CHAPTER CCXIII.

Of various remarks which were made respecting my history, which the reader will be pleased to hear.

After I had completed this my history, two licentiates called upon me and begged permission of me to peruse it, in order that they might acquaint themselves better with the history of the conquest of Mexico and of New Spain, and that they might judge for themselves in how far my history differed from the representations which Francisco Lopez de Gomara and doctor Illescas have given of the heroic deeds of the marquis del Valle Oaxaca. As ignorant persons, like myself, always learn something from men of learning, I gave it to them, but under the condition that they should neither add nor take anything away from it; as everything I had related was conformable to truth. When the licentiates had read through the whole of my work, one of them who was a great rhetorician, said he was astonished at the sharpness of my memory, that I should not even have forgotten one single circumstance of the many things that had taken place from my first voyage of discovery under Cordoba down to the present time. With respect to my style of writing, both remarked, that it was plain old Castilian, which was more agreeable at that time than those embellished sentences which are generally affected by historians; and thatthough my style was plain it was rendered beautiful by the truth which it contained. They were, however, of opinion that I had written too conspicuously about myself, in describing the battles at which I was present, and that I should have left this to others. I ought also, they said, to have quoted other historians to confirm my statements, instead of dryly saying: This I did, This happened to me; for, added they, I was only witnessing for myself. To this I replied, and said as follows: "In certain despatches which Cortes forwarded to the emperor from Mexico in the year 1540, my name and the services I had rendered to the crown were also mentioned, and how I had made two former voyages of discovery to New Spain." In these despatches Cortes spoke as an eyewitness of my conduct in the many battles we fought with the Mexicans, of the courage I had evinced on every occasion, of the many wounds I had received in the numerous engagements, and also how I had accompanied him on the expedition to the Honduras, and said besides several other things in my praise, which it would be tedious to enumerate here. The illustrious viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, wrote in a similar strain to his majesty respecting the officers who were then serving in New Spain. His accounts agreed perfectly with those of Cortes; and lastly, I myself in the year 1540 gave the royal council of the Indies sufficient proofs in confirmation of what both had said. But should you senores licentiates, continued I, not feel satisfied with such witnesses as the viceroy and Cortes, and with the proofs I have myself adduced, I can bring forward another witness, who must have greater weight than any other in the world, I mean the emperor Charles the Fifth himself, who, by one of his royal letters bearing his own seal, addressed to the viceroys and presidents, commands that I and my sons shall be munificently rewarded for the many important services which I have rendered to the crown. I myself possess the original letters containing these commands. But if you wish for any further witness, behold the territory of New Spain, which is thrice the size of old Spain; count the numbers of towns and settlements which have all been founded by Spaniards, and sum up the wealth which is continually passing from this portion of the new world to Spain. Another reason why I have written this true account is, because the historians Illescas and Gomara never mention a word in our praise, but give to Cortes alone all the glory of our conquests. If they had been honestly inclined they would not have passed us, the Conquistadores, by in silence; a share of Cortes' heroic deeds is also due to me, for in all his battles I fought among the first; besides that, I was present in so many other engagements in the provinces under hisofficers, as you must have seen in the course of this history. I can also claim my share of the inscription which Cortes put on the silver culverin, we called the phœnix, and which Cortes sent a present to his majesty from Mexico. The inscription ran thus:

This bird was born without its equal,As a servant I have not my second,And you have not your equal in this world.

And when Cortes, on his first return to Spain spoke to his majesty of the courageous officers and soldiers who had served under him in the Mexican wars, I was also included in this number. Cortes also took frequent opportunities of speaking to his majesty in our praise during the unfortunate expedition against Algiers, and of this praise a part was also due to me; for I lent also my assistance in the conquest.

This was my reply to the two licentiates; but with respect to the reproach they made me of having spoken too much in my own praise, and that all this self-praise would have come with a better grace from others, I desired them to bear in mind, that there are indeed certain virtues and excellent qualities which we ought never to praise in ourselves, but let our neighbours do it for us; but how is it possible for a neighbour to mention anything in the praise of another if he was not present at the battle with him? Are the sparrows, said I, to speak of it, who flew over our heads during the engagements? or the clouds, that floated on high? Who can speak better about it than we, the officers and soldiers, the men who themselves fought the battles? Your reproach, gentlemen, would have been very just, continued I, if in my history you had found that I had withheld the praise that was due to the officers and soldiers who were my companions in arms, and I had claimed all the honour to myself; but I have not even said so much in my own praise as I could, and indeed ought to have done; but I write that my name may not be forgotten. Here I feel tempted to make a comparison, though it is between a very great man and a poor soldier like myself; which is, if historians relate of the imperator and celebrated general Julius Cæsar, that he fought fifty-three battles, I may say that I fought in many more battles than Julius Cæsar, as may be seen from my narrative. Historians also say of Julius Cæsar how courageous he was, and always ready for battle at a moment's notice, and how he devoted his nights in writing down his valorous deeds with his own hand; for though there were numbers of historians, he would not trust his fame in their hands. It should therefore be no matter of surpriseto any one, when I mention a few words about myself, in describing the battles at which I was present, that future generations may say: this Bernal Diaz del Castillo wrote, in order that his children and descendants might share in the praise of his heroic deeds, in the same way as the fame of those heroes of old has been handed down in their escutcheons to their latest posterity.

I will not, however, say anything further on this head; for what I have already said will not be relished by malice and envy, who will be of opinion that I have praised myself too much. What I have said of myself has, so to say, happened but yesterday, and not centuries ago, as the exploits of the Romans. There are still sufficient of the Conquistadores living to confirm what I have related. If they found any untruths, or even any obscure passage, they would not allow it to pass unnoticed. However, it is so in the world; malice always maligns truth. I will now enumerate in their regular order all the battles at which I was present, from the first discovery of New Spain, down to the pacification of the whole country, in order that the reader may have a short and clear view of them all at once; however, there were many hostile rencontres at which I was not present, either because I was wounded or knocked up with fatigue, or while the provinces were so numerous, that we were obliged to march out against them in different bodies.

The first was the pretty sharp conflict at the Punta de Cotoche, during my first voyage of discovery, under Cordoba. Next followed the severe battle at Champoton, where we lost the half of our troops; I myself was dangerously wounded, and our captain had two severe wounds, of the consequences of which he died.

On our return to Cuba, when we landed on the coast of Florida in search of water, we had another sharp conflict, in which I was wounded, and one of our men was carried off alive by the Indians.

In the expedition under Grijalva, we fought a second battle in Champoton, on the same spot; ten of our men were killed, and Grijalva himself wounded.

In the third expedition under Cortes, I was present at the following engagements:

The two battles on the Tabasco, subsequently called the river Grijalva.

The battle of Tzinpantzinco.

A few days after, the three pitched battles against the Tlascallans.

The conspiracy and chastisement of the inhabitants of Cholulla.

Entrance into Mexico, and seizure of the person of Motecusuma. I do not count this exactly among the battles, yet it was a bold step to take so mighty a cazique prisoner.

The great victory over Narvaez, whose troops amounted to nearly 1400; we were only 226 in number.

On our return to Mexico, to the relief of Alvarado, we were attacked by the whole armed force of Mexico. The battles continue, without intermission, for eight days and nights. I will, however, say, that I only fought six battles during this time. We lost 860 of our troops.

The battle of Otumpan, and that in our expedition to the province of Tepeaca.

The expedition against Tezcuco, where, in the two battles we fought, I was each time severely wounded in the throat by the thrust of a lance.

Two battles against the Mexicans, on our march to the assistance of some townships in the province of Tezcuco. These battles were respecting the possession of some maise fields.

Second campaign of Mexico, and our battles against the wild tribes of the marquis mountains. Here we had eight men killed, and the whole of us were in the utmost danger.

The battle of Quauhnahuac.

The three battles of Xochimilco, where likewise we stood in great danger, and four of our men were killed.

The siege of Mexico, which lasted ninety-three days, during the whole of which time the battles continued, almost without intermission, day and night. Here I may, at least, say that I fought in eighty severe engagements and skirmishes.

Expeditions to the provinces of Guacasualco, Chiapa, and Zapoteca. Here we fought three battles, and I was also at the taking of Chiapa.

The two conflicts near Chamula and Quitlan.

The two similar rencontres near Teapa and Cimatan. Here I lost two of my companions, and was myself severely wounded in the throat.

I had almost forgotten to mention that, in our disastrous retreat from Mexico, we were continually attacked, for the space of nine days, by the enemy, and we fought four severe battles with them.

Expedition to the Honduras and Higueras, in which two years and three months elapsed before we again reached Mexico. Near the township of Culacotu we fought a severe engagement, in which I lost my horse, which had cost me 600 pesos.

On my return to Mexico, I assisted in putting down the insurrection of the Zatopecs and Minges.

I do not mention several other hostile rencontres, for I should find neither any end to them, nor to the numerous perils I encountered. Neither must I omit to mention that I was among the first who stood before Mexico when we were about to commence the siege. Corteshimself did not take up his station till five days after. I was also one of those who destroyed the aqueduct of Chapultepec, by which the Mexicans were deprived of fresh water.

If we sum up all this together, it will be found that I have, at least, been in 119 battles and hostile rencontres: not that I exactly wish to praise myself by stating this; but it is truth what I have written, and my history is not a book of old traditions, or account of things that happened in ancient times among the Romans; neither does it contain poetical fictions, but a faithful narrative of the important and remarkable services which we rendered to the Almighty, to our emperor, and to the whole of Christianity.

Praise and thanks be to the Lord Jesus Christ, who preserved me in so many perils, and that at present I have the power to write all this with such clearness! And I can, indeed, boast that I have been in as many battles as historians relate of the emperor Henry the Fourth.

Of the planets and signs in the heavens which prognosticated our arrival in New Spain; how these were interpreted by the Mexicans; and of other matters.

The Mexicans relate that, shortly before our arrival in New Spain, there appeared a figure in the heavens of a circular form, like a carriage wheel, the colours of which were a mixture of green and red. Shortly after a second, of a similar form, made its appearance, which moved towards the rising of the sun, and joined the first. Motecusuma, who at that time sat upon the throne of Mexico, assembled his priests and soothsayers, and desired them to watch, and explain to him these wonderful signs, which had never been seen before. The priests accordingly communicated with their god Huitzilopochtli, who answered, that they portended dreadful wars and horrible pestilence, and that it was necessary to sacrifice some human beings.

Shortly after these signs had been seen in the heavens we arrived in New Spain, and ten months after Narvaez came, and brought with him a negro, who was ill with the smallpox. From this person the disease spread among the inhabitants of Sempoalla, and thence, like a true pestilence, throughout the whole of New Spain.

When, subsequently, we fought the severe battles during the nightof sorrows, and lost 550 of our men, who were either killed in our retreat or taken prisoners, and sacrificed to the Mexican idols, the interpretations which the priests had given of the signs were considered perfectly correct. These signs were not seen by any of us, but I have related this exactly as told by the Mexicans, for it is so described in their hieroglyphic writing, which we always found correct.

The following appearance I beheld with my own eyes, which any one else might have seen if he had taken the trouble of looking up. In the year 1527 there appeared in the heavens a sign, which had the shape of a long sword, and seemed as if it stood between the province of Panuco and the town of Tezcuco, and remained unchanged in the heavens for the space of twenty days. The Mexicans and their papas declared it was a sign of some pestilence, and certainly a few days after the measles, and another eruptive disease, like leprosy, broke out, which was accompanied by a very nauseous smell, and carried off numbers of persons, though it did not prove so destructive as the smallpox.

In the year 1528 a very heavy rain fell in Guacasualco, with large clods of earth. But this phenomena differed from what had been seen before of the kind, for as soon as these clods touched the ground they turned into innumerable frogs, a little larger in size than the bluebottle fly. The earth was completely covered with these creatures, which hopped about in various directions, to gain the river, which was not far off. As, however, there were myriads of them, and the sun burning hot, numbers of them perished before they could reach the water. The birds of prey certainly devoured great numbers, yet many of them still remained on the ground, and soon turned putrid, spreading a most dreadful stench around.

I have likewise been assured by credible persons that similar showers of frogs fell at Sempoalla, in the neighbourhood of the sugar mills, belonging to the accountant Albornoz.

I should not have noticed this raining of frogs if it were not something of rare occurrence, a thing which the greater part of mankind never see; moreover, celebrated men have said a writer should only notice those things which are truly wonderful. I was also assured by a cavalier of distinction, who resides in the neighbourhood of this town, named Juan de Guzman, that he himself was once caught in a shower of this kind, on his journey through Yucatan. He assured me that a number of such small frogs stuck frozen to his and his companions' cloaks, and they were even obliged to shake them off.

About the same time that this happened to Guzman, it also rained frogs in Guatimala, as I have been assured by my fellow-townsmanCosmo Roman. The most awful occurrence, however, took place in Guatimala, in the month of September, of the year 1541. Here a most terrific hurricane arose, accompanied by torrents of rain, which continued incessantly for the space of three days, and so vast was the quantity of water that came pouring down, that the crater of the volcano, which lies about four miles from the town of Guatimala, literally burst, and so terrific was the volume of water that came rolling down the mountain, that numbers of huge stones and trees were carried along with it. Those who did not witness it themselves will scarcely credit this, for there were masses of rock carried down by the flood which two oxen could not move, and these blocks of stone were left there as a memento of this fearful tempest. Every tree was torn up by the roots, and hurried down the precipices by the impetuosity of the torrent. The water had exactly the colour as if it had been mixed with chalk, and by the immense power of the hurricane it was raised into foaming billows. The noise occasioned by the rushing of the wind and water was so terrific, that persons could not hear each other speak, and fathers were unable to render their sons any assistance.

This direful tempest commenced at ten o'clock on Sunday evening, of the 11th of September, and the whole body of water, stones, and trees came rolling along over the half of the town of Guatimala, crumbling down the houses in its progress, strongly built as they were. A great number of men, women, and children perished in a few moments, and everything they possessed was lost. Some houses which had withstood the torrent were blocked up to the topmost windows by mud, pieces of rock, and large trees. During this tempest, also, Doña Beatriz de la Cueva, the wife of Pedro de Alvarado, perished, with several other ladies, who had fled to the chapel, to supplicate the Almighty in prayer to preserve them from destruction in the tempest. The water and mud rushed with such impetuosity into the chapel, that it soon gave way, and only three ladies escaped, one of whom was Alvarado's daughter; the names of the two others I have forgotten. This young lady, whose name was Leonora, was fortunately rescued from her perilous situation, between scattered trees and heaps of stone, and is now the wife of the distinguished cavalier Don Francisco de la Cueva, by whom she has several fine sons and daughters.

Many persons declared that they heard during this tempest a fearful kind of howling, yelling, and whistling, and maintained that numbers of evil spirits came rolling along with the large pieces of rock; for it would not have been possible for the water of itself to have moved those heavy masses of stone and large trees. In the midst of this flood peoplealso said they saw a cow with one horn, and two monstrous-looking men, like negroes, with horrible countenances, who kept crying out in a loud voice: "Go on! Go on! For all must be destroyed!" If the inhabitants looked out of their doors or windows to watch the torrent, they were seized with such sudden dread, that they fled from their houses from one street to another, and were at length carried off by the flood, or sinking into the mud, were hurried with it into the neighbouring river. The Indians who lived further down the country, in the direction in which this mass of water, mud, stones, and trees was moving, fared much worse, for they were all drowned. May God have mercy on their souls!

I have above related that this dreadful tempest was looked upon as a punishment for the blasphemous expression which the disconsolate widow of Alvarado was said to have uttered at the intelligence of her husband's death. However, I have often been assured since I have resided in Guatimala, that this lady never gave utterance to the sinful expressions of which she has been accused, but that she merely said: "She wished she had perished with her husband."

I must not omit to observe that the stones which were rolled down with the flood are of such magnitude, that when any stranger comes to Guatimala, they are always pointed out to him, and he is quite astounded at the sight.

After this unfortunate occurrence the inhabitants burned all the dead bodies they could find; but they themselves durst no longer take up their abode in the town, and the greater part retired to their possessions in the country, or built huts in the fields. At length, however, they determined to build the present town, which now stands where formerly maise was grown. But I cannot say much in praise of the site that was chosen. It would have been much preferable if choice had been made of Petapa, or of the valley of Chimaltenango, both of which places are better situated for commerce. Each time the river overflows its banks the town is in danger, while earthquakes are of very frequent occurrence.[63]

After this destructive tempest, the late bishop, of pious memory, and several other cavaliers instituted an annual solemn procession, which was to take place on the 11th of September. This procession, composed of the clergy and of all the inhabitants of the town, set out from the principal church, under chant of sacred hymns, to the spot where the old town stood, and then entered the church, which on this day was decorated with green boughs and cloth, and a solemn funeral mass was performed for those who had perished in the tempest. Afterwhich funeral ornaments were placed on the graves of the more distinguished with lighted wax torches, and an offering was made of bread, meat, and other things, according to the quality of the person interred. After the funeral mass a sermon was preached, and the late bishop not only followed in the procession himself, but he likewise left a fund for celebrating the mass for the dead on the anniversary of this day of sorrows. After these religious ceremonies, those who formed the procession enjoyed themselves in the gardens and the fields of the neighbourhood, and feasted off the plentiful provisions which they had brought along with them, in the same manner as it is done in Spain on similar occasions.

What I have related of this deluge I have taken from the memorials of the late bishop, who was accustomed to note down every curious phenomena of nature which he himself witnessed in this neighbourhood; besides which, I have heard all this confirmed by eyewitnesses. But the procession I have been describing is no longer continued, as the fund left by the late bishop, according to the assurances of the priests and dignitaries of the church of Guatimala, is not sufficient to meet the expenses.

[1]Cortes, in his despatches, thus enumerates his troops, 40 horse, 550 foot soldiers, among whom there were 80 musketeers and crossbow-men; 8 or 9 field-pieces and a small supply of powder. (p.1.)

[2]This king was also called Cohuanacotzin, subsequently he became a convert to Christianity, and took the name of Don Fernando. (p.3.)

[3]His Indian name was Ixtlilxuchitl, and his Spanish, Don Hernando Pimentel, not Cortes. (p.5.)

[4]His real name was Necahuatpiltzintli. (p.5.)

[5]Calpullalpan. (p.15.)

[6]Several Spanish writers make the number of Tlascallan warriors who accompanied this transport, amount to 180,000; but this is no doubt an excessive exaggeration. Here again the honesty of Bernal Diaz is conspicuous, who never multiplies numbers. (p.17.)

[7]Teutepil and Ayutecatl were their proper names. (p.17.)

[8]Torquemada, who himself saw this canal, says it was full two miles in length. (p.18.)

[9]Gomara calls this place Accapichtlan; Torquemada, Yacapichtla. (p.29.)

[10]Gomara most likely followed Cortes' despatches, where we find that the stream was coloured with the blood of the Indians, to the distance of four miles. (p.30.)

[11]Indian servants. (p.32.)

[12]Our old soldier has, "Unas bulas de señor S. Pedro," a bull of St. Peter. (p.32.)

[13]There were four vessels which arrived on this occasion, carrying 200 Spaniards and 80 horses. (p.33.)

[14]According to Torquemada this garden was eight miles in circumference, through the midst of which flowed a small rivulet, whose banks were decorated with all kinds of shrubbery. Besides the many beautiful buildings which it contained there were also artificial rocks. (p.40.)

[15]The Mexican name is Quauhnahuac, where Cortes subsequently built himself a palace. (p.41.)

[16]According to Cortes' despatches, the Indians made use of these words, which are indeed more intelligible than our author's: "They had sought our friendship thus late, because they thought they were bound first to atone for their guilt by allowing us to inflict some punishment upon them, after which they thought we should not be so embittered against them." (p.42.)

[17]According to Torquemada, who was born in Mexico, and was elected provincial of his order by a chapter held at Xochimilco, the distance was sixteen miles. (p.42.)

[17*]Torquemada here relates that Cortes was saved by a Tlascallan, and that the day following he made a fruitless search for him among the dead. (p.44.)

[18]The following is a free translation of the first six lines:"Pensive and sad brave Cortes stoodSurrounded by his valiant band,His thoughts were in the heaviest mood,While musing on Tlacupa's land,Grief must assume an attitude,Forehead and side were clasped by either hand."Of the four following lines Bernal Diaz only gives the first two, the last two I have taken from Las Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la destrucyon de las Indias.) These lines were most likely applied to Cortes after the attack he made upon the Cholullans:On the Tarpeian rock as Nero stoodTo view the flames consume th' imperial city,Both young and old uttered their grief aloud,But Nero neither showed remorse nor pity. (p.52.)

[18]The following is a free translation of the first six lines:

"Pensive and sad brave Cortes stoodSurrounded by his valiant band,His thoughts were in the heaviest mood,While musing on Tlacupa's land,Grief must assume an attitude,Forehead and side were clasped by either hand."

Of the four following lines Bernal Diaz only gives the first two, the last two I have taken from Las Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la destrucyon de las Indias.) These lines were most likely applied to Cortes after the attack he made upon the Cholullans:

On the Tarpeian rock as Nero stoodTo view the flames consume th' imperial city,Both young and old uttered their grief aloud,But Nero neither showed remorse nor pity. (p.52.)

[19]According to Torquemada there were 300 concerned in this conspiracy, and their intention was to elect Francisco Verdugo, brother-in-law to the governor of Cuba, captain-general in Cortes' stead; but adds that Verdugo, who was very courageous and highly esteemed, was not let into the conspiracy. (p.55.)

[20]According to Cortes, this canal was two miles long, twice the breadth of a man's length, and as deep. It was completed in fifty days by 8000 Indians. (p.55.)

[21]Herrera (Historia Gen. de las Indias) gives another reason for the younger Xicotencatl's return to Tlascalla. He says, that Alonso Ojeda had given a relation of Xicotencatl, named Piltectetl, who had been shamefully ill-used by the Spaniards, leave to return home, but as Xicotencatl was jealous of this man on account of some love affair, he also secretly decamped for Tlascalla. (p.61.)

[22]Torquemada remarks that, though the younger Xicotencatl was a man of uncommon bravery, his courage failed him when he saw the hour of death approaching. However, this is hardly to be credited, for it is quite contrary to the Indian character. (p.62.)

[23]Cortes, in his despatches, tries to throw all the blame of this unfortunate attack upon the royal treasurer. (p.81.)

[24]Respecting this slimy substance, called by the Mexicans Tecuitlatl, see a former note, first vol. (p.95.)

[25]Bernal Diaz further remarks, (which we thought better to insert here,) that his complexion was fairer than that of the Indians in general; that he was above twenty-three years of age, and that he had a beautiful wife, daughter of his uncle Motecusuma. (p.98.)

[26]So the Spaniards called the famous general Gonsalo de Cordova. Our old soldier is generally very satirical when he speaks about the boasted campaigns of Italy. (p.106.)

[27]The battle of Garigliano, by which Cordova decided the fate of the kingdom of Naples. (p.106.)

[28]Yet Torquemada assures us that mothers had eaten of the flesh of their own offspring. (p.112.)

[29]The Spaniards at length, it would appear, took little notice of this barbarous custom of eating human flesh, so common among the Indians. Even here we see it is mentioned very coolly by Bernal Diaz. Human flesh certainly formed part of the provisions which Indian warriors carried with them when going out to battle. Both Gomara and Torquemada mention, that when Sandoval had defeated the warriors of Matlaltzinco, he found among their baggage a quantity of maise and numbers of roasted children. (p.114.)

[30]All accounts agree in laying the guilt of this inhuman act to the door of the crown officers. Cruelty formed no part of Cortes' character, yet he will always be reproached for having yielded up his better feelings on this occasion to satisfy the rapacity of others. To the honour of the Spanish name, I must here add, that Torquemada most distinctly remarks, that the whole of Cortes troops openly showed their disgust of this infamous deed. (p.117.)

[31]We have mentioned in a former note that this wine was made from the Agava Americana. To this day it is the common drink of the inhabitants of New Spain. (p.129.)

[32]Most likely the Chalchicoeca river, for under this name Torquemada comprehends the coast district south of the Islas de Sacrificios. Monarch. Ind. iv. (p.140.)

[33]Hibueras and not Higueras. Honduras and Hibueras were the original names given to the coast districts along the bay of the same name. For further information, see Monarch. Ind. iii, 41. (p.173.)

[34]Christobal de Oli set sail from Vera Cruz early in April of the year 1523. (p.175.)

[35]Bernal Diaz calls this pope Andriano de Lobayna, but he was not elected to the papal throne until the year following. (p.195.)

[36]The author calls this Flemish nobleman, Monsieur de Lasoa, the same who performed so conspicuous a part during the early part of the young emperor's reign. (p.195.)

[37]The emperor arrived in Spain in the month of June 1522, at the same time that Pope Adrian the Sixth repaired to Rome to take possession of the papal throne. (p.197.)

[38]This nobleman the emperor had appointed commander-in-chief of his troops in Spain; but all his operations were attended with little success, and he lost all influence at court. (p.198.)

[39]Bernal Diaz means the emperor's chancellor, Mercurin Arborio de Gattinara, who subsequently became a cardinal. (p.200.)

[40]Most likely in the year 1523. (p.207.)

[41]A town of Estremadura, and the native place of Cortes. (p.212.)

[42]Gomara, who had been domestic chaplain in Cortes' family, says, that Cortes sent his father on this occasion 25,000 castellanas de oro, and 800 pounds weight of silver, but that it was seized by the emperor. (p.219.)

[43]According to Gomara, several others had tried their wits to compose a verse for this field-piece, until Cortes himself engaged and hit upon those lines. Andreas de Tapia by way of joke proposed the following:A questo tiro a mi verMuchos necios a de hazer.

A questo tiro a mi verMuchos necios a de hazer.

[44]The liberties which Cortes granted to all those who built houses in Mexico, drew such vast crowds to the spot, that pestilential diseases broke out, which carried off numbers of human beings. The labourers, while at work, were enlivened by vocal and instrumental music. (p.221.)

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