How Cortes sent out a captain, named Francisco de las Casas against Christobal de Oli, on receiving intelligence that this officer had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had renounced all further obedience to him.
How Cortes sent out a captain, named Francisco de las Casas against Christobal de Oli, on receiving intelligence that this officer had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had renounced all further obedience to him.
In order to render this chapter quite intelligible to the reader I must recur to prior events. I mentioned above that Cortes fitted out an armament for the Honduras and Higueras, the command of which he intrusted to Christobal de Oli. It was not long before our generalreceived intelligence of the unfortunate termination of this expedition, as far as regarded himself. When, therefore, he learnt that Oli had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had determined to act independent of him, he became very pensive. But, as he was remarkably spirited, and not accustomed to joke in matters of this kind, he at once determined either to march against Oli in person, or to send out an officer against him on whom he could place implicit reliance, as he had previously declared to his majesty.
About this time there had arrived in Mexico a cavalier, named Francisco de las Casas. As he was a man in whom he could confide, being also related to him, he resolved to send him against Oli. For this purpose he fitted out a small armament, consisting of five vessels, well provided with cannon and other ammunition. On board of this fleet he embarked one hundred men, among whom were several of the veteran Conquistadores, as for instance, Pedro Moreno Medrano, Juan Nuñez de Mercado, Juan Vello, and many others, whose names I will not mention, as they died on their way thither.
Francisco de las Casas received full powers from Cortes to seize Oli and throw him into chains. He set sail from Vera Cruz with very favorable weather, and arrived in a short time in the bay of Triunfo de la Cruz, where Oli had founded a town of the same name, and in front of which his vessels lay at anchor. As Francisco de las Casas on entering the bay had hoisted a white flag, Oli scarcely knew what to think at first, but thought at all events it was better to be upon his guard, and ran out two of his smallest vessels, well-armed with a strong body of men, in order to prevent Las Casas from entering into the harbour and landing his troops, though he was as yet quite ignorant who the new comers were. Las Casas, who was a man of great courage and determination, immediately lowered his boats, on board of which he placed one of the falconets and the most active of his men, well armed with muskets and crossbows, being resolved, he said, to land his troops some how or other. A severe conflict now ensued, in which Las Casas bored one of Oli's vessels into the ground, killed four of his men and wounded several others.
Christobal de Oli, seeing that matters were growing very serious, thought it advisable on his part to stay hostilities, in order to gain time to assemble all his troops about him; for he had, a few days previously, despatched two companies to the river Pechin against a certain Gil Gonsalez de Avila, who had begun to subdue the country there. He therefore sent word to Las Casas that he was desirous of making terms of peace with him; to which Las Casas so far consented that he staidhostilities for the present, and lay out at sea with his vessel for the night, in order to effect a landing in some other bay. How much more fortunate it would have been for him if he had acted according to the letter which was secretly thrust into his hand during the engagement! In this letter namely, several of Oli's men who favoured Cortes advised Las Casas by all means to land his troops without delay; that they would all run over to his side and deliver up Oli a prisoner to him. Fortunately for Oli, and unfortunately for Las Casas, a furious north wind, which is the most dangerous of all on this coast, arose during the night, and the whole of his vessels were wrecked; thirty of his men were drowned, and all the ammunition and stores went to the bottom. Las Casas and the rest of his men, after wandering about the country for two days benumbed with wet and cold, without a morsel of food to eat, were all taken prisoners by Oli's troops.
Christobal de Oli, it may be imagined, was excessively rejoiced that things had thus terminated so unexpectedly in his favour, and he exulted greatly in having the person of Las Casas in his power. He immediately took the latter's troops into his service, and compelled them to take a solemn oath never to desert him, but to oppose Cortes if he should come with an army against him; not until they had promised all this did he set them at liberty. Las Casas alone he kept a prisoner.
Shortly upon this the detachment also returned which had been sent against Gil Gonsalez de Avila. This man had arrived in the country with the appointment of governor of Golfo Dulce, and he had already founded, at about four miles distance from the bay of the same name, a town which he called San Gil de Buena Vista. The country bounding on the river Chipin was at that time inhabited by a very warlike people; and as by far the greater part of Gil Gonsalez's troops were suffering from ill health, the latter had only been able to throw a feeble garrison into the town of Buena Vista. Christobal de Oli had been duly apprized of this, and ordered the town to be attacked; but his troops could not so easily get possession of the place as they expected. Avila's small body of men defended themselves most vigorously, and eight of the soldiers, with a cousin of his, were killed. Christobal de Oli was both rejoiced and proud to have taken prisoners the chief commanders of two separate armaments; and as he bore the character of being an excellent soldier, which, indeed, no one could deny, and it was of importance to him that the success of his arms should be made known through the islands, he immediately sent information of his good fortune to the governor of Cuba.
After this victory he marched his troops towards the interior of thecountry to a large township named Naco, which lay in a very populous district. It was upon this occasion that Naco was completely destroyed, and the whole of the surrounding country laid waste, and this I relate from eyewitness, as I subsequently visited these parts myself, when I accompanied Cortes on his expedition to the Honduras, of which a full account will be given in the proper place.
From Naco, Oli sent out a strong detachment to forage the country, under the command of Briones, who had been one of the first to advise Oli to declare his independence of Cortes. This Briones was of a turbulent disposition, besides being very passionate, and had only the upper half of his ears left, having had the bottom halves, as he asserted, cut off by the enemy, while he, with several other officers, was obstinately defending some fortification. He terminated his life in a miserable manner, for he was subsequently hung at Guatimala for creating a sedition among the troops. Some time after Briones had been sent out by Oli to a distant part of the country with a considerable body of his troops, he received intelligence that he had deserted, with the whole of the men under his command, and was marching in the direction of New Spain; this news was indeed found to be perfectly correct.
This circumstance, Las Casas and Avila thought, presented to them a most favorable opportunity to rid themselves of Oli, who still continued to treat both of them as prisoners of war, though they were allowed to go at large, for Oli depended too much upon his own personal courage to fear anything from them. The whole of the adherents of Cortes secretly joined Las Casas and Avila, and they agreed upon a certain signal to fall upon Oli and stab him to death under the cry of "In the name of the emperor and of Cortes, down with the tyrant!" Everything had been arranged in the best possible manner for this purpose, and Las Casas, on one occasion said to Oli: "Señor captain, do grant me my liberty and allow me to return to New Spain, in order that I may render an account to Cortes of the unfortunate termination of this expedition? I promise you to become mediator between yourself and Cortes, and to procure for you the government, with the chief military command of this country, and I will myself see the appointment drawn up in due form. What can you gain by detaining me a prisoner, for I am only a hindrance to you in all your undertakings?" To this Oli replied, "That he was perfectly contented with things as they were, and that he was delighted to have a man of his worth about him."
"But have at least then," continued Las Casas, "some thought for your own personal safety, for I might get it into my head some day or other to put you to death!"
As Las Casas said all this in a joking humour, he took no notice of it, and continued as little on his guard as ever.
One evening Las Casas, Avila, Juan Nuñez de Mercado, and other soldiers of Cortes' party were invited to sup with Oli. The first two, as prisoners of war, were not allowed to carry arms, but had concealed on their persons large knives, which were ground very sharp. The whole of the company had already laid aside their cloaks to seat themselves at table, and stood around Oli, discoursing on Cortes' good fortune and the conquest of the strong city of Mexico. As Christobal de Oli was thus quite off his guard, not in the least suspecting that there was any design upon his life, Las Casas, on a sudden, seized forcibly hold of his beard and stabbed him in the neck with his knife. Upon this the other conspirators fell in a body upon him, and gave him so many stabs, that he fell to the ground; but as he was a man of enormous muscular power he regained his consciousness, while the conspirators were sitting at table enjoying their suppers, and assembling all his strength he started up from the floor with the cry of: "My friends, assist your captain!" and then ran out to hide himself in the woods until his adherents should have rallied round him. And, indeed, a great part of his troops instantly assembled for this purpose; but Las Casas cried out to them: "In the name of the emperor and of Cortes I command you to fall upon the tyrant! His tyranny is no longer to be borne!"
As soon as these names were mentioned no one durst stir a finger in Oli's defence; on the contrary, every one quietly submitted and immediately obeyed Las Casas' commands, by hurrying off in search of Oli to bring him in a prisoner. He then made known that any one who knew of Oli's concealment and neglected to give information of it should suffer death.
By this means it was soon discovered where Oli lay concealed, and after he had been brought in a prisoner, a criminal suit was commenced against him in due form, and sentence of death being passed on him he was decapitated by order of these two officers, Las Casas and Avila on the market-place at Naco.
Thus miserably did Christobal de Oli end his days by listening to the advice of bad men, and forgetting how greatly he was indebted to Cortes, who had appointed him quartermaster-general, and had bestowed upon him lucrative commendaries. He had always proved himself a man of great courage, and was recently married to a Portuguese lady, named Filipa de Araujo, by whom he had a daughter.
As soon as Las Casas and Avila had got rid of their common enemy they assembled all the troops; they divided the command equallybetween themselves, and continued on the best terms with each other. Las Casas soon after founded the town of Truxillo, which he so called from his native place of Truxillo in Estremadura; and Avila despatched a small body of troops to the town which he had previously founded, called Buena Vista, in order to see what condition the colony was in. The command of this small detachment he gave to an officer named Armenta, with orders not to make any changes there, if at least he found everything in the same condition as when he left it; but to await his return from New Spain, whither he would immediately repair to beg Cortes for a fresh supply of troops. Las Casas likewise determined to proceed with Avila to Mexico, in order that they might jointly give Cortes an account of every circumstance that had transpired.
I must, however, close this chapter here, for I shall have to return to these occurrences in the proper part of my history; I have merely to observe, that Cortes did not receive intelligence of what I have just related till some considerable time after.
How Cortes himself marches at the head of his troops to the Honduras in search of Christobal de Oli; of the officers and men he selected on this occasion, and of other matters.
How Cortes himself marches at the head of his troops to the Honduras in search of Christobal de Oli; of the officers and men he selected on this occasion, and of other matters.
Several months having now elapsed since the departure of Las Casas with the armament, and Cortes still without any tidings from him, he began to fear that some misfortune had befallen him. The more he thought of the many dangers to which vessels are exposed, and the various changes of good and bad fortune which are inseparable from an expedition of this nature, the more he regretted, notwithstanding all the confidence he placed in Las Casas, that he had not gone in person at the head of the armament. All this, added to the assurances he had received of there being lucrative gold mines along the coast of the Honduras, determined Cortes to march thither in person at the head of his troops.
His first care was to have the fortifications of Mexico well mounted with cannon, and a good supply of ammunition to be laid by in the arsenals for the protection of the city. The government of New Spain he intrusted in his absence to the treasurer Alonso de Estrada and to the accountant Albornoz. How he could make choice of the latter isquite beyond my speculation; but he certainly would not have done so if he had been aware of the infamous manner in which Albornoz had slandered him to the emperor.
The licentiate Zuazo, who has so often been mentioned in the course of this history, he appointed alcalde-mayor of Mexico, and the entire management of his own private property he gave to his relative Rodrigo de Paz.
After he had thus made every provision for the government and security of Mexico, he particularly desired the crown officers, to whom he had intrusted the chief government, the Franciscan friar Toribio Motolinia, and the excellent father Olmedo, who was held in the highest estimation in Mexico, and had deservedly the greatest influence on all classes of people, to act in harmony to assist each other in the conversion of the Indians and to maintain peace and good order throughout the provinces, as well as in the city itself. In order, however, to deprive the discontented of the Indian population in the city and in the provinces of all possibility of choosing any leader of distinction, should they take it into their heads to rise up in arms during his absence, he took along with him Quauhtemoctzin, besides the king of Tlacupa, and several others of the most distinguished caziques of the country, among whom the chief of Tapiezuela held the first rank, and even despatched a message to the caziques of Mechoacan, desiring them also to join his army.
As Geronimo de Aguilar had died some time previously, he only took Doña Marina with him as interpretess. The suite of principal officers and cavaliers who accompanied him in this expedition was very brilliant; of which I shall only mention Sandoval, Luis Marin, Francisco Marmolejo, Gonzalo Rodriguez de Ocampo, Pedro de Ircio, the brothers Avalos and Saavedra, Palacios Rubios, Pedro de Sauzedo, Geronimo Ruiz de la Mota, Alonso de Grado, Sante Cruz Burgales, Pedro de Solis, Juan Xaramillo, Alonso Valiente, Navarrete, and Serna; further, Diego de Mazariegos, cousin to the treasurer Gil Gonsalez de Benavides, Herman Lopez de Avila, Gaspar Garnica, and several others, whose names I have forgotten. The priests who joined this army were, father Juan de las Varillas, of Salamanca, and two Flemish monks, who were profound theologians, and preached a good deal. Besides these, there was another priest, whose name has slipped my memory. Of the officers of his household, Cortes selected his major-domo Carranza, his chief waiters Juan de Jasso and Rodrigo Mañeco, his butler Cervan Bejarano, and two stewards of the kitchen department, San Miguel and Guinea.
As Cortes took with him a great quantity of gold and silver utensilsand ornaments, he gave the immediate charge of these to a certain Tello, of Medina, and another person, named Salazar, of Madrid. As physician he took the licentiate Pedro de Lopez, of Mexico, and as surgeon Diego de Pedraza. To all these was added a number of pages, of whom Don Francisco de Montejo was one, who subsequently commanded in Yucatan, and was son to the oft-mentioned Montejo, adelantado of the latter province; further, there were two pages appointed as his lance-bearers; his chief equerry Gonzalo Rodriguez de Ocampo, with a number of grooms, and three Spanish mule-drivers; two falconers, Garci Caro and Alvaro Montanes; a number of performers on the sackbut, clarion, and dulcimer; lastly, a buffoon and a juggler, who likewise entertained the men with puppet-shows; further, he took with him a large herd of swine, in order that the troops might have a constant supply of fresh meat on their march. Besides the numbers of Indians which accompanied the several caziques, a body of 3000 Mexican warriors were also joined to this army.
Just as Cortes was about to commence his march from Mexico, the factor Salazar and the veedor Chirinos, who were both hurt and disappointed that Cortes had not thought proper to give them any particular appointment during the time he would be absent, urged on the licentiate Zuazo and Rodrigo de Paz, besides all the veteran Conquistadores and Cortes' intimate friends who remained behind in the metropolis, earnestly to dissuade him from leaving Mexico, and not to intrust the government of the country to other hands, as there was not the least doubt but that the whole of New Spain would revolt in his absence. These representations occasioned much debate between both parties; but as Cortes abided by the resolution he had taken, the factor and veedor begged of him to allow them, at least, to accompany him to Guacasualco, through which his march lay, and so far to accept of their services.
Cortes thus left Mexico[45*]at the head of his army, and took the road leading to the last-mentioned province. The splendour with which he was received in every township he came to, and the festivities which took place in his honour, were really astonishing. On his march he was also joined by fifty men who had but recently arrived from Spain, all light-hearted extravagant young fellows.
In order that his troops might not be detained on the road for want of provisions, and to procure these the more readily, he divided his army into two bodies, which marched by different routes to Guacasualco. Immediately about his person were Sandoval, the factor and the veedor, who vied with each other in their attentions to him; but none of themcarried their politeness so far as the factor, who, whenever he addressed Cortes, bowed himself almost double, with his head uncovered, and took every opportunity, under the most flattering assurances of his devoted attachment, to dissuade him from this tedious and perilous expedition, and summoned to his aid all the subtlety of rhetoric in representing to him the evils that might ensue from it, and the little advantage he could gain. He would often sing out, when riding along at the side of Cortes:
Turn back, dear uncle, turn back;Dear uncle, turn back!
To this Cortes likewise replied, in a singing tone of voice:
Forward, nephew; forward, nephew;Let not omens dishearten you;The will of God it must be done;Forward, nephew; forward, nephew!
When the division which was commanded by Cortes himself arrived in the neighbourhood of Orizaba, the property of the squinting Ojedo, Doña Marina was married to Juan Xaramillo, and the hymeneal knot was solemnly tied in presence of witnesses.
The army now marched further on towards the extensive township of Guazaltepec, which was comprised in the commendary of Sandoval. From this place we received intelligence in Guacasualco of Cortes' approach, and the whole of us officers and distinguished personages of the town, with the alcaldes, regidors, and all the chief authorities, immediately marched out, and we advanced about 132 miles into the country to receive our general. This was done with such zeal on our part as if we were each going to receive some large benefice; and I merely mention this circumstance to show the reader how much Cortes was esteemed and feared at the same time. He was always pleased to find this kind of respect paid to his person, and it was impossible to go too far in your attentions to him.
The army now continued its march from Guazaltepec further on towards Guacasualco, and had to pass over a very broad and rapid river, when the first ill omen showed itself; for three of the canoes, which were conveying across considerable sums of money and other things, upset, and all they contained went to the bottom. Upon this occasion Juan Xaramillo lost the half of his baggage, nor was it possible to save any part that floated down the river, on account of the enormous alligators with which the water abounded.
From this place Cortes marched over the townships of Uluta up tothe broad river of Guacasualco, where every preparation had been made to convey the army across, for which purpose a great number of canoes lay ready fastened two and two together. In the town of Guacasualco itself triumphal arches had been erected, and every preparation had been made to entertain our general as magnificently as possible. Sham fights took place between Christians and Moors, all kinds of fireworks were displayed at night, and various other rejoicings were kept up.
Cortes staid altogether six days in Guacasualco, during which time the veedor and factor left him not a moment's peace, with their representations to relinquish the expedition, and return to Mexico. They constantly reminded him of the men to whom he had confided the chief government, and told him that the accountant Albornoz was a man fond of innovation, restless of disposition, and double-faced; that the treasurer openly prided himself on being a son of his catholic majesty; so that very little trust could be placed in either of these gentlemen. From the moment he had intrusted the government to them, and even previously, they had laid their heads together, and determined upon some secret movement. They likewise reminded Cortes of the letters he had received on his march hither, from Mexico, in which it was stated that his two representatives had already began to slander his government of the country. In short, the veedor and factor spoke in such eloquent and flattering terms of their great attachment to his person, and how much more fitting persons they were themselves to have been intrusted with the government in his absence than the two other gentlemen, that at last they actually persuaded him to grant them equal power in the administration; and not only this, but with the additional authority to take the sole government into their own hands, if they saw that Albornoz and Estrada acted against the true interests of his majesty.
The power which Cortes thus conferred upon the veedor and factor was the source of many evils, and of the terrible insurrection which shortly after burst out in Mexico, and of which I will give a full account in a following chapter, when our army has fairly reached the town of Truxillo, after a long and tedious march. I will only take this opportunity of observing, that father Olmedo, and the Franciscan monks who accompanied us, did not hesitate a moment to tell Cortes how greatly they disapproved of this measure, and said, they hoped to God he would not have to repent of this step: and indeed their apprehensions were but too well confirmed by future events! Cortes, however, took little heed of what the good Franciscans had said; for only the words of father Olmedo, whom he consulted on most occasions, had ever any weight with him.
When the factor and the veedor took leave of Cortes before returning to Mexico, it was ludicrous to behold their reverential bows, and to hear the compliments they paid him. The factor, in particular, had a manner of sighing peculiar to himself, and he appeared ready to burst into tears when he took leave of Cortes, and the deed of appointment, which had been drawn out by his intimate friend, the secretary Alonso Valiente, was put into his hands. Both these gentlemen now set out for Mexico, whither they were accompanied by Hernan Lopez de Avila, as he was suffering from severe pains in his joints and large swellings in his groins, so that he could scarcely move along.
We will now wish them a pleasant journey, and begin to think of our tedious march, during which we suffered so many hardships, that it was a wonder any of us ever returned alive.
How we commence our march from Guacasualco, and the terrible fatigues and hardship we had to undergo for the space of two years and three months.
How we commence our march from Guacasualco, and the terrible fatigues and hardship we had to undergo for the space of two years and three months.
The first thing Cortes did, after despatching the veedor and factor to Mexico, was to write to his major-domo Simon de Cuenca, at Vera Cruz, ordering him to load two small vessels with maise biscuits, six pipes of wine, oil, vinegar, smoked hog's flesh, and other provisions, besides a good quantity of horseshoes. Cuenca was himself to take charge of these vessels, and to sail in along the coast until he should receive further instructions as to the place he was to put into.
The next thing he did was to issue orders to all the Spanish settlers at Guacasualco, with the exception of those who were ill, to join him in this expedition. The reader will remember, from what I stated in a former chapter, that the first Spanish colonists of Guacasualco were all of the oldest Conquistadores of New Spain, and most of them were of noble families. The whole of us had now hoped to enjoy some repose, and that we should have been allowed to recover from all the great fatigues and hardships we had undergone; and we were just bringing our lands into a pretty good state of cultivation, when we received orders from Cortes to accompany him in an expedition of above 2000 miles from Guacasualco, the whole of our route lying through a hostile country; on an expedition which lasted for two years and three months, and in which we lost everything we took with us! Not one of us had sufficient courage to say no; and if he had, it would haveavailed him nothing, for he would have been compelled to go! We therefore equipped ourselves in the best possible manner, caparisoned our horses, and patiently awaited our general's commands to march out.
Cortes' whole force, including those of Guacasualco, consisted of above 250 foot, besides the musketeers and crossbow-men, 130 horse, and a number of men recently arrived from Spain. Before leaving Guacasualco, Cortes gave me the chief command of a detachment, consisting of 30 Spaniards and 3000 Mexicans, with instructions to march against the Cimatans, and force them into obedience, as they still obstinately refused to submit to our arms. The 3000 Mexicans were to be distributed among the townships of the country, but I was particularly instructed to abstain from all violent measures if the inhabitants were peaceably inclined, and submitted as vassals to our emperor; neither was I to demand anything further from them than the necessary provisions for the troops. If they still persisted in their hostilities, I was thrice to summon them to submit, in a manner intelligible to them, and in presence of a notary and several witnesses; but if they refused to submit after the third summons, I was to commence hostilities against them without any further delay.
I am still in possession of the document containing these instructions, which is signed by Cortes himself, and countersigned by his secretary Alonso Valiente.
These commands I punctually obeyed, and I had the good fortune to tranquillize the whole province; but this was of very short duration, for when these Indians heard what a small number of Spaniards were left behind in Guacasualco, and that the whole of the veteran Conquistadores had marched out with Cortes, they again revolted, a few months after our departure.
As soon as I had pacified the province of Cimatan, I again joined the main body under Cortes, with which I came up near Iquinupa. Our general had marched from Guacasualco to Tonala, a distance of about thirty-two miles; he passed a river by means of canoes, and then came to the township Ayagualulco. From this place he continued his march twenty-eight miles further on, up to an arm of the sea, over which Cortes threw a bridge, which was in every respect a work of wonder, and was half a mile in length. During the whole of our march through this country, two of our officers of Guacasualco had to go a considerable way in advance of the army. One of these captains was Francisco de Medina, a man of a peaceable disposition, and who knew best how to manage the inhabitants of the country.
After we had crossed this estuary, we passed through several smalltownships, until we arrived on the banks of the immense river Mazapa, which flows from Chiapa, and is termed by the sailorsRio de dos bocas. A large number of canoes lay ready for us here, fastened two and two together, in which we ferried safely across this broad river. We then passed through numerous small townships, and had to throw a bridge across another estuary, and also a river, before we reached the extensive township of Copilco, and here you enter the populous province of Chontalpa. This country enjoyed the profoundest peace at that time, and was everywhere covered with cacao plantations. From Copilco we passed over Nacanuxuica to Zaqutan, after passing over another river, by means of canoes. On our arrival in this township, the inhabitants appeared very friendly disposed, but during the night they had all left, and fled to the opposite shore of a broad river, between the swamps. Cortes then ordered that we should march across the mountains, in search of the inhabitants. This was indeed a most inconsiderate command, nor was there any advantage to be gained thereby.
It was only with the greatest difficulty, after undergoing excessive fatigues, that we succeeded in passing over this broad river, and all we gained by it was the capture of seven Indian chiefs, with a few of the common people; but even these soon ran away from us, so that at last we had not even a single person left to guide us on our march.
While we were staying here, the chief caziques of Tabasco came to us with fifty canoes, laden with maise and other provisions. Some of the inhabitants of the Teapan townships, then comprehended in my commendary, also arrived, with several canoes full of provisions.
Our further march now lay through Tepetitan and Iztapa. In our road we had to pass the deep river Chilapa, where we were detained four days in constructing boats to ferry over the army without danger. Further up this river I knew there was a township, which likewise bore the name of Chilapa. I therefore proposed to our general to despatch five of our Indian guides to this place, and request the inhabitants to come down with their canoes. To this Cortes readily agreed, and he ordered one of our men to accompany the Indians thither, who succeeded so well, that they returned with two caziques, besides six large canoes laden with provisions. With these and the boats we had constructed, the whole of the troops safely crossed the river; but, as I have said before, all this cost us four whole days.
We then arrived in the township of Tepetitan, which was quite deserted by its inhabitants, and every house had been burnt to the ground. The inhabitants of this place, we were told, had been at war with their neighbours, and a severe battle had recently been fought between them,in which the former were defeated with great loss, when the enemy destroyed their town by fire, and returned home with a great number of prisoners.
For the next three days after we had passed the river Chilapa, our route lay through one continued bog, in which our horses often sank up to their girths. The next township we came to was Iztapa, where we did not meet a living soul, for the inhabitants, from fear of us, had all fled across a rapid river. We, however, went instantly in pursuit of them, and after some time we came up with the caziques, and a number of men, women, and children. Cortes, by means of Doña Marina, spoke very kindly to them, and restored to their families four women and three men, whom we had captured among the mountains. In gratitude for this, and in order to show how friendly they were disposed towards us, these Indians presented our general with several ornaments of gold, but the metal was of an inferior quality. In this neighbourhood we halted three days, as it contained plenty of good food for our horses, and a great abundance of maise. Cortes considered this would be a most eligible spot to found a colony in, as the country round about contained a number of wealthy townships, from which a settlement would derive great advantages, and have a constant supply of all necessaries. Here Cortes also made the most minute inquiries of the caziques and Indian merchants as to the route we were to take; for which purpose he laid before them a piece of nequen cloth, he had brought with him from Guacasualco, and on which were noted down all the townships we had to pass through up to Huyacala. This place was termed by these Indians Great Acala, in order to distinguish it from another, called Little Acala, and they assured us that the greater part of our route lay through a country containing numerous rivers, and was intersected in various places by arms of the sea. Up to Tamaztepec alone, they said, which lay at a distance of three days' journey, we should have to pass no less than three rivers, and one estuary, which was exceedingly broad.
In consequence of this information, Cortes requested the caziques to furnish us with canoes, and assist us in the construction of bridges. This they readily consented to do, but took care not to fulfil their promise. We, however, placed perfect confidence in what they had said, and only took provisions for three days with us. But it appears they had merely wished to get rid of us as speedily as possible; for, instead of three, it took us seven days' march before we arrived at Tamaztepec, nor did we find at any of the rivers either canoes or bridges; so that our Indian friends had deceived us in every way. We were thereforecompelled to set to work ourselves, to construct bridges sufficiently strong to carry our horses; every officer and soldier set diligently to work in felling the heavy trees, and dragging them to the river side, in all of which we were likewise greatly assisted by the Mexican warriors. Three days were spent in the construction of this bridge, during which time we had nothing to subsist on but grass, and a wild root called by the Indians quecuenque, which burnt our lips and tongues. After we had at length, with great difficulty, safely crossed this broad estuary, our further progress was almost impeded by an impenetrable barrier of thickets and woods, through which we were obliged to cut a road with our swords. In this way we continued to move forward in a straight line, in the hopes of reaching some township. One morning, as usual, when we had again commenced marching forward in this laborious manner, Cortes himself began to find that our position was truly miserable. He could not help hearing how the men murmured against him, and cursed the whole expedition, and the terrible hunger they sustained; uttering aloud that he ought immediately to march back to Mexico, if at least he was not desirous of starving us to death. To all this suffering was added, that we now saw before us nothing but terrific mountains, which almost hid the very heavens from our view. Though some of us climbed to the tops of the highest trees, all we could see was one huge pile of mountains frowning above the other on every side. Besides this, two of our Indian guides had secretly decamped, and the third was so ill, that he was unable to move along, and had so far lost his recollection, that he could give us no information as to which way we were to bend our steps. But as Cortes was a man who never shrunk back from any difficulty, and whose active mind was never at a loss, he ordered the pilot Pedro Lopez to bring him the compass, which he placed on our map of nequen cloth above mentioned, and then desired him to point out the direction we were to take, in order to reach the nearest township. In accordance with Lopez's instructions, we commenced cutting our way through the woods in an easterly direction, and moved up the mountains. It was here that our general himself declared he should be quite at a loss what to do, if we did not reach some township by the next day.
Although every one of us would gladly have marched back to New Spain at this moment, yet, strengthened by hope, we continued our difficult route, and in a short time it pleased God we should come up to a tree which had been recently cut down, and a little further on to a small footpath. Pedro Lopez and myself, who were a good bit in advance, with several of the men, to explore the way, instantly hastened back toinform Cortes of our discovery, and to assure him that some habitation or other must be in the immediate vicinity. Our general, with the whole of the men, were exceedingly rejoiced at this news; though we found that we had to cross a river and several marshes before we could reach any dwellings. By employing our utmost exertions, however, we soon surmounted these difficulties, and we arrived at a township, from which the inhabitants had fled on our approach, but leaving behind them a quantity of maise, beans, and other vegetables, which tasted the more savoury to us, as we were completely famished. Here our horses likewise regained their strength, and we offered up our humble thanks to God for so much mercy. On this last march, Cortes' buffoon and three soldiers, who had recently arrived from Spain, died from exhaustion. A great number of Mechoacan and Mexican Indians likewise perished, and many others, who were unable to bear the fatigues, became ill, and in despair sank down on the ground as we marched along.
As this township was quite deserted by its inhabitants, and we had no guides left, Cortes despatched myself and another captain among the mountains in search of other small villages. Others of our men also crossed the broad river, which flows here, in some canoes they found, belonging to this township, and they soon came up with a number of the inhabitants, thirty of whom, for the greater part caziques and papas, they persuaded, by kind words and promises, to accompany them to Cortes, who, with the assistance of Doña Marina, spoke to them in an affectionate manner; so that they brought us several more fowls, and a quantity of maise. They then pointed out the route we were to take, in order to reach the next township, which was called Izguatepec, the distance to which place, they said, was three days' journey, or sixty-four miles; but that on our road we should come up to another small township, which was subject to Tamaztepec, where we were then staying.
Before describing our further march, I must not forget to mention that a few Mexican chiefs, who were unable to endure the pains of hunger any longer, had secreted two or three Indians of the townships we had passed through, among their baggage. These unfortunate beings they slaughtered on our march, and baked them after the fashion of their country, between heated stones, under ground, and then devoured their flesh. We afterwards discovered that our two guides, whom we so suddenly missed, had been served in a similar manner. When Cortes was informed of this revolting circumstance, he ordered the caziques into his presence, and reprimanded them for committing such atrocities, threatening to punish them most severely if they repeated this abominable conduct. One of the Franciscan monks likewisepreached a sermon on the occasion, and he told them many holy and edifying things. In order, however, to deter the caziques from committing a similar offence, one of them was sentenced to be burnt at the stake.[46]
I will not go further into the particulars of the many hardships and privations we had to suffer. Our distress was so great, that even the performers on the sackbut, clarion, and dulcimer, who were constantly to have amused us with their instruments, the only hard work they had to do, fell ill for want of food, and so an end was put to their music.
There was only one of them who managed to force out a tune now and then, but we all grew so sick of his blowing and puffing that we told him it sounded in our ears like the mingled howls of foxes and wolves, and that a handful of maise to stay the cravings of hunger would be more acceptable than all his music.
Several persons on reading this history have asked me, why we did not kill the herd of swine which Cortes took with him? For you know, they said, that necessity breaks through all law, and Cortes would undoubtedly have distributed some of the flesh from time to time among the troops. To this I answered, that Cortes' chief butler Guinea, a man of a dubious character, gave out that the hogs had by degrees all been devoured by the alligators and sharks in crossing the rivers. However, in order that we might never catch sight of these swine, they were always kept about four days' journey behind us; though I must confess that the whole herd put together would not have fed our numerous troops for one single day, and besides this, no one ever spoke of killing them for fear of annoying Cortes.
In every township we came to, and in various other places wherever we found proper trees for the purpose, particularly the ceiba tree, we cut the form of a cross into the bark, these being much more durable than those crosses usually constructed of two pieces of wood and stuck into the ground; besides that, the former become more and more perceptible as the bark grows. To these we likewise fastened scraps of paper, that would immediately catch the eye, and on which was written:Cortes passed this way on such and such a day, for the instruction of those who might be sent after us. On our march to Ciguatepec we were accompanied by above twenty Indians of Tamaztepec, in order to assist us in crossing the rivers with their canoes; some of them likewise went in advance, to acquaint the inhabitants of the townships that we came in a friendly disposition. By this so much was gained, that those who would otherwise have fled at our approach now quietly awaited our arrival without evincing the least fear.
How Cortes on our arrival at Ciguatepec despatches Francisco de Medina in search of Simon de Cuenca, with orders for the latter to repair with the two vessels to Triunfo de la Cruz; and what further happened.
How Cortes on our arrival at Ciguatepec despatches Francisco de Medina in search of Simon de Cuenca, with orders for the latter to repair with the two vessels to Triunfo de la Cruz; and what further happened.
Cortes' first care on our arrival in Ciguatepec was to gain the friendship of the caziques and of other distinguished persons of the township, and for this purpose he presented them with a number of Mexican chalchihuis stones. These people then gave him an account of a very broad river which flowed at no great distance from their township, and emptied itself into an arm of the sea, near to the township of Gueyatasta, which lay close to the larger one called Xicalango. From Ciguatepec Cortes, therefore, considered it most advisable to send some one to the north coast in search of the two transports under Simon de Cuenca, and after making the minutest inquiries respecting the route they were to take, he despatched two Spaniards thither for this purpose, the principal one of whom was Francisco de Medina, a man who was very active and prompt in everything he undertook. This is the same officer who caused an insurrection in Chamula, in our expedition under Luis Marin against Chiapa, mentioned in a former chapter.
Cortes gave him full power to share the command between himself and Cuenca, but it would have been much better if he had never given him this authority, as will presently be seen. However, Medina went down the river and found Cuenca lying at anchor with his vessels in front of Xicalango, awaiting Cortes' further commands, according to the instructions he had received. As soon as Medina stepped on board he produced his authority from our general with respect to the command, which gave rise to high words between both parties, and ended in so bloody a conflict in which the crews mingled, that they slew each other without mercy, and only seven men remained alive. But here misfortunes were not at an end, for when the Indians of Xicalango and Gueyatasta saw how the Spaniards quarrelled among themselves and weakened their strength, they fell suddenly upon those that survived, put them to death and then set fire to the vessels. Though we did not hear of all this until two years and a half had elapsed.
The caziques of Ciguatepec informed us that we were still three days' journey from Gueyacala, and that we should have to cross tworivers, of which one was uncommonly deep and broad; after this our route would lay through an extensive moorland, full of dangerous bogs, and they assured us we should not be able to cross the rivers without canoes. Cortes therefore despatched two Spaniards with three distinguished Indians in advance, to bring him an accurate account of the state of the rivers and the marshes, and inform him what would be the easiest method of crossing them. The two soldiers who received these commands were, Pedro de Ribera and Martin Garcia, of Valencia, who was alguacil of our army, and in whom our general placed the greatest confidence. They set out on their march, explored the rivers in small canoes, and were of opinion that the only way to pass the former would be by throwing bridges across; but as for the marshes, which lay four miles further on, they had never even given them a thought, and they only brought word about the difficulty of throwing bridges across the water. Cortes then sent for myself and Gonsalo Mexia, and commissioned us to go in company of some of the chiefs of Ciguatepec to the Acallan townships, and do all in our power to gain the friendship of the inhabitants, that they might not run away as our army approached.
These Acallan townships were above twenty in number, some built on the mainland, some on the small islands which lay in the river and at the head of the estuary, so that they could only communicate with each other by means of canoes. We accordingly set out with our Indian friends, who, however, deserted us on the first night, because they were at enmity with these townships, as we subsequently learnt. We were, therefore, obliged to continue our route in the best way we could without the help of guides, and it was only with the greatest difficulty we found our way through the morasses to the first of the Acallan townships. Although on our approach the inhabitants immediately took up arms, we sought to gain their friendship by kind words and presents of glass beads, begging of them to accompany us to Malinche and take him something to eat. These people were then not aware that Cortes was advancing with so large a body of foot and horse, and showed little inclination to return with us. It was not until the following day, when they learnt from some Indian merchants what a large army Malinche had with him, that they evinced greater willingness to supply him with provisions. Though, at the same time, they told us he must wait for these until he arrived in person, when they would gladly supply him with everything that lay in their power. They could not think, they added, of entering upon the territory of Ciguatepec, where their enemies lived. While we were thus holding aconference with these people, two Spaniards arrived with a letter from Cortes, in which he desired me to meet him on his march with as large a quantity of provisions as I could possibly collect together, for the whole of the inhabitants of Ciguatepec had suddenly fled, and not a morsel of food was to be got; he was therefore compelled to commence his march immediately, and I was to use all my endeavours to persuade the caziques to remain in their townships.
These two Spaniards also told me that our general had despatched four men up the river in search of provisions among the townships, which were said to lie in that direction. But none of these men had returned, having most probably been murdered by the inhabitants.
Cortes, therefore, began his march, and arrived in the space of two days on the banks of the broad river above mentioned. Here he displayed his usual activity of mind in superintending the construction of a bridge, which, with the utmost exertions, was completed in the space of four days of the tallest and thickest trees growing in the neighbourhood, which greatly excited the astonishment of the inhabitants of Acala. During these four days our troops had scarcely anything to eat, as they had commenced their march without any provisions whatever. And what was worse, they were totally ignorant whether any maise was to be had further on, or whether the country was at peace. Some of the veteran troops stopped the gnawing pain of hunger by cutting down a species of very tall palm-tree, which bore on the topmost branches a kind of nut, with an uncommon hard shell, these they roasted in the fire and ate the kernel.
A short time after this strong bridge had been completed, I and my companions returned to where the army lay encamped, bringing with us one hundred and thirty loads of maise, eighty fowls, some honey, some salt, and various kinds of vegetables. Though it was pretty late when we arrived, yet the whole of the men were keeping a sharp look out for us, as they were perfectly aware we had gone out in search of provisions; our general, moreover, having assured them he had good hopes they would shortly get something to eat, if at least the Indians did not kill me, as they had the four other Spaniards he had despatched in search of provisions.
As I was thus approaching the camp in the dark, the whole of our troops suddenly fell upon the provisions like ravenous wolves, and took entire possession of them, nor did they leave the smallest quantity, either for Cortes, Sandoval, or the other superior officers. "This is for Cortes!" cried they each time they forcibly carried off a load of provisions. His major-domo Carranza, and his butler Guinea, certainlydisputed the possession with them, and tugged with all their might at the sacks, but our men were determined to keep all to themselves, and continually cried out: "Cortes and you regaled yourselves with the hogs while we were famishing with hunger, and you never offered us a morsel; and now in our turn we are determined to care for nobody but ourselves!" In short, all Cortes' officials might say went for nothing, and they divided the whole of the provisions among themselves.
When Cortes heard this he stamped the ground with rage, swore he would bring the guilty persons to trial and punish them severely. However, after he had given vent to his anger for some time, and had considered the matter a little, he found that all his threats amounted to nothing. Yet he sent for me, and asked me, in a tone of reproach, why I had not defended the possession of the provisions more effectually? I replied, "That he should have despatched a small detachment to meet me on the road," although, added I, "if your excellency had formed one of the guard yourself it would have been of no avail, for hunger knows no law."
When he saw that there was no remedy, and that extreme distress alone had induced the men to act thus he became quite friendly again, and praised me in the most flattering terms. Gonzalo de Sandoval happened to be present when he was thus kindly addressing me, and I still well remember how Cortes said to me, "O! señor Bernal Diaz del Castillo, for the love you bear me, if you have concealed any provisions on the road do, I beg of you, let me share them with you! You cannot certainly have forgotten to stow some part away for yourself and your friend Sandoval!"
The tone in which he said this went to my very heart; besides that, Sandoval exclaimed, at the same moment, "I declare to Heavens I should feel grateful for a mere handful of maise to roast on the fire for my supper!"
Well, said I, when all is quiet and the whole of the troops have retired to rest, we will steal out in the depth of night and repair to the next village, where the inhabitants have put by for me twelve loads of maise, twenty fowls, three jars of honey, some salt, and have presented me besides with two females to bake my bread. We must use the utmost circumspection and fetch all this while it is yet dark, that our men may not again waylay us on the road, and likewise deprive us of these provisions.
Sandoval was so exceedingly thankful for this fair prospect of getting something to eat in a short time, that he fell about my neck and embraced me, with the assurance that he would march out with me thatvery night. We accordingly left our camp in company, had the good fortune to bring in these provisions unperceived, and we regaled ourselves at our ease. Cortes upon this inquired whether the monks had been provided for? To which I replied, that God took better care of them than he did, for the soldiers had not forgotten to give them a share of the provisions they had plundered, in order that they might not perish of hunger.
I have merely mentioned all this in order to show the reader in what an awful predicament a general may be placed who penetrates with an army into an unknown country. Though Cortes was greatly feared by the troops, yet they even to a man grudged him a handful of maise to still his hunger, and Sandoval himself was obliged to go in search of provisions when he wanted any, for he durst not trust any of his men. So little confidence did one place in the other!
We had all safely passed the broad river, and marched about four miles in a straight line, when we got fixed in a terrible morass. Here all throwing in of trees and other materials to make a road was fruitless. Our horses sunk in so deep, that often their heads alone were to be seen above ground, and we thought we should never have rescued a single one of them alive. Yet we were ordered to march forward, for we should again be on firm ground at the distance of about half a bowshot. We thus continued to move on, while our army left a deep hollow track behind it, formed of mud and water, the horses swimming, sometimes wading, through the deeper parts. At length we reached firm land, and we offered up thanks to God for our escape.
Cortes now again despatched me to the Acallan townships, in order to induce the caziques, with whom I had become very friendly, to send off some provisions to him in advance. I instantly set out on my journey, arrived towards evening in Acala, and despatched that very night three Spaniards who had accompanied me, with about one hundred Indians, to Cortes, laden with maise and other provisions. When our general gave me these instructions, he added: "This time I will await the arrival of the provisions, and stand guard over them, that I may not fare as badly as I did before." And sure enough, when they arrived, he, Sandoval, and Luis Marin took them into their own custody, and ordered them to be distributed under their own eyes.
The following day, about noon, the army arrived in Acala, the caziques of which place having met our general with a supply of provisions; but I will break off here, and relate what further took place in the next chapter.