CHAPTER CXCIII.

How the licentiate commences the investigation against Cortes, and all those persons who had filled judicial offices; and how he fell ill shortly after and died.

How the licentiate commences the investigation against Cortes, and all those persons who had filled judicial offices; and how he fell ill shortly after and died.

Ponce de Leon publicly announced that a commission of inquiry would be set on foot, against Cortes, and against all those who filledmilitary commands, or held judicial authority. As Cortes had many enemies, and among them several who had real cause of complaint, various old grievances were harrowed up, to substantiate which witnesses were required, and thus it may be imagined the whole city presented one continued scene of lawsuits. One brought his accusations against our general respecting his unjust division of the gold; another complained that, notwithstanding his majesty had particularly ordered Cortes to give him a fair portion of the Indians, in their distribution, the latter had neglected to do so, but had bestowed them on persons whose only merit consisted in their having been servants of Martin Cortes and of the grandees of Spain. Others again demanded an indemnification for their horses which had been killed in the several campaigns, for they did not consider the gold they had received a sufficient compensation for their losses. Lastly, there were also persons who preferred their charges against Cortes for injuries which they had suffered by his orders. These investigations had, however, been scarcely set on foot, when, to our great misfortune, it pleased the Almighty that the licentiate Leon should fall ill.

It appears that he had been attending mass in the Franciscan cloister, on leaving which he was seized with so malignant a fever that he was obliged to be put to bed immediately, and he became so prostrate in strength that he lay in a state of unconsciousness for four successive days. He received every attention from his medical attendants, the licentiate Pedro Lopez, the Dr. Ojeda, and a third physician, who had come with him from Spain; but they were of opinion from the very first moment that his illness was of a dangerous nature, and they advised him to confess and make the holy communion. For this Leon was quite prepared, and he received the holy sacrament with the greatest humility, and then made his last will, in which he appointed the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar, who had accompanied him from Hispaniola, to succeed him in the government.

There were many persons who maintained that this Aguilar was not a licentiate, but that he had only the degree of bachelor; and that, properly speaking, he was not qualified to fill an appointment of this nature. Ponce de Leon, however, seems to have been of a different opinion, and he had his commission drawn out in such a manner that all the actions and inquiries, including the criminal suits against the factor and veedor, should remain as they then were, until his majesty had been informed how far he himself had progressed in these matters; for which purpose a vessel was immediately to be despatched to Spain.

After he had thus arranged his earthly affairs, and had performedthe last duties for the salvation of his soul, he died on the ninth day after he had fallen ill, and delivered up his immortal soul into the hands of his Maker. Great, indeed, was the grief and despondency which his sudden death occasioned to all the Conquistadores. They mourned his loss as if he had been their common father, because they were convinced that it had been his real intention to reward and honour all those who had proved themselves faithful servants to his majesty; for which purpose his majesty had given him the necessary powers and instructions. The Conquistadores, therefore, sincerely lamented the untimely end of this gentleman; and even Cortes himself and the greater part of the cavaliers in Mexico put on mourning for him. His interment took place in the Franciscan cloisters with every pomp and ceremony.

Luis Ponce was very fond of music, and several cavaliers who attended on him told me that, in the last days of his illness, he desired some one to play on the guitar at his bedside, in order to cheer him up. In his last moments even he desired the musician to play a dance, but as he was not able to move his legs from excessive weakness, he at least accompanied the movements with his lips, and this he continued to do until he breathed his last.

The enemies of Cortes and Sandoval, on this occasion, again began to whisper their calumnies abroad, and asserted that they had poisoned Leon in the same manner as they had Garay. Loudest among these slanderers was father Thomas Ortiz, but the latter himself, with several brothers of his order, died of the same infectious disease a few months after. It appears that the vessel which brought Leon from Spain was infected with a kind of pestilential fever; for of above one hundred persons who were on board, many had died during the passage, and a still greater number perished of the same disorder soon after their arrival in Medellin. Most of the monks, likewise, fell victims to this disorder; and it was even said that the disease had spread to Mexico.

How after the death of Ponce de Leon, Marcos de Aguilar assumes the government; the disputes which arose in consequence, and of other matters.

How after the death of Ponce de Leon, Marcos de Aguilar assumes the government; the disputes which arose in consequence, and of other matters.

Those of the Conquistadores who were ill inclined towards Cortes, desired that the commission of inquiry might be continued, notwithstanding that Ponce de Leon had died, but our general declared that this could not take place according to the wording of Leon's last will; yet, if Aguilar was willing to proceed with the inquiry, he had no objections.

But now the town-council of Mexico threw in their objections, and maintained that Leon was not empowered to leave Marcos de Aguilar sole governor. An important office of this kind required a very different kind of person to Aguilar, who, besides being far advanced in years, was quite infirm, eaten up with sores, and a man of no authority. (I must say his outward appearance was anything but prepossessing, and bespoke deficiency in every way; besides which he knew nothing of the country nor of the persons who had proved themselves meritorious.) In short, the town-council declared him to be a man for whom no one entertained any respect, and it was necessary for a person who held the staff of justice to be looked up to. They were therefore of opinion that the only thing he could do would be to share the government equally with Cortes until his majesty's further pleasure was known.

Marcos de Aguilar, however, was determined to act strictly up to the contents of Leon's last will, by which he was appointed sole governor, and added, that he would not submit, unless, in direct violation of his majesty's commands, they chose to appoint another governor.

The procuradores of all the towns of New Spain urged Cortes, in every possible manner, to take the government into his own hands; and they assured him they would persuade Aguilar, by fair words, to agree to it, particularly as he was always suffering from ill health, and it was perfectly evident the service of God and the true interests of his majesty must suffer in his hands. But whatever they might say to Cortes, he would not enter into their schemes, and always repeated that old Aguilar must govern alone.

Aguilar, indeed, was in a rapid decline, and so feeble, that to keep him alive he was obliged to be suckled by a Spanish woman; besides that, he drank quantities of goats' milk. He likewise about this time lost one of his sons, whom he had brought with him, of the same pestilential fever which hurried Ponce de Leon into the grave.

I must now go back in my history a little, and relate what befel the captain Luis Marin, who, with the troops under his command, had remained behind in Naco, where he was waiting to hear from Sandoval whether Cortes had embarked for Mexico or not; but we never received any tidings from him, as Saavedra, from sheer malice, had omitted to forward us the letters of Sandoval and Cortes, in which theysent us information of their intended departure for Mexico, with orders for us to march thither overland. As we had thus waited in vain for a length of time for some tidings from Truxillo, Luis Marin determined, with our unanimous consent, to despatch a few horse thither, to ascertain how matters stood. There were ten of us that left Naco on this occasion, under the command of Francisco Marmolejo. We had already fought our way through various hostile tribes up to Olancho, which at present is called Guayape, abounding in lucrative gold mines, when we happened to meet two Spanish invalids and a negro, who assured us that Cortes had set sail several days ago for Mexico, with Sandoval and all the other Conquistadores who were with him. They then added, that he had been induced to embark from the universal solicitations of the citizens of Mexico, who had despatched one of the Franciscan monks to Truxillo, to hasten his departure. Saavedra had been left behind in this latter town as commandant, and was further to subdue the surrounding country.

This intelligence filled all our hearts with joy, and we immediately despatched a letter by some of the inhabitants of Olancho to Saavedra for further information, and in the space of four days we received an answer from him, confirming the account of the two Spaniards. We offered up thanks to God for this good news, and instantly set out on our march for the place where Luis Marin was encamped. We found him in the township of Acalteca, and he was not a little rejoiced at the good news we brought him.

We now, without any further delay, broke up our camp, and commenced our march towards Mexico. We took our route over the township of Mariani, where we came up with six men of the troops under Alvarado, who was on his road in search of us. One of these men was Diego de Villanueva, an excellent soldier, and one of the veteran Conquistadores, who had assisted in the founding of the town of Guatimala: he was a native of Villanueva de la Serena, in the territory of the grand master of the military order of Alcantara. As we were old friends, we gave each other a hearty embrace, and he then told us that Alvarado was marching hither, in company of several cavaliers, in search of Cortes, to hasten his return to Mexico. He likewise gave us full particulars of everything that had taken place in this town during our absence, and how the government of New Spain had been offered to Alvarado, who had not dared to accept of it, from fear of the factor.

After two days' further march, we came up with Alvarado himself, who was encamped, with his men, in a township, called Choluteca Malalaca. It would, indeed, be a difficult task for me to describe thedelight he experienced when we told him of Cortes' departure for Mexico, which was the more excessive, as he was now spared the further fatigues of a long march, on which his troops had already suffered many hardships. In this township we likewise met several of Pedro Arias' officers, one of whom was named Garavito, and another Campannon, who said they were despatched by Arias to discover new countries, and to settle about some boundaries with Alvarado. The whole of our troops, and the two officers of Arias, remained three days in Choluteca, from which place Alvarado despatched a certain Gaspar Arias de Avila, who had settled in Guatimala, to the governor Arias, as we understood, respecting the preliminaries of a marriage, which is indeed most likely, as Gaspar Arias was a great adherer to Alvarado.

On the fourth day we left Choluteca, and continued our march to the province of Guatimala, but before we could reach the territory of Cuzcatlan, through which our route immediately lay, the rainy season set in, and we found the river Lempa so greatly swollen, that it seemed an impossibility for us ever to cross it. The only resource we had left was to fell a ceiba tree of very large dimensions, of which we hollowed out a canoe of such magnitude, that nothing was ever seen equal to it in this country before. Even then it took us five whole days before we had all passed across, during which time we suffered dreadfully from hunger, as we had not a grain of maise left.

After we had passed the river, we came to the townships of Chapanastec, where the inhabitants killed one of our men, named Nicuesa, and wounded three others. These men had gone out in search of provisions, and were attacked before we could come up to their assistance. As we did not wish to be detained any longer, we would not give ourselves the trouble of chastising the inhabitants for their murderous attack. This took place in that province where at present the town of San Miguel is built. From this place we came into the territory of Cuzcatlan, the inhabitants of which we found very hostilely inclined towards us; nevertheless, we had plenty of provisions; and we now came into some townships in the neighbourhood of Petapa, where the Guatimaltecs were lying in wait for us, in deep hollows, between steep rocks. It took us three days before we could succeed in forcing this passage. Here I was slightly wounded by an arrow.

In this way we at length reached Petapa, and the day following we arrived in a valley, to which we gave the name of Fuerto, and in which at present the town of Guatimala stands. At that time the whole of Guatimala was up in arms against us, so that we had to fight our way through the country. I shall never forget the dreadful earthquake wefelt here. We were marching steadily along the slope of a rising ground, when the earth began to tremble so strongly, that several of our soldiers were no longer able to stand on their legs, and fell down; and this fearful shaking continued for a considerable length of time. From this place we had a good road to Old Guatimala, where the two caziques Sacachul and Cinacan generally resided. However, the whole armed force of Guatimala lay in wait for us, in a deep hollow, near the town, to prevent our entry; but we soon dispersed them with considerable loss, and we took up our quarters for the night in the town, which contained many large and beautiful buildings, owing to the circumstance of all the caziques, who governed the neighbouring provinces, residing there. The next morning we again quitted the town, and encamped on the plain, where we constructed ourselves huts. Here we lay for the space of ten days, as Alvarado had twice summoned the inhabitants of Guatimala, and other townships of the surrounding neighbourhood, to submit, and was desirous of knowing what answer they would return; but as they neither sent any message nor ambassadors to him, we again broke up our camp, and continued to move forward by forced marches. We did not, however, pass any way near to the district where Alvarado had left his brother Gonzalo in command of the great body of his troops, for the whole country had risen up in arms. The township we next came to was Olintepec, where we halted for several days, to rest from our fatigues. From this place we marched to Soconusco and Teguantepec, where two of our countrymen, and the Mexican cazique Juan Velasquez, who had been commander-in-chief under Quauhtemoctzin, died on the road. Here it was that we received the first intelligence of the death of the licentiate Leon, which was the more to be regretted, since so much good was expected from him, and the excellent choice which his majesty had made in his person.

We now marched forward with the utmost expedition, so impatient were we to see Mexico again. As, altogether, we were eighty in number, and that under the command of Alvarado, we immediately sent Cortes notice, when we had arrived in Chalco, that on the following day we intended making our entry into Mexico, and we begged that quarters might be got in readiness for us, as, during an absence of above two years and three months, we should almost be strangers there. As soon as it was known in Mexico that we had arrived in Iztapalapan, Cortes, accompanied by several cavaliers, came out to meet us along the causeway. The first building we visited in the town was the principal church, whither we instantly repaired, to offer up our thanks to the Almighty for our safe return. From the church we were conducted by Cortes tohis palace, where a sumptuous repast had been prepared for us. Alvarado took up his quarters in his official dwelling, belonging to the fortifications, of which he was alcalde at that time. Sandoval gave Luis Marin a lodging in his house, and I, and one of my friends, the captain Luis Sanchez, were invited by Andreas de Tapia to take up our abode with him, and we were treated with every mark of respect. I now very soon received from Sandoval, Cortes, and other of my old friends of this town, different articles of wearing apparel, some gold, and a quantity of cacao, all of which were sent as presents to me. The next day after our arrival, I and my friend Luis Sanchez, having first attended mass, walked out together in the town, first of all to pay our respects to the governor Marcos de Aguilar. We requested Sandoval and Tapia to accompany us on this occasion, to interest themselves for us with the governor; to which they readily consented, and they explained to him who we were, what important services we had rendered to the crown, and then begged of him to bestow on us Indian commendaries in the neighbourhood of Mexico, as those we possessed in the province of Guacasualco were of very little value.

Marcos de Aguilar, in reply, promised very kindly to do all he could for us, but at the same time assured us that it was totally out of his power either to grant or take away any commendary, as Ponce de Leon, in his last will, had particularly ordered that all the lawsuits and the unoccupied commendaries should remain as they were until his majesty had otherwise disposed; and concluded by saying, that as soon as he should receive full powers to distribute the Indians, he would present us with the most lucrative commendaries in the whole country.

About this time, also, Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba in Mexico, and as it was said he had written the letters which the factor sent to Spain, respecting the certainty of our all having perished with Cortes in the late expedition, the latter, Sandoval, and several other cavaliers, reproached him most bitterly for having written things of which he had no certainty, and that by his letters he had brought New Spain to the brink of destruction; but Ordas swore most solemnly that he had never written any letter to that effect. He certainly had been, he said, in a township called Xicalango, and had learnt that two Spanish vessels had lain there for some time; that a dispute had arisen among the men on board, who came to blows, and many on both sides were killed; and that the few who remained were massacred by the Indians. It was respecting this unfortunate affair that he had written to New Spain, and this might, indeed, have caused the rumours to be set afloat of ourtotal destruction. Moreover, the letter he had written might still be found among the factor's papers, by which they would best be able to convince themselves of the truth of what he had said, and what bad use the factor must have made of it, to serve his own ends.

As the factor and veedor were still kept in close confinement, and Cortes, according to the arrangements made by Leon in his will, could not at present continue the criminal suits against those two persons, besides that he had many other unpleasant matters to attend to just then, he determined to leave the case as it was until his majesty's further pleasure should be known with regard to the government of New Spain. The whole of his time was occupied for the present in reclaiming a great part of his possessions which had been sold to raise a fund that prayers might be offered up in the churches for his departed soul; but this was done with an evil design, that people might think he was really dead. All this property, besides that which had been set apart for the masses for the repose of his soul, was purchased by an inhabitant of Mexico named Juan Caceres the wealthy.

Diego de Ordas finding that Cortes, since the arrival of Leon, had lost his former authority, and that many persons had even the shamelessness to neglect and make him feel the little estimation in which they held him, he, with his usual dexterity of mind, profited by this circumstance to regain the good graces of our general, and advised him to assume all the outward splendour of a grandee, to receive his visitors seated on a canopied throne, and not to allow himself to be called merely Cortes, but to be addressed as Don Hernando Cortes. He at the same time particularly reminded him that the factor was a creature of the comendador-mayor Don Francisco de los Cobos, whose influence in Spain was immense. The protection of such a man, he said, might perhaps be of the utmost importance to him, as his majesty and the council of the Indies were much prejudiced against him; it would be altogether injurious to his interests to act more severely against the factor than the law permitted. This counsel Ordas thought proper to give Cortes, as it was generally suspected in Mexico that he intended putting the factor to death in his prison.

Before I proceed with my narrative I must inform the reader why, when speaking of Cortes, I never call him Don Hernando Cortes, or marquis, or by any other title, but plainly Cortes. The reason is, that he himself was best pleased when he was simply addressed as Cortes; besides that, he was not created marquis until some time after, and that the name of Cortes stood in equal renown throughout the whole of Spain at that time as in the Roman period the names of Julius Cæsar and ofPompey; and in the Carthaginian as that of Hannibal; or, in the earlier part of our history, the name of the valiant and invincible knight Diego Garcia de Paredes; or, in more recent times, the name of Gonzalo Hernandez, surnamed the Great Captain.

I must also not forget to mention that, about this time, the treasurer Alonso de Estrada married one of his two daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and the other to Don Luis de Guzman, son of Don Juan de Saavedra, earl of Castellar. During the preliminaries of the marriage it was likewise settled that Pedro de Alvarado should repair in person to Spain in order to obtain from his majesty the appointment of governor of Guatimala for himself, and that, during his absence, his brother Jorge was to take the chief command of this province, and to continue to subdue the hostile tribes. The latter officer, indeed, immediately made preparations for this purpose, and took along with him two hundred Indian auxiliaries from Tlascalla, Mexico, and other provinces.

Marcos de Aguilar at the same time despatched a cavalier named Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, into the province of Chiapa to found a colony there. A similar expedition Aguilar sent out under the command of Baltasar Osorio, a nobleman of Seville, to the province of Tabasco. A third expedition he sent out under the command of Alonso Herrera, one of Cortes' soldiers, to subdue the Zapotecs, who inhabit almost inaccessible mountains. I will relate how far these several officers succeeded, in a subsequent page. I must now speak of the speedy termination of Aguilar's government.

Marcos de Aguilar dies, and in his will appoints the treasurer Alonso de Estrada governor; and of other matters.

Marcos de Aguilar dies, and in his will appoints the treasurer Alonso de Estrada governor; and of other matters.

I have already stated, in the former chapter, that Marcos de Aguilar was in a miserable state of ill health, yet the physicians contrived to keep him alive for the space of eight months by means of goats' milk and other nourishing food; but, in addition to his other diseases, he was at length attacked by a malignant fever, which soon put an end to all his miseries. By his will he appointed Alonso de Estrada his sole successor in the government, with the same restrictions as he himself had received from Ponce de Leon.

The inhabitants of Mexico, however, and particularly those Spaniardswho had settled in the provinces, placed not the slightest confidence in Estrada's capability of governing, as he did not evince sufficient energy to offer any resistance to the tyrannical conduct of Nuño de Guzman, who, a couple of years previously, had arrived from Spain with the appointment of governor of Panuco. This man, without any ceremony, added whole districts from the territory of Mexico to his province; he paid not the least attention to the instructions he had received from the emperor, and altogether behaved like a furious madman. Among other things, he hung a nobleman of distinction named Pedro Gonzales de Truxillo, who had settled in Mexico, without any form or trial, merely because he had declared that his commendary was not subject to his government but to that of Mexico, as his possessions were not comprehended in the province of Panuco. In like manner he had the audacity to serve several other Spaniards, and he paid not the slightest attention to the remonstrances of the governor Estrada.

The chief authorities of Mexico and the rest of the distinguished cavaliers of the town, seeing how little this tyrannical neighbour cared for their governor, and what little support they had to expect from the latter against the oppression and encroachments of the other, they begged Estrada to give Cortes an equal share in the government with himself, assuring him that the service of God and the true interests of his majesty imperatively demanded this. However, Estrada obstinately refused to listen to their proposal, though others again affirm that Cortes himself was the person who declined in any way to interfere in the government, to put it out of the power of his enemies to say that he was striving by some means or other to raise himself to the head of the government again, and thereby give them an opportunity of confirming their suspicions which they had begun to rumour abroad against him, namely, that Marcos de Aguilar had died by his hand. In short, after many conferences, it was agreed that Sandoval, who was alguacil-mayor, and highly respected by every one, should jointly govern with Estrada, who himself approved of it in every way, though some persons maintained he had merely conceded in the hopes of marrying his daughter to Sandoval, and of obtaining for the latter the appointment of governor of New Spain, which at that time was not considered of so much importance as at the present day.

After every arrangement respecting the government of the country had been settled between Sandoval and Estrada, the latter was advised by his friends to despatch a vessel forthwith to Spain to forward his majesty an account of everything that had taken place, and to draw up this account in such a manner as if he had only taken Sandovalas a colleague in order to avoid giving Cortes a share of the government.

Cortes' enemies also profited by this opportunity to despatch their letters to Spain, in which they calumniated our general in the foulest manner; they stated right out that he had poisoned Garay, Leon, and Aguilar, and that it was his intention to put the veedor and factor to death; the whole of which, however, were most barefaced and scandalous lies. To all this was added, that about the same time the accountant Albornoz, who was never well inclined towards Cortes, went to Spain to injure him in every possible manner. After his majesty and the council of the Indies had read all the letters and despatches, which seemed to vie with each other in their complaints against Cortes, and were moreover confirmed by Albornoz, all the former accusations respecting his treatment of Narvaez, Tapia, and his conduct towards his first wife, Doña Catalina Suarez la Marcaida, were harrowed up again, and actually gained credit in all their distortion. The emperor, therefore, came to the determination to appoint Estrada sole governor of New Spain; he confirmed all his previous acts and deeds, gave him power to distribute the commendaries according to the best of his judgment, and ordered that the factor and veedor should again be set at liberty and reinstated in all their former possessions.

A vessel was immediately despatched from Spain with these his majesty's commands, which soon arrived in Mexico; but this was not all, for his majesty also ordered the comendador-mayor of the order of Alcantara, Don Pedro de la Cueva, to equip three hundred soldiers at Cortes' expense, to repair with these to New Spain, there to make inquiries into the complaints which had been made against Cortes, with full power, if he should find them founded in truth, to cut off his head. In the same way the comendador was to punish all those who had acted against the real interests of the crown; he was to take away all the townships in possession of Cortes, and to distribute them among the veteran Conquistadores. His majesty likewise ordered that a royal court of audience should be appointed at Mexico, as a supreme court of justice.

The departure of the comendador-mayor, however, was so long deferred, that at last it was given up altogether; for it met with great opposition at court, and the comendador was either not supplied with so large a sum of money as he had asked for, or perhaps the duke of Bejar had again espoused Cortes' cause, as on former occasions.

But to return to the treasurer Estrada. He grew excessively vain and proud when he found himself so highly favoured by his majesty as tobe appointed sole governor of New Spain; and he had been assured that the emperor knew he was a son of his catholic majesty king Ferdinand. The first thing he did therefore was to despatch his cousin Diego de Mazariegos as captain to Chiapa, to institute an inquiry into the conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, to whom Marcos de Aguilar had intrusted the chief command in that province, but who plundered and oppressed the inhabitants in the most shameful manner. In the same way he began to make preparations to subject the townships of the Zapotecs and of the Minxes, and to make success more sure they were to be attacked from two different points at the same time. The troops which were to operate on the north side he gave in command to a certain Barrios, who had previously been captain in Italy. He was a man of great courage, had but recently arrived from Spain, and must not be confounded with Cortes' cousin Barrios, of Seville. The number of his troops, on this expedition, amounted to above one hundred men, including several musketeers and crossbow-men. But this expedition terminated very unfortunately, for scarcely had he arrived in the Tiltepec townships, when one night he was suddenly attacked by the natives, and Barrios himself killed, with seven of his men. The greater part of the remaining troops were wounded, and the whole of them would undoubtedly have been cut to pieces if they had not made a precipitate retreat to Villa-Diego and the neighbouring friendly districts.

This, I think, is a sufficient proof of the difference between the veteran Conquistadores and the troops newly arrived from Spain, who have not the slightest notion of a war with Indians or of their artifices; and thus miserably did this expedition terminate.

The second body of troops were to fall into the Zapotec territory from the side of Guaxaca, and were commanded by an officer named Figuero, who, it was said, had likewise previously been a captain in Spain; one thing is certain, he stood on a most confidential footing with the governor Estrada. He had a like number of troops under his command as Barrios, but also men recently arrived from Spain. As soon as he reached the territory of the Zapotecs, he despatched a messenger to a certain Alonso Herrera to repair to his camp. This Herrera had been sent with a detachment of thirty men into these provinces, during the administration of Marcos de Aguilar.

Figuero had, no doubt, been empowered to take the command over Herrera, for the latter obeyed his orders and arrived in his camp; but they had not been long there together before a terrible dispute arose between them, which ended in their drawing swords, and in Herreraseverely wounding Figuero, besides three soldiers who came up to defend him. As the latter officer, on account of his wounds was unable to use his arm, he gave up all idea of marching to the mountains of the Minxes, which were very difficult of access; besides which, his men had no notion of the warfare of this country; so that in the end he solely turned his attention towards discovering the burial places of the caziques, to open their graves for the sake of the gold ornaments which the inhabitants of olden times were accustomed to bury with their chiefs. This employment he prosecuted with so much vigour, and his endeavours proved so successful, that he collected in this manner above 100,000 pesos worth of gold, and with this treasure, added to some other valuable matters he had found in two of the townships, he determined to retire, and he consequently relinquished the expedition against the Zapotecs and Minxes altogether. He then returned to Mexico with the intention of spending his money quietly in Spain; for which purpose he shortly after set sail from Vera Cruz, but had not been long at sea before he was overtaken by so terrific a storm that the vessel, he himself, with five other passengers and all his gold went to the bottom.

Thus terminated all the governor Estrada's warlike undertakings against these provinces, nor was the rebellion put down until we, the inhabitants of Guacasualco, marched against them and completely subdued the country; though it was no very easy matter for us either, and as the cavalry was of no use among the high mountains there: I was obliged three several times to march out against these tribes; for if we did subdue them during the spring and summer months, they were sure to revolt again when the rainy season set in, and they put every Spaniard they could lay hold of to death. But as we each time vigorously pursued them to their retreats, they at length sued for peace, and then it was that the town of San Alfonso was founded in their country.

The governor Estrada, in the meantime, was determined that Herrera should not go unpunished for wounding his friend Figuero, and issued orders for his apprehension; but he had escaped to the mountains before the arrival of the alguacils, who, in order not to return with empty hands to Mexico, brought back with them in chains a soldier, whom Herrera had generally about his person. This man's name was Cortejo, and he was a hidalgo by birth, yet the governor without so much as bringing him to trial, ordered his right hand to be cut off.

About this time also one of Sandoval's grooms got into high words with one of the governor's servants, so that at length they drew swordsand wounded each other. Even this paltry affair the governor thought it worth his while to resent, and he ordered one of the groom's hands to be cut off. Cortes and Sandoval were not then in Mexico, but had retired to Quauhnahuac, partly to enjoy more peace and get out of the way of the constant cabals, and partly to bring about a good understanding between two caziques of the latter place who had come to blows with each other. They were, however, immediately informed of what had taken place in Mexico, and with the severe punishment with which Sandoval's groom was threatened. They hastened, therefore, to Mexico, but too late to prevent the sentence being put into execution.

Cortes was so enraged at this insult, that he said the most bitter things to the governor in Sandoval's presence, which alarmed him to such a degree that he considered his life in danger from him, and he formed a body guard for the protection of his person, and only selected for this purpose men in whose fidelity he could place implicit reliance. In order, however, still further to strengthen his party against Cortes, he liberated the veedor and factor, who, in acknowledgment for this, hinted to him that he ought to banish Cortes from Mexico, for he would never be able to govern in peace, and the demon of party-spirit would always be sowing discord as long as this man was allowed to remain in the city. This counsel was followed by the governor, who signed the banishment of Cortes, and ordered it to be notified to him. Cortes said he gladly obeyed these commands, and thanked God from the bottom of his heart that things had now come to such a pass, that persons of worthless character, unworthy of the offices they filled, should banish him from a country and a city, in the conquest of which he and his companions in arms had endured every species of hardship, fought numerous severe engagements, and so many brave soldiers had lost their lives. He was now himself determined to repair to Spain, there to acquaint his majesty with what was going on in Mexico, and to demand justice against people who repaid all the past favours he had bestowed upon them with base ingratitude.

Cortes quitted Mexico without delay, and repaired to the township of Cojohuacan, which was his own property, where, however, he only stayed for a short time, but travelled from thence to Tezcuco, and a few days after to Tlascalla. The governor Estrada, in the meantime, began to repent of what he had done; for when his wife, Doña Marina Gutierrez de la Caballeria, a most excellent and virtuous woman, learnt that her husband had liberated the veedor and factor, and had then banished Cortes from Mexico, she was seized with sudden grief, and said to her husband, she hoped the Almighty would forgive him hisingratitude towards a man who had befriended him in every way, and bestowed upon him so many lucrative commendaries. She advised him to do all in his power to regain his friendship, and to persuade him to return to Mexico; for otherwise his own life would be in constant danger. These circumstances are said to have made a deep impression on the governor, and he regretted exceedingly that he had banished Cortes, and liberated the factor and veedor; though they, as sworn enemies of the former, were ready to serve him in every possible manner.

About this time, also, father Don Julian Garces arrived from Spain, in order to enter upon the new bishopric of Tlascalla, of which he was appointed bishop. He was a native of Arragon, and a very eloquent preacher, and, in honour of the emperor, he took the name of Carolense. This prelate highly disapproved of Cortes' banishment, and as soon as he heard of it he determined to bring about peace and friendship between the former and the governor. With this good object in view, he repaired to Tezcuco, where he embarked in a couple of canoes, with two priests and a monk, who had accompanied him, for Mexico. As intelligence of his approach had reached this town, the whole of the clergy in grand pomp, the chief authorities, the Conquistadores, and all the officers and soldiers then in Mexico went out to meet him. Nor had he scarcely been a couple of days here before the governor begged of him to become mediator between himself and Cortes, and to persuade the latter to return to Mexico; for which purpose he then withdrew the order of banishment. The bishop, indeed, tried his utmost in this matter; but Cortes would listen to no adjustment of differences, and continually moved about from place to place, always accompanied by a considerable number of cavaliers and other persons. Cortes' principal object at the present moment was to collect as much gold as possible for his journey to Spain; for which purpose he not only mortgaged his own property, but even that of his friends who were resolved to stand by him. His example was followed by Sandoval and Tapia, who were determined to accompany him on his journey. Cortes, during his stay in Tlascalla, was likewise visited by several of the inhabitants of Mexico and of other towns, as also by all those soldiers who had not received any commendaries; even the caziques of Mexico waited upon him, and offered him their services: and as at all times there are persons fond of change and rebellion, who are most pleased when everything is in uproar and confusion, many likewise advised him to set himself up for king of New Spain, for which, they said, he could not choose a more favorable opportunity than the present, and they would lend him every support. Cortes, however, showed so little inclination to listento proposals of this nature, that he ordered two persons, who had made similar proposals to him, to be imprisoned, as guilty of high treason, and for a length of time made every semblance as if he intended to hang them.

A proposal of the same nature was made to him, in a letter from Mexico, by some turbulent characters of this town; though many persons were of opinion that this was merely the vile attempt of a certain party to catch some expression from Cortes which would lay him open to suspicion. But as his fidelity to the emperor was not to be shaken, he dismissed every one with indignation from his presence who durst whisper such thoughts to him, threatening to have them hung immediately if they ever again durst mention such things to him.

In the same way these rebellious spirits sought to arouse Cortes by their vile projects; they did their utmost to alarm the governor and the factor, assuring them that Cortes had not the remotest idea of leaving for Spain, but had merely spread this rumour to hide his real intentions, which were, to assemble as large a body of men as he possibly could, to fall suddenly upon them; and that the caziques of Mexico, Tezcuco, Tlascalla, and of all the townships situate on the lake, were only awaiting the word from him to commence hostilities. The governor, the factor, and the veedor were so excessively alarmed at this, that they repeatedly importuned the bishop to inquire what Cortes' real designs were; they even wrote to the latter himself, begged his pardon, and made all manner of offers to him.

The bishop, therefore, repaired to Cortes, in order to make another attempt to bring about a good understanding between all parties; but when he found how kindly he was received in every part of the province, when he found the excellent spirit which reigned among the inhabitants themselves, and was informed how indignantly Cortes had sent away those evil counsellors from his presence, he wrote word to the governor that he was the most loyal cavalier and the most faithful servant of his majesty, and that the present age could not show a second person of his worth. The governor might rest assured that Cortes positively intended to repair in person to the imperial court in Spain, and that he had no other design whatever. For the rest, continued the bishop, he could assure him that he had drawn universal odium on himself by Cortes' banishment. This letter the bishop concluded with these words: "O, señor tesorero Estrada, what a terrible affair is this, which you have so wantonly caused!"

I forget whether Cortes, before leaving for Spain, again returned to Mexico, to make the necessary arrangements for the care of his property during his absence; I only know that he intrusted the licentiate Altamirano, Diego de Ocampo, Alonso Valiente, and Santacruz Burgales, but particularly the first mentioned, with the conduct of those matters.

Cortes had, among other things, a curious collection of the various kinds of birds found in New Spain, besides two tigers, several small jars of liquid amber, dried and fluid balsam, four expert Indian clowns, several rope-dancers, and three dwarfs of so monstrous a shape, that one could scarcely recognize the human form in them; also several Albinos of both sexes, who could scarcely see out of their eyes: all of which were objects that could not fail to create universal astonishment in Spain, and the whole of them he intended as a present to his majesty. The caziques of Tlascalla likewise begged he would take along with him three young men of the most distinguished families of their country, one of whom was the son of the old blind Xicotencatl. Besides these, several of the Mexican caziques followed in his suite.

Cortes was just about preparing for his departure, when intelligence arrived that two fast-sailing vessels had put into Vera Cruz, direct from Spain, with letters, the contents of which will be found in the following chapter.

How Cortes receives letters from the Cardinal de Siguenza, then president of the council of the Indies, and from several other cavaliers, advising him to repair to Spain without delay; the death of his father Martin Cortes; and of other matters.

How Cortes receives letters from the Cardinal de Siguenza, then president of the council of the Indies, and from several other cavaliers, advising him to repair to Spain without delay; the death of his father Martin Cortes; and of other matters.

Cortes was about taking his departure for Spain, when letters arrived for him from Don Garcia de Loaysa, cardinal of Siguenza, president of the council of the Indies and subsequently archbishop of Seville, and from the duke of Bejar, and other cavaliers in Spain, all of whom assured him that his enemies drew the greatest advantage from the continued postponement of his arrival in Spain, and daily brought fresh accusations against him. He was openly accused, they said, of the foulest of crimes, and of having poisoned the different governors whom his majesty had sent to New Spain. It was necessary, therefore, that he should repair immediately to the imperial court, which could not fail to produce a good effect, and all the calumnies which had been heaped upon him would recoil upon his enemies, and prove the very means of raising him to the highest honours. They at the same timeannounced to him the death of his father Martin Cortes; and as he was still in mourning[50]for his wife Doña Catalina Suarez, he put on additional mourning for his father, to whose memory he in every way paid the highest honours. The different accounts which he had received caused him altogether considerable grief, and if he had previously felt a great desire to return to Spain, he felt now the more so; and as he was informed that the two vessels which had arrived in Vera Cruz were newly built, and fast sailers, he despatched his mayor-domo Pedro Ruiz de Esquival thither to purchase them. Various kinds of provisions were then collected in great abundance, of the most expensive kinds, and everything was regulated for his voyage in a manner due to so distinguished and wealthy a person. The two vessels were so plentifully provisioned, that they had sufficient victuals for a voyage of two years, although the number of people on board was much greater than ordinary.

The mayor-domo, who was to repair to Vera Cruz, had, in order to take the shortest route thither, embarked in a canoe on the lake of Mexico, for the township of Ayotzinco. This canoe, of considerable size, was manned with six Mexican rowers, and Ruiz had with him a number of gold bars, for the purchase of the vessels, and a negro slave to attend upon him. Whether he was waylaid by any one in the midst of the lake, and murdered, could never be discovered, but certain it is that neither the canoe, the rowers, nor the negro were ever seen again; only the body of Ruiz was found, four days after, on a small island of the lake, half devoured by the birds of prey. Various conjectures were made respecting the death of this man, and many persons said he had bragged too openly of the great favours which were bestowed upon him by the ladies, and that he had most likely boasted of things which never happened. Others maintained that something much worse had taken place, which, however, I will not go into here; in short, it was never known, nor was there ever much trouble taken to investigate, how this man came to his end, and we can only wish that his poor soul may rest in peace.

Cortes, on learning the untimely end of this man, despatched other officers of his household to Vera Cruz, to make the necessary preparations there for his departure, and he made it publicly known that all those who were desirous of leaving for Spain, and could obtain the governor's permission thereto, should have a free passage with him. He then departed, in company of Sandoval, Andreas de Tapia, and of several other cavaliers, for Vera Cruz, where the whole of them, after having confessed, and made the holy communion, set sail for Spain.

Cortes had so very favorable a passage, that, without touching at the Havannah or any other port, he arrived safe in forty-one days off the coast of Spain, and cast anchor near the town of Palos, opposite the church of our dear lady of Rabida. At the first sight of land every one on board fell down on his knees, and with uplighted hands offered up fervent thanks to God for this prosperous voyage. Cortes' arrival in Spain took place in the month of December of the year 1527.

During this voyage Sandoval fell dangerously ill, and Cortes' joy at his safe arrival in his native land was soon changed into excessive grief, for a few days after it pleased the Almighty to take away this our general's faithful companion in arms. Sandoval was still at Palos, and lodged in the house of a rope-maker; and here, while lying on his death-bed, he was forced patiently to behold the master of the house open one of his trunks, and take out thirteen bars of gold. This fellow had watched the favorable opportunity when Sandoval's servants had all hastened to the Rabida, to call Cortes to his dying friend, so that he was left quite alone; besides which, he was so helpless and weak, that he durst not even cry out, lest the rope-maker, who had the very countenance of a villain, should have smothered him with the cushions. The thief immediately fled with the gold bars, and escaped to Portugal, nor was he ever heard of again.

Cortes, on learning the dangerous state in which Sandoval lay, hastened to his bedside, where he learnt what I have just stated, from the latter's own mouth. Persons were immediately sent in pursuit of the thief, but it was too late, the fellow got clear away.

Sandoval's health was daily growing worse, so that at length the physicians gave up all hopes of his life, and told him his end was drawing nigh. Saudoval then confessed, and received the last sacraments with the greatest devotion. He made his last will, to which he appointed Cortes executor, set apart large sums for the poor and the cloisters, and left his sister or sisters heir to his property. I am not sure whether he had more than one sister, but I know that subsequently a sister of his married a natural son of the earl of Medellin. A short time after he had made his will Sandoval rendered up his soul into the hands of his Maker, and his death caused universal and heartfelt grief. He was buried with every imaginable pomp in the monastery of our dear lady of Rabida, and Cortes, with the whole of his suite, put on mourning for him. May God have mercy upon his soul! Amen!

The next thing Cortes did was to announce his arrival to his majesty, to the cardinal de Siguenza, the duke of Bejar, the earl of Aguilar, and to many other cavaliers of distinction. He also mentioned Sandoval'sdeath, and was unbounded in the praise of his excellent character, of the important services he had rendered to the crown, of his great talents as a commander, and of his personal courage. Though the monarch was greatly rejoiced at the arrival of Cortes in Spain, yet the death of Sandoval caused him much grief, as he had been duly informed of the many excellent qualities of this officer. The cardinal de Siguenza and the whole of the council of the Indies were no less grieved at his death. The duke of Bejar, the earl of Aguilar, and several other cavaliers certainly evinced no less sorrow at the death of this brave officer, yet it was soon lost in the joy they experienced at the arrival of Cortes.

The duke of Bejar and the earl of Aguilar now called upon his majesty, who had already received Cortes' letter. During this audience the former told his majesty that he himself had always been convinced of Cortes' loyalty, and that a man who had rendered the greatest services to his monarch could not fail to be equally faithful to that sovereign in all other matters; and this was sufficiently evident in the conduct of Cortes, who, placing all his reliance on a clear conscience, had fearlessly come to Spain. The duke had every reason for thus expressing himself, for during the time when various heavy accusations had been brought against Cortes, he had become responsible for him and his companions in arms with both his life and property; nor had he omitted on any occasion to extol our loyalty and our services to the skies; which at that time seemed the more meritorious, as Peru was not yet discovered. The emperor, indeed, changed his sentiments with regard to Cortes in so wonderful a degree as to issue orders that he was to be received with the highest honours in every town he passed through. The first person who gave Cortes a splendid reception was the duke of Medina Sidonia, in Seville, who supplied him with beautiful horses. Having rested in this town for a few days, Cortes hastened by long days' journeys to the convent of our dear lady of Guadaloupe, there to make his devotions. It happened fortunately for him that the distinguished lady Doña Maria de Mendoza, wife of the comendador-mayor of Leon, should arrive there at the same time. She had a number of ladies of quality in her suite; among others her sister, who was two years afterwards married to the governor of the Canary islands. Cortes was highly delighted at this circumstance, and after making his devotions to our dear lady of Guadaloupe, bestowing rich alms on the poor, and having ordered a number of masses to be said, he repaired, though in deep mourning, with the whole of his suite, and several other cavaliers, who had come to offer their services to him, to pay his respects to Doña Maria de Mendoza, her exceedingly beautifulsister, and to the other ladies: and as Cortes was a man of excellent good breeding, of a frank and cheerful disposition, and eloquent in address, he the more easily gained the good wishes of these ladies, and the fame of his great exploits was re-echoed from one end of Spain to the other. He was possessed of sufficient wealth to bestow with an unsparing hand; and to the whole of these ladies he presented the most valuable presents in gold, trinkets of beautiful workmanship, penaches of green feathers, decorated with gold, silver, and pearls; of course, the most splendid of these presents fell to the share of the distinguished lady Maria de Mendoza and her charming sister. This latter lady he even presented with several bars of gold, to be worked into all manner of fine ornaments. Among these presents to the ladies he did not forget the most delicious perfumes and balsams: he also made his Indian buffoons and rope dancers perform in their presence; and on learning that the last-mentioned lady had lost one of her mules, he secretly purchased two others for her, and gave them in charge of her major-domo.

Cortes remained in the town of Guadaloupe until these ladies returned to the imperial court, which, at that time, was in Toledo. He accompanied them on their journey, and gave them banquets and feasts everywhere along their route; and he so completely gained the good wishes of Doña Maria de Mendoza by his graceful behaviour, his great splendour, and the attentions he paid her, that she began seriously to think of making a match between her sister and Cortes. If the latter had not promised his hand to Doña Juana de Guzman, niece to the duke of Bejar, a match would certainly have been brought about between them; and by this alliance with the comendador-mayor of Leon he would have increased his good fortune, and have obtained from his majesty the appointment of governor of New Spain. However, I will say no more on this subject, for everything is guided and directed by the hand of God.

Doña Maria de Mendoza, in her letters to her husband, could scarcely say sufficient in praise of Cortes. All the fame of his deeds of arms, said she, were really nothing when compared to his own personal qualities: in order to appreciate his whole worth, it was necessary to listen to the charm of his conversation, learn the noble frankness of his disposition, and the grace with which his every action was accompanied. It was impossible, she continued, that his majesty could have a more devoted servant among his subjects, and she hoped her husband would fully acquaint his majesty with the great merits of this man, that he might receive the rewards which he so richly deserved.

The comendador-mayor was vastly pleased with the excellent opinion which his wife entertained of Cortes, and the attentions the latter had shown her, so that he was quite prepossessed in his favour; and as at that time no one stood on a more confidential footing with the emperor than the comendador himself, he laid his own wife's letter before the emperor, and strongly recommended Cortes to his majesty's favour. But it appears that the emperor was already most favorably inclined towards him, and had, as the duke of Bejar afterwards assured Cortes, on the first news of his arrival in Spain, expressed a great desire to make the acquaintance of the man who had rendered him so many important services, and of whose dangerous and deceitful character so much had been told him.

When Cortes arrived at the imperial court, his majesty ordered apartments to be given him in the palace. When he had approached near to the town, the duke of Bejar, the earl of Aguilar, and several other gentlemen of distinction went out to meet him, and gave him a most honorable reception. On the following day, he was allowed to throw himself at his majesty's feet; and to show him every possible distinction on the occasion, he was accompanied by the admiral of Castile, the duke of Bejar, and the comendador-mayor of Leon. After Cortes had obtained leave from his majesty to speak, he knelt down, but his majesty immediately desired him to rise; upon which Cortes addressed the emperor, and enumerated the many important services he had rendered the crown, the various conquests he had made down to the perilous expedition to the Honduras, and then recounted the disturbances and conspiracies which the veedor and factor had caused in Mexico during his absence. Though this address was of considerable length, yet he spoke everything with great fluency and ease, concluding with these words: "In order, however, not to tire your majesty's patience any longer by listening to me, and as it ill becomes a subject like myself to address the first monarch of the world to any greater length, as I am unaccustomed to speak with your majesty, and as the mental pain which I suffer from the many injustices which have been done me might force unbecoming expressions from my lips, I have drawn up in this memorial a statement of everything I wished to say, from which your majesty may learn the full particulars of every circumstance that has transpired." With these words Cortes knelt down, and handed over to his majesty the memorial, and was going to kiss his feet for having granted him so lengthened an audience, but the emperor again desired him to rise; upon which the admiral of Castile and the duke of Bejaraddressed his majesty in praise of Cortes, and said how richly he had merited reward.

The emperor then upon the spot created him marquis del Valle Oaxaca, bestowed a number of townships upon him, and presented him with the cross of the order of Santiago. The income that he was to have was not mentioned at the time, and I am unable to say how it came to be overlooked. The emperor also appointed him captain-general of New Spain and of the South Sea; after which Cortes had a second audience of his majesty to thank him for the many favours he had bestowed upon him, and his majesty, as on the previous occasion, received him with every mark of distinction.

Cortes had been but a few days at Toledo when he fell so dangerously ill that every person despaired of his life. The duke of Bejar and the comendador of Leon fearing his end was drawing nigh, requested his majesty to visit the sick man at his bedside before his death, as a mark of distinction to him for the many services he had rendered to the crown. His majesty was pleased to comply with this request, and he repaired to Cortes' lodgings, accompanied by several dukes, marquisses, and other distinguished personages. This, at court, was considered the highest honour and mark of respect that could be paid to a subject. When Cortes, therefore, was restored to good health, envy strove to do its worst to poison the favour in which he stood with his majesty, under the protection of the earl of Nassau, the duke of Bejar, and the admiral of Castile.

It happened one Sunday that Cortes came rather late to mass in the cathedral church. His majesty had already taken his seat, and the noblemen of his suite, each according to his respective rank and station. Cortes, clothed in his deep mourning cloak, passed by all these illustrious noblemen, and seated himself next to the earl of Nassau, who sat very near to his majesty. This self-assumed precedence of so many illustrious personages, as it was termed, appeared so presumptuous, and showed so great a want of propriety, that those persons who considered themselves slighted thereby, immediately began to murmur forth their disapprobation of such conduct. However, the duke of Bejar, the admiral of Castile, and the earl of Aguilar, who were present, took Cortes' side, and observed that no reproach could be made to the latter on this score, as his majesty, to do him honour, had ordered that he should take his seat next to the earl of Nassau. It should also be taken into consideration, these noblemen further said, what vast territories Cortes had added to the crown, how greatly indebted the wholeof Christendom was to him; that their titles had merely descended to them from their forefathers, whereas the marks of distinction which his majesty was pleased to confer upon Cortes were the immediate consequences of the latter's own merits.

However, it is certainly true that the great favour in which Cortes stood with the emperor, the admiral of Castile, the earl of Nassau, and with the duke of Bejar, added to the title of marquis which had been conferred upon him, had turned his head a little; for he now began to neglect his other patrons, the cardinal de Siguenza, the comendador-mayor of Leon, the latter's wife Doña Maria de Mendoza, and the members of the council of the Indies, all of whom had interested themselves so greatly for him; and he exclusively courted the three noblemen above mentioned, with whose protection he imagined he could obtain anything. The first thing he did was to storm his majesty with petitions to appoint him governor of New Spain, each time enumerating the many important services he had rendered the crown, promising, should his majesty be pleased to grant his prayer, to equip an armament for a voyage of discovery to the islands and rich countries of the South seas. His distinguished patrons likewise used all their influence with his majesty to obtain this appointment for him. The emperor, however, replied, that Cortes must be satisfied with the rich marquisate he had conferred upon him, for he had now also to think of those with whose assistance Cortes had accomplished his undertakings, and who certainly deserved a reward for their exertions.

From this moment Cortes began gradually to fall in his majesty's favour. Some ascribed this to the president of the council of the Indies, cardinal de Siguenza, who had, in a consultation with his majesty, declared himself against conferring the appointment of governor on Cortes. Others ascribed it to the comendador-mayor of Leon and his wife Doña Maria de Mendoza, who felt piqued at the manner in which Cortes had latterly neglected them. However this may have been, I cannot say; but his majesty adhered to his first determination, and refused to grant Cortes his request. The emperor at this time was about to embark at Barcelona for Flanders, being accompanied by a great number of distinguished personages, and the three patrons of Cortes persevered in their endeavours to obtain the appointment in question for him, until at length his majesty forbade the earl of Nassau to speak another word about it, remarking to him at the same time that the marquisate he had conferred upon Cortes produced a larger annual income than he (the earl) obtained from his whole territory of Nassau.

We will now wish his majesty a good voyage, and say a few words respecting Cortes' marriage with Doña Juana de Zunniga. The banquets which took place on this occasion were of the most sumptuous nature, and the presents which Cortes made his bride, as I have been informed by persons who saw them, were so expensive and magnificent, that nothing in Spain had ever before been seen like them. Even the empress Isabella, it is said, expressed a wish, from the descriptions which had been given her of these presents by the jewellers, to possess similar ones, and that she had accepted with indifference several precious stones which Cortes had presented to her, because they were not equal in beauty and value to those he had given to his wife.

Cortes, upon the whole, experienced a great deal of vexation during his stay in Spain. Above all, it is said, the empress changed her previous favorable sentiments with regard to Cortes, when she learnt his ungrateful conduct towards the comendador-mayor of Leon, his wife Doña Maria, and the cardinal de Siguenza; and that he had kept back jewels of much greater value than he had presented to her. Yet she commanded the council of the Indies to promote his interests in every possible manner. An agreement was also signed between him and the crown, namely, that he should equip a couple of vessels, at his own expense for a certain number of years, for the discovery of new islands and countries in the South Sea, with the condition, however, that he should have a certain share of the profits arising therefrom.

About this time also the comendador-mayor of the order of Alcantara, Don Pedro de la Cueva, was staying at the imperial court. This was the same gentleman who was some time previously commanded by his majesty to repair with a considerable body of troops to New Spain, there to make an inquiry into the conduct of Cortes, with full power, if he found him guilty, to cut off his head. At present, however, he gave every proof of sincere joy at the distinguished title and the many favours which had been conferred upon him by the emperor, and he now daily courted the company of the marquis Don Hernando Cortes. He likewise told Cortes that he might congratulate himself on having come to Spain; for he assured him that if even he had not found him guilty of any offence, he would still have had to pay all the expenses of the armament, which would have amounted to above 300,000 pesos.

Besides all I have above related, many other things were written to us by persons who were present in Spain at the time, and by Cortes himself, but I will not go into them here; and though the latter expatiated a good deal on the many favours which had been bestowed uponhim at court, yet he never mentioned a word why he was not appointed governor of New Spain.

A few days after he had been created marquis, Cortes despatched the cavalier Juan de Herrada to Rome in his name to kiss the feet of his holiness pope Clement, and beg his acceptance of a valuable present in jewels and gold trinkets. He ordered Herrada to take along with him two Indian buffoons, and likewise wrote a lengthened epistle to his holiness, in which he gave him a full account of the countries he had discovered and subdued; of the great services he had above all rendered to God, and then to his majesty; of the idol worship practised among the Indians, and what a great number of the latter had already been converted to Christianity. What he further told his holiness I cannot say; but we learnt from Herrada, when he afterwards returned to New Spain, that Cortes had begged his holiness to remit a certain portion of the tithes.

I ought also to mention that this Juan de Herrada was an excellent soldier, and that he had accompanied us on our expedition to the Honduras. After his return from Rome he went to Peru, where Don Diego de Almagro appointed him governor to his younger son Don Diego, and otherwise placed implicit confidence in him. He likewise commanded the small but determined body of men who put the elder Pizarro to death, and afterwards became a chief officer under Almagro the younger.

At Rome, Herrada, with his fine presents and Indian buffoons, met with the best reception; and his holiness declared, during the audience which he granted him, that he could not sufficiently thank the Almighty that he lived in an age when so many extensive countries were discovered, and so many heathens converted to our holy religion. He said that Cortes and his troops had rendered the greatest services to God, to our master the emperor Don Carlos, and to the whole of Christendom, and we were deserving of the highest rewards. His holiness even ordered a solemn procession and a day of thanksgiving, and sent especial bulls, by which he granted us absolution of our sins, and gave other indulgences to the cloisters and churches. He likewise confirmed and approved of everything Cortes had done in New Spain, only he refused to grant the latter's request with respect to the tithes.

This is all I know of the contents of the letter which his holiness wrote to Cortes; but everything I have above related of this mission to Rome I learnt from Herrada himself and from another soldier who had accompanied him named Campo. They staid altogether eight days at Rome, and his holiness, with the cardinals, were highly delighted with the performances of the Indian buffoons. His holiness even created Herrada a count palatine, presented him with a large sum of money for his journey back, and gave him a letter to our emperor, in which he requested his majesty to bestow upon him some lucrative commendary; but as Cortes, on his return to New Spain, had no longer the power to distribute lands or Indians, Herrada never derived any benefit from the pope's letter, and he repaired to Peru, where he made a brilliant career.


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