointed for the return of the Little Carpenter; and his not arriving began to give his friends a great deal of uneasiness. Ostenaco bore likewise his share in it, as his brother was of the party. Here is a lesson to Europe; two Indian chiefs, whom we call barbarians, rivals of power, heads of two opposite factions, warm in opposing one another, as their interest continually clash; yet these have no farther animosity, no family-quarrels or resentment, and the brother of the chief who had gained the superiority is a volunteer under his rival’s command.
For my part, I was no less anxious about the express. I dispatched my servant out to meet him, and bring me the particulars of what had been transacted at the Great Island; he returned in about five or six days, with the letters the express had been charged with, leaving him to make out the rest of the journey as his fatigue would permit. Among others was a letter from Capt. M‘Neil, informing me, that a party of about seventy northern Indians came to Fort Robinson a short time after I had left it, who told him, that they came from Pittsburg, with a pass from the commanding officer, to join us against the Cherokees, not knowing that we had already concluded a peace. They seemed very much dissatisfied at coming so far to no purpose, and demanded if any Cherokees were near? They were answered, that a party were out a hunting; but, if they would be looked upon as friends to the English, they must not meddle with them, while under the protection of the commanding officer. The Indians, however, paying but little regard to this admonition, went immediately in pursuit ofthem, and finding them a few hours after, as in no apprehension of any enemy, they fired on them before they discovered themselves, killing one, and wounding another, who however made his escape to the fort. His countrymen all did the same, without returning the fire, as few of their guns were loaded, and they inferior in number. Their enemies pursued them to the fort, but could never see them after, as Capt. M‘Neil took great care to keep them asunder. Finding therefore no more likelihood of scalping, the northern Indians marched away from the fort.
This was the same party I encamped with the first night after my departure from the Great Island, and were surprised at the same place, where they had still continued.
He farther informed me, that I should probably find Fort Robinson, and all the posts on the communication, evacuated, as the regiment was to be broke.
I made this letter public, with which they seemed tolerably well satisfied, particularly when I feigned the wounded Indian was under the care of an English surgeon, who would not fail to cure him in a little time.
I now began to be very desirous of returning, and acquainted Ostenaco of my anxiety, desiring him to appoint fifteen or twenty headmen, agreeable to the orders I had received from Col. Stephen, as likewise to collect all the white persons and negroes, to be sent conformable to the articles of peace, to Fort Prince George. He replied, that, as soon as the white prisoners returned from hunting, where they then were with their masters (the white people becoming slaves, and the property of those that take them) he would set about the performance. Some time after this, when all the prisoners were come in, I again attacked Ostenaco; but then his horses could not be found, and there was a necessity of having one or two to carry my baggage and his own. I then waited till the horses were found; butI supposed all things ready for our departure, I was greatly surprised to find it delayed. Ostenaco told me, that one of the Carpenter’s party, which was on its return home, had come in the night before, and reported, that the Carolinians had renewed the war before they had well concluded a peace. The Indian had, according to custom, a long account of it; but tho’ I shewed the improbability of such a story, Ostenaco refused to set out before the Carpenter arrived, which was not till the 23d following. He brought in the same report, but owned he did not believe it, as it was told him by a person who he thought wanted to raise some disturbance.
I now began to be very pressing with Ostenaco, threatening if he would not set out immediately, to return without him. This however would have been my last resource, as I was for the space of 140 miles ignorant of every step of the way. I at last prevailed on him; but on the 10th of March, while we were again preparing for our departure, theDeathHallowwas heard from the top of Tommotly town-house. This was to give notice of the return of a party commanded by Willinawaw, who went to war towards the Shawnese country some time after my arrival. After so many disappointments, I began to think I should never get away, as I supposed this affair would keep me, as others had done, two or three days, and till some new accident should intervene to detain me longer. About eleven o’clock the Indians, about forty in number, appeared within sight of the town; as they approached, I observed four scalps, painted red on the fleshside, hanging on a pole, and carried in front of the line, by the second in command, while Willinawaw brought up the rear. When near the town-house, the whole marched round it three times, singing the war-song, and at intervals giving theDeath Hallow; after which, sticking the pole just by the door, for the crowd to gaze on, they went in to relate in what manner they had gained them. Curiosity prompted me to follow them into the town-house; where,after smoaking a quarter of an hour in silence, the chief gave the following account of their campaign.
“After we left Tommotly, which was about the middle of January, we travelled near 400 miles before we saw the least sign of the enemy; at last, one evening, near the river Ohio, we heard the report of several guns, whereupon I sent out several scouts to discover who they were, and if possible where they encamped, that we might attack them early next morning; about dark the scouts returned, and informed us they were a party of Shawnese, hunting buffaloes; that they had watched them to the river-side, where, taking to their canoes, they had paddled across the river; and seeing a great many fires on the other side, where our scouts directed our sight, we concluded it to be a large encampment; we thereupon began to consult, whether it would be more adviseable to cross the river over night, or early next morning: it wasdecided in favour of the former, notwithstanding its snowing excessively hard, lest we should be discovered. We accordingly stripped ourselves, tying our guns to our backs, with the buts upwards, to which we hung our ammunition, to prevent its getting wet; we then took water, and swam near half a mile to the other side, where we huddled together to keep ourselves warm, intending to pass the remainder of the night in that manner, and to fall on the enemy at daybreak; but as it continued snowing the whole time, it proved so cold, that we could endure it no longer than a little past midnight, when we resolved to surround the enemy’s camp, giving the first fire, and, without charging again, run on them with our tommahawkes, which we had tucked in our belts for that purpose, should there be occasion. We accordingly surrounded them; but when the signal was given for firing, scarce one fourth of our guns went off, wet with the snow, notwithstanding all the precautions we had takento preserve them dry: we then rushed in; but, before we came to a close engagement, the enemy returned our fire; as, it was at random, not being able to see us before we were upon them, on account of the darkness of the night, and the thickness of the bushes, we received no damage. They had not time to charge again, but fought us with the buts of their guns, tommahawkes, and firebrands. In the beginning of the battle we took two prisoners, who were continually calling out to their countrymen to fight strong, and they would soon conquer us; this made them fight much bolder, till the persons who had the prisoners in custody put a stop to it, by sinking a tommahawke in each of their skulls, on which their countrymen took to flight, and left every thing behind them. As soon as it was day, we examined the field, where we found two more of the enemy dead, one of which was a French warrior, which, with the prisoners we had killed, are the four scalps we have brought in. We lost onlyone man, the poor brave Raven of Togua, who ran rashly before us in the midst of the enemy. We took what things we could conveniently bring with us, and destroyed the rest.”
Having finished his account of the expedition, out of his shot-pouch he pulled a piece of paper, wrapped up in a bit of birch-bark, which he had taken out of the Frenchman’s pocket, and gave it to me to look at, asking if I did not think it was his commission? I replied in the negative, telling him it was only some private marks of his own, which I did not understand. It appears to me to have been his journal, every seventh line being longer than the others, to denote the Sunday; the death’s head, and other marks, relate to what happened on the several days; but having filled his paper long before his death, he had supplied it by interlining with a pin. These are my conjectures, I have however annexed it here from the original,still in my possession, that each reader may make his own.
About one o’clock the baggage and all things being ready, Ostenaco took leave of his friends, tho’ this ceremony is unusual among them, and we began our march sooner than I expected. Passing thro’ Toqua, we saw several Indians weeping for the death of their relations, killed in the late battle. In an hour’s time we arrived at Chote, where we found a great number of headmen assembled to give us a talk, containing instructions to my Indian conductors, to remind the English of their promises of friendship, and to press the Governor of Virginia to open a trade; for the Indians to behave well to the inhabitants when they arrived, as that was the only way to keep the chain of friendship bright; that we should keep a good look-out, as the enemy were very numerous on the path. What occasioned this precaution, and probably Ostenaco’s delaying his departure so long, was, the defeat of a party of about thirty Indians, who went cut to war some time before, the same waythat we were to go, eight of whom had been killed or taken. They attributed this loss to the want of arrows, the northern Indians having poured several vollies of arrows, and done great execution, before the Cherokees could charge again, after the first fire. This was especially disadvantageous to the Cherokees, as both parties met unexpectedly on the top of a mountain, which they were both crossing, and engaged so close, that the northern Indians availed themselves of this advantage, and the superiority of their numbers.
Two pieces of cannon were fired when we had got about 200 yards from the town-house, after which Ostenaco sung the war-song, in which was a prayer for our safety thro’ the intended journey; this he bellowed out loud enough to be heard at a mile’s distance. We did not march above three miles before we encamped, in order to give time to some Indians who were to accompany us, but had not yet joined us, which they did in the evening, about fourteen or fifteen in number. Nextmorning, the 11th of March, we rose tolerably early, marching to Little River, about twenty miles from the nation, where we encamped.
At this place had formerly been an Indian town, called Elajoy; and I am surprised how the natives should ever abandon so beautiful and fertile a spot. Were it in a more polished country, it would make the finest situation for a gentleman’s seat I ever saw.
We marched the next day to Broad River, which we crossed about four o’clock in the afternoon, without much difficulty, by reason of the lowness of the waters; but the river, which is here 700 yards over, runs with great rapidity, and the banks extremely steep on either side. We encamped directly, and were all employed in making a large fire to dry ourselves, as most of us had got very wet.
Before sun-set I perceived a considerable number of Indians passing at the same place, whom I at first imagined to be enemies; but thearrival of some of them shewed them to be Cherokees, who kept continually dropping in, so that I was greatly surprised next morning at their numbers. I demanded where they were going? to which they replied, To Virginia; that the headmen had thought proper to send a reinforcement, thinking it unsafe for so small a body to march through a country so much frequented by the enemy, where, if I met with any accident, the blame would fall upon them. I thanked them; but at the same time told them peremptorily to go back, and give themselves no further trouble on my account; that I had no occasion for them; and that it would be impossible for so large a body to subsist when passed the hunting grounds, as the people on the frontiers of Virginia had been so impoverished by the late war, they would not be able to supply us with provisions. This made no impression on them, and they marched, on without saying another word, and persisted in going, notwithstanding all the efforts Osteco and I could make to prevent them. Indeed I was more earnest to have them return, as Ifound it was the scent of presents, more than the desire of escorting me, that was the real motive of all this good-will.
We left the camp the next day, about 165 in number, and marched without any extraordinary occurrence till the 15th, about mid-day, when we heard our scouts on the left (for we always kept on both flanks) fire pretty quick after one another, and in less than a minute seventeen or eighteen buffaloes ran in amongst us, before we discovered them, so that several of us had like to have been run over, especially the women, who with some difficulty sheltered themselves behind the trees. Most of the men fired, but, firing at random, one only was killed, tho’ several more wounded. Our scouts likewise killed another, and brought in the best parts of the meat, all which was cooked over-night for our departure next morning.
After passing a very disagreeable night on account of the rain, which, as the evening had been clear, I had taken no precaution to shelter myselfself against. We had as disagreeable a march, it proved very rainy, and were again obliged to encamp to a great disadvantage for the convenience of good water.
On the 17th, about two o’clock in the afternoon, we met an Indian who left the Great Island some time after me, with a party of ten or twelve, destined to Williamsburg, who, after he had eat, drank, and smoaked, told us the party that he belonged to had been attacked two days before; that two of them had been killed, two or three taken, and the rest dispersed; that he had reason to believe there were a great many of the enemy upon the path, as he had seen a great many tracks and other signs.
On this intelligence, Ostenaco ordered all his men to fresh prime their guns, and those that had bows and arrows to put them in readiness, sending out some scouts, and desiring all to keep a good look-out. After these dispositions we parted with the fugitive Indian, and continued our route. At night our scouts came in, and informedformed us, that they had seen some old tracks, and a piece of an old red waistcoat, dropped by the enemy, to inform us they were thereabouts. We made large fires to dry ourselves, while Ostenaco, and four or five others, took out and waved their eagles tails, then turning towards the place where the tracks had been discovered, gave the war-hoop several times extremely loud. This was to let the enemy know, if within hearing, and disposed for an engagement, where he and his party lay. This however Ostenaco probably would not have done, had he not confided in the number of his party, being greatly superior to what commonly go to make war on one another. Before the Indians went to sleep, he gave them a strong caution, and instructions how to act in case they were attacked.
We decamped pretty early next morning, in order, if possible, to reach the Great island that day; but the scouts had not been out an hour before some returned with an account of fresh tracks and other signs of the enemy. I really expected a skirmish with the northern Indians, as theymight probably imagine some Cherokees would return with me when I left their country; and it was probable the party I had received an account of, and had given so many checks to the Cherokees since, were still waiting.
As we marched very slow, on account of receiving intelligence from our scouts, which they brought in every two or three hours, we encamped short of the Great Island about seven or eight miles.
The next morning we were in no great hurry to decamp, as we intended to go no farther than the Great Island that day. By this retardment each man had time to put his arms in proper order. We set out about eleven o’clock, and, after four or five miles march, Ostenaco desired me to go before, to see if any of the enemy were there. The northern Indians being at peace with us, was urged as a sufficient protection, tho’, at setting out, they seemed a little apprehensive of my falling into such desperadoes hands, or rather of their losing their share of thepresents. I was to tell the enemy, if I met them, that the Cherokees were but few in number, and but indifferently armed; after which Sumpter and I were furnished with horses, and went forward pretty briskly, till we reached Holston’s River, the crossing place of which was within a mile of Fort Robinson. We had not forded above half-way over, when we heard the report of a gun, which made us conclude that our suspicions of the enemy’s being there were but too justly grounded; we rode gently towards the fort to make our observations; but no enemy appearing, on entering the clear ground about the fort, and perceiving some smoak from one of the chimnies, we rode within an hundred yards of it, and hallowed, but nobody appearing, we went to the gate, and gave another hoop, which, to my great surprise, instead of the enemy, brought a white man out of one of the houses, whom I immediately recollected to be M’Lamore the interpreter, that accompanied the discomfited party of Cherokees, I lately mentioned, to Virginia,and he was soon followed by the man who had fired the gun.
I returned to the party, highly satisfied at my good fortune, in not being obliged to displease the Indians, by breaking thro’ so disagreeable and dangerous a commission, who had already crossed the river when I joined them.
We found in the fort eleven or twelve hundred weight of flour, left by the garrison when they evacuated the place, which abundantly recompensed the Indians for all their fatigues.
We remained here all next day to rest ourselves, and mend our mockasons, tho’ such fine weather was scarce to be lost, considering the very bad we had experienced most of the way from the Cherokee country; this made me extremely anxious to be going forward, but the Indians seldom hurry themselves when they were to leave such good cheer, after having passed most of the way without bread. I was informedby M’Lamore, that the flour had been left for want of horses to carry it away, as well as the goods I had observed in one of the storehouses, belonging to a private trader; that the northern Indians, after defeating the small party to which he belonged, and taking him and two more prisoners, came to the fort, where, notwithstanding our alliance with them, they destroyed a great quantity of the flour and goods, and carried a great quantity more away, as well as the man that had the care of them; but that, after some days march, all the prisoners found means to make their escape: that they two returned to the fort, one proposing to wait my coming, and return with me to Virginia, and M’Lamore to go back to the Cherokee country.
I next day intreated Ostenaco to order his men to get ready for the march, as the weather was fine, and it would be agreeable travelling; but notwithstanding all he or I could say, not a man of them would stir; their excuse was, that one of their horses was lost, and the owner outin search of him. We waited his return till night, when he came, but no horse was to be found. I was very much mortified at this accident, as I was anxious to know what was become of my camp-equipage, cloaths, &c. I had left at Fort Attakullakulla.
On the 22d, we rose early in the morning, to make a good day’s march, but the horse was not found till near twelve o’clock: I then thought our immediate departure certain, but was again disappointed; the person who had the care of the goods, missing a piece of broad-cloth, charged the Indians with the theft, and a general search was made to no purpose. Ostenaco then ordered all within the fort, while he and the conjuror went into the house from whence it was stole, to beg the devil’s advice about recovering it. The conjuror might perhaps have saved himself that trouble, for tho’ I am at a loss to guess in what manner, I am inclined to believe he had as great a hand in the loss as in the recovery of it. I desired him to trouble himself no farther about it, chusingrather to pay for it, than be detained any longer; but all I could say could not divert him from his conjuring, which however furnished me with a few more of their oddities.
After staying some time, the conjuror sallied out blindfolded, and groped about, till he came to the skirts of the woods, where, pulling off the blind, he went straight forwards, a considerable way, and returned in about five minutes with the broad-cloth on his shoulders. I observed his cheek tied up with a bit of twine, which, when untied, bled very much. I gave the conjuror two yards as a reward for playing the fool, and we marched forward, encamping about ten miles from the fort.
We called in our way at Fort Attakullakulla, which was likewise evacuated, looked for my cloaths, &c. but they were all stolen and carried off by the soldiers, except a small trunk, with a few trifles, I found afterwards at New River.
Some time after, we met Capt. Israel Christian going with a cargo of goods, to trade in the Cherokee country. I here endeavoured to send back the greatest part of the Indians; but notwithstanding all the persuasions the Captain and I could make use of, not a man of them would return, till the Captain promised the same presents to those that would go back, as would be given to those that went forward, not doubting but that he would be reimbursed, as the charge of victualling of them would be entirely saved; but as this expence fell entirely upon me, as will appear in the sequel, it was rather taking the burthen off me than off the public. I am heartily sorry, however, this gentleman has suffered, as well as myself, for his good intentions, and more so, that it is not in my power to discharge the public debt, and reimburse him. But even by this we could only reduce our number to about seventy-two.
We called at Fort Lewis, where we found William Shorey the interpreter, who, by order of Col. Stephen, had waited our coming, to accompanythe Indians to Williamsburg. I received here between seventy and eighty pounds that was due to me, which came very opportunely to defray our expences to Williamsburg; where we arrived in about eleven days after our departure from Fort Lewis.
On my arrival, I waited on the Governor, who seemed somewhat displeased with the number of Indians that had forced themselves upon me. Orders however were issued out for their accommodation, and a few days after a council was called, at which Ostenaco, and some of the principal Indians, attended. After the usual ceremonies, and mutual promises of friendship, the Indians were dismissed, and presents ordered them, to the amount of 125l.currency; 12l.10s.for Ostenaco, the same sum to be sent back to King Kanagatucko, and the rest to be divided among the party, who seemed much displeased when it came to be divided, being, as they said, like nothing among them. I was apprehensive of some bad consequence should they return dissatisfied, and therefore advancedpretty considerably out of my own pocket to content them.
A few days before they were to depart for their own country, Mr. Horrocks invited Ostenaco and myself to sup with him at the College, where, amongst other curiosities, he shewed him the picture of his present Majesty. The chief viewed it a long time with particular attention; then turning to me, “Long,” said he, “have I wished to see the king my father; this is his resemblance, but I am determined to see himself; I am now near the sea, and never will depart from it till I have obtained my desires.” He asked the Governor next day, who, tho’ he at first refused, on Ostenaco’s insisting so strongly upon it, gave his consent. He then desired, as I had been with him so long, that I might accompany him to England: this I was to do at my own expence; but the Governor told me he would recommend me to the minister of state, which he did in as strong terms as I could desire.
I was then upon the point of entering into a very advantageous commerce, which I quitted to please the Indians, and preserve them ours, yet wavering to the French interest. I prepared every thing necessary for my voyage; but this was not my only expence, the Indians having no money, expect the person who travels with them to treat them with whatever they take a fancy to.
We set out for Hampton about the beginning of May, where we were to embark; but contrary winds, and other delays, retarded us till the 15th, during which time it generally cost me between 15 and 20s.per day.
We had very fine weather during the whole voyage, yet both the Indians and myself were sea-sick all the way. We parted with a convoy we had under our care off Newfoundland, in a very thick fog, notwithstanding all the efforts Capt. Blake could make, by ringing bells, and firing every quarter of an hour, to keep them together, tho’ I afterwards heard him severelyaccused in England of taking this opportunity to leave his charge.
We had the misfortune here to lose the interpreter Shorey, who was much regretted by us all, but especially by the Indians, as he was a thorough master of their language. He had lingered some time in a consumption, caught in passing a small river, for, being drunk, his Indian spouse plunged him in to sober him, but was unable to draw him out, and had not some Indians come to her assistance he must have been drowned. This was an effectual means of sobering him, but by it he contracted the malady that carried him off.
During our voyage the Indians conceived very advantageous ideas of our naval force; the Captain having chased and brought too about sixteen sail, found them all to be English or neutral vessels, on which the Cherokees concluded the French and Spaniards were certainly afraid to put to sea.
On the 16th of June we arrived at Plymouth, where, before we went on shore, the Indians had their desire of seeing a large man of war gratified, by being carried on board the Revenge, a seventy-four gun ship, with which they were equally pleased and surprised.
While in the boat that took us to shore, Ostenaco, painted in a very frightful manner, sung a solemn dirge with a very loud voice, to return God thanks for his safe arrival. The loudness and uncouthness of his singing, and the oddity of his person, drew a vast crowd of boats, filled with spectators, from all the ships in the harbour; and the landing-place was so thronged, that it was almost impossible to get to the inn, where we took post for London.
We stopped at Exeter, where the Indians were shewed the cathedral, but, contrary to my expectation, were as little struck as if they had been natives of the place. They were much better pleased the next day with Lord Pembroke’s seat at Wilton, till they saw the statueof Hercules with his club uplifted, which they thought so dreadful that they begged immediately to be gone.
We arrived the next day in London, without any other accident than the breaking down of the chaise in which the Indians were, but happily none of them were hurt.
Capt. Blake waited on Lord Egremont, to acquaint him with our arrival. We were immediately sent for, and, after some few questions, dismissed. Lodgings were ordered, and taken by Mr. N—— Caccanthropos. We were again sent for by Lord Egremont, but more to gratify the curiosity of some of his friends than about business. I however took this opportunity of flipping my letter of recommendation into his Lordship’s hands, which he read, and assured me he would shew it to the King that day; telling me to let the Indians or myself want for nothing; that as I was a perfect stranger, he had ordered Mr. Caccanthropos to provide whatever we desired.
My first care was to equip the Indians. I attended Mr. Caccanthropos, to order all after the mode of their own country.
As several days passed before I had any further orders, the Indians became extremely anxious to see the King. “What is the reason,” said they, “that we are not admitted to see the Great King our Father, after coming so far for that purpose?” I was obliged to reply, “That his Majesty was indisposed, and could not be waited on till perfectly recovered,” which in some measure pacified them. We were taken not long after to court; but I was only asked a few questions, of which I gave the interpretation to the Indians that might be most favourably received.
The uncommon appearance of the Cherokees began to draw after them great crowds of people of all ranks; at which they were so much displeased, that home became irksome to them, and they were forever teizing me to take them to some public diversion. Their favouritewas Sadler’s-Wells; the activity of the performers, and the machinery of the pantomime, agreeing best with their notions of diversion. They were likewise very fond of Ranelagh, which, from its form, they compared to their town-house; but they were better pleased with Vauxhall, tho’ it was always against my inclination I accompanied them there, on account of the ungovernable curiosity of the people, who often intruded on them, and induced them to drink more than sufficient. Once, in particular, one of the young Indians got extremely intoxicated, and committed several irregularities, that ought rather to be attributed to those that enticed them, than to the simple Indians, who drank only to please them. I cannot indeed cite sobriety as their characteristic; but this I can say, these excesses never happened at home. A bottle of wine, a bowl of punch, and a little cyder, being the ordinary consumption of the three Indians, Sumpter, and myself; and as we were seldom at home, it could not put the nation to a great expence. If the bills given in for these articles were tothe greatest degree excessive, let them that charged them answer who consumed them; I only know that no more was ever drank by us.
This was not the only thing laid to my charge; I was accused of receiving money for admission to see the Indians. The sheep was accused by the wolf of rapine, who carried his point. He was a thorough-paced under-courtier; the sheep, a raw Virginian, who, ignorant of little arts, innocently believed others as honest as himself, and could never believe such impudence existed, as to accuse another of crimes his conscience assured him he was sole actor of. I was so prepossessed with these opinions, that I can scarce as yet, however severely I have felt it, believe that some men have no ideas of conscience, and esteem it the prejudices of education, and a narrow mind; and that blasting an innocent person’s character, whenever it answered their ends, or that robbing the nation was no crime, when they could escape punishment.
It was a long time before I knew any thing of these money-taking works. The following accident was what brought it to light. Finding myself entirely confined by the continual crowds of visitors, I resolved to lessen the number, by ordering the servants to admit none but people of fashion. This was what would have been at once agreeable to the Indians, and raised their ideas of the English nation. So far from these orders being complied with, the whole rabble of the town was ushered in the next day. Not a little mortified, I complained to Lord Egremont, who, already perhaps prepossessed against me, only told me coldly, that he would speak of it to Mr. Caccanthropos. At my return, tho’ I found the house full of people, I said nothing more.
Some days after, Sumpter, who had contracted some genteel acquaintance, some of whom he was bringing to see the Indians, was stopped by the servant, Mr. Caccanthropos’s relation, who refused to admit them without money. The young man, who had faced all dangers for theservice of his country in the war, who had been so highly instrumental in saving us from the dangers that threatened us in going to their country, and had accompanied us ever since, received that affront from an insolent servant; but not being able to bear the insult, he took a warrior’s satisfaction, and knocked him down. A blunt Virginian soldier cannot know the laws of England, as little can he bear an insult from so mean a quarter.
The servant informed his kinsman, who came next day open-mouthed, threatening Sumpter with the crown-office. He next gave me such scurrilous language, that I was perfectly at a loss how to retort it adequately; I had subject enough, but being accustomed to gentlemen’s company, I could scarce understand his dialect: piqued, however, at the stinging truths I told him, he threatened me with confinement also, assaying to intimidate me from publishing them, by reminding me that he was a justice of the peace. Happily I reflected on the disparity of his years and strength to mine; my hands hadnear disgraced me, by striking a person I so much every way despised. He dared not, however, put his threats into execution; his only vengeance for affronting me, was ordering the people of the house to feed us for the future on ox-cheek, cow-heel, and such like dainties, fit entertainment for Indians accustomed to only the choicest parts of the beast, and very fit to raise their opinion of England. I however understanding Lord Egremont’s orders in a different light, took care to provide whatever was requisite for the Indians, avoiding at the same time all appearance of extravagance.
Sumpter’s company were not the only persons to whom admittance was refused; the same servant had even the impudence to stop Lady T-r—l-y. Her Ladyship sent immediately for Mrs. Quin, the gentlewoman of the house, to enquire if I encouraged the servants in taking money for seeing the Indians. Mrs. Quin set her Ladyship to rights in that particular; but still whatever exactions these fellows made, the public generally laid to me. I was cleared, however,by Cacanthropos himself, who once attempted to stop Mr. Montague; and his fear and confusion on finding whom he had offended, in some measure revenged me.
Soon after these disturbances, orders were given by Lord Egremont, that no person whatever should be admitted, without an order from himself, or Mr. Wood, under Secretary of State: but instead of the throngs decreasing by this order, it rather increased; and I really believe few persons have more friends than Mr. Wood, if he knew but half of those that were ushered in under that name; nay, grown bolder by that sanction, they pressed into the Indians dressing room, which gave them the highest disgust, these people having a particular aversion to being stared at while dressing or eating; on which last occasion, if I was irksome myself, judge what a crowd of strangers must be. They were so disgusted, that they grew extremely shy of being seen, so that I had the greatest difficulty in procuring Lord C—t—f—d a sight of them; on which, being a little angry, I was afterwards informedhis Lordship had been offended at something I am yet a stranger to. It ever was against my inclination to give offence to even the lowest class of mankind, much less to Lord C—t—f—d.
I was not only, however, accused of receiving money at our lodgings, but at the public places we frequented. To this I answer, so far from making by them, it generally cost me pretty considerable to the servants, besides coach-hire; for tho’ one was allowed us, we could command it no oftener than Mr. Cacanthropos was pleased to do us that favour; and this expence was entirely out of my own pocket, without any prospect of reimbursement.
As to the charge laid against me, the proprietors are still alive, and any person that entertains the smallest doubt, may, and would oblige me, by enquiring of themselves, whether I ever demanded or took directly or indirectly any money or consideration whatever from them.
But let us now return to the Indians. Some time before they left England, they were admitted to a conference with his Majesty at St. James’s. Ostenaco’s speech on that occasion contained nothing more than protestations of friendship, faithful alliance, &c. To which an answer was afterwards given in writing, to be interpreted in their own country, as I was not conversant enough in their language to translate it; though I understood whatever they said, especially the speech, which I gave word for word to his Majesty, as Shorey had likewise explained it before his death, except the last part, which was so much in my favour that I was obliged to suppress it, and was in some confusion in finding wherewith to supply it; till I at last told his Majesty, that it was only in some manner a repetition of the first part of his discourse.
They were struck with the youth, person, and grandeur of his Majesty, and conceived as great an opinion of his affability as of his power, the greatness of which may be seenon my telling them in what manner to behave; for finding Ostenaco preparing his pipe to smoak with his Majesty, according to the Indian custom of declaring friendship, I told him he must neither offer to shake hands or smoak with the King, as it was an honour for the greatest of our nation to kiss his hand. You are in the right, says he, for he commands over all next to the Man above, and nobody is his equal. Their ideas were likewise greatly increased by the number of ships in the river, and the warren at Woolwich, which I did not fail to set out to the greatest advantage, intimating that our Sovereign had many such ports and arsenals round the kingdom.