INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTIONThe Two Versions of the Poem ‘Erthe upon Erthe’.TheMiddle English poem ofErthe upon Ertheis one which occurs fairly frequently in fifteenth-century MSS. and even later. It was a favourite theme for Commonplace Books, and was frequently inserted on the spare leaves at the beginning or end of a manuscript. From the many texts of the poem which have survived, and from the fact that portions of it continued to be inscribed on walls and tombstones up to the beginning of the nineteenth century, a wide popularity may be deduced. The extant versions, moreover, point to a knowledge of the poem throughout the greater part of England, as well as in the south of Scotland. The grimness of the motive, based on the wordsMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverteris, allies the text both with the earlier group of poems relating toThe Soul and the Body, and with the more or less contemporaryDance of Death, but whereas the two latter groups can claim a popularity which extended over western Europe,Erthe upon Ertheexists only in Middle English texts, and in one parallel Latin version.1It is, indeed, difficult to see how the play upon the wordearthon which the poem depends could have been reproduced with equal success in any language outside English, and the Latin version is distinctly inferior in this respect. There would seem, therefore, to be good reason for the assumption thatErthe upon Ertheis of English origin, belonging to the same class of literature as the English versions of theSoul and Bodypoems.The earliest texts of the poem known to be extant are found in MSS. Harleian 2253 and 913, both dated about the beginning of the fourteenth century. The two texts vary greatly in length—MS.Harl. 2253 consists of four lines as against seven six-lined stanzas in MS. Harl. 913—and the latter text has the parallel Latin rendering mentioned above, but they coincide so far as they go, and appear to represent a thirteenth or fourteenth-century type of the poem, which may be called theAversion.2Another poem of the same kind, which differs considerably from theAversion, but is, in all probability, closely connected with it in origin, is common in fifteenth-century MSS. I have traced eighteen texts of this version, dating from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, all of which represent or are based upon the same common type, though individual transcribers appear to have expanded the theme according to their own taste. Such additions may easily be distinguished, since they seldom succeed in maintaining either the grim simplicity, or the fundamental play upon the wordearth, which characterize the genuine portions of the poem. This common fifteenth-century type may be called theBversion.Lastly, a single fifteenth-century MS. (Cambridge University Library, Ii, 4. 9) has preserved a text of the poem in which some attempt seems to have been made to combine theAwith theBversion. This text may be called theCversion, or Cambridge text.In the following pages an attempt has been made to justify the premises in part laid down already, and to show that theAandBversions may be traced back to a common source, and that this source was not only confined to England, but was itself English.MSS. of the Poem ‘Erthe upon Erthe’.The following is a list of the manuscripts in which the poem occurs:—MSS. of theAVersion:1.  MS. Harl. 2253, fol. 57, vo, dated c. 1307. Four lines inserted between a French poem on the Death of Simon de Montfort, and an English poem on the Execution of Simon Fraser. Printed by J. Ritson,Ancient Songs and Ballads from the Reign of K. Henry II to the Revolution, p. 13 (1790), by E. Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 216 (1903), and byW. Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik, xiv. 179) (1904). (See the facsimile opposite the title-page.)2.  MS. Harl. 913, fol. 62, ro(c. 1308-1330). Seven six-lined English stanzas alternating with seven of the same purport in Latin. Printed by T. Wright,Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 216 (1841), by F. J. Furnivall,Early Eng. Poems and Lives of Saints, p. 150 (printed for the Philological Society, Berlin, 1862), and by W. Heuser,ibid., p. 180.MSS. of theBVersion:1.  William Billyng’s MS. (dated 1400-1430). Five four-lined stanzas, preceded by the figure of a naked body, rudely drawn, having a mattock in its right hand, and a spade at its feet. At the end of the poem is a prone figure of a skeleton accompanied by two draped figures.3Printed by W. Bateman,Billyng’s Five Wounds of Christ, no. 3 (Manchester, 1814),4‘from a finely written and illuminated parchment roll, about two and three-quarter yards in length: it is without date, but by comparing it with other poetry, it appears to have been written early in the fifteenth century; the illuminations and ornaments with which it is decorated correspond to those of missals written about the reign of Henry V; the style may therefore fix its date between the years 1400 and 1430. The author5gives his name and mark at the bottom of the roll.’ Reprinted from Bateman’s text by J. Montgomery,The Christian Poet, edit. 1 and 2, p. 45 (1827), edit. 3, p. 58 (1828).2.  MS. Thornton (Lincoln Cath. Libr.), fol. 279 (c. 1440). Five stanzas6without mark of strophic division. Printed by G. G. Perry,Religious Poems in Prose and Verse, p. 95 (E.E.T.S., No. xxvi, 1867, reprinted 1889, p. 96), and by C. Horstmann,Yorkshire Writers (Richard Rolle of Hampole), i. 373 (1895).3.  MS. Selden supra 53, fol. 159, vo(c. 1450). Six stanzas (strophic division indicated in the first two), written in a different hand on the back of a spare leaf at the end of theMS.; stanza 5 of the usualBversion omitted. Quoted by H. G. Fiedler,Modern Language Review(April 1908), III. iii. 221. Not printed before.4.  MS. Egerton 1995, fol. 55, ro(William Gregory’s Commonplace Book, dated c. 1430-1450, cf. J. Gairdner,Collections of a London Citizen. Camden. Soc. 1876 n.s. xvii). Seven stanzas without strophic division. Not printed before.5.  MS. Harl. 1671, fol. 1*, ro(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas written in the left-hand column on the fly-leaf at the beginning of the MS., which consists of a ‘large Theological Treatise, imperfect at both ends, which seemeth to have been entituled “The Weye to Paradys”’.7The upper portion of the leaf contains a poem in praise of St. Herasmius. Not printed before.6.  MS. Brighton, fol. 90, vo(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas. Printed by Fiedler,M. L. R.III. iii. 219, from the last leaf of a MS. formerly seen by him in possession of an antiquary at Brighton, and containing a Latin treatise on the seven Sacraments.7.  Stratford-on-Avon Inscription (after 1450). Seven stanzas, formerly on the west wall of the nave in the Chapel of the Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, cf. R. B. Wheler,Hist. and Antiq. of Stratford-on-Avon, p. 98: ‘against the west wall of the nave, upon the south side of the arch was painted the martyrdom of Thomas à Becket, whilst kneeling at the altar of St. Benedict in Canterbury Cathedral; below this was represented the figure of an angel (probably St. Michael) supporting a long scroll, upon which were written the following rude verses: Erth oute of erthe,’ &c. ‘Beneath were two men, holding another scroll over a body wrapt in a winding sheet, and covered with some emblems of mortality with these lines: Whosoo hym be thowghte,’ &c. (v. Note on p. 36). These paintings were probably added in the reign of Henry VII, when the Chapel was restored by Sir Hugh Clopton (died 1496), who built New Place opposite the Chapel in 1483. They were discovered in 1804 beneath a coating of whitewash, and were copied and engraved, but have since been more than once re-coated with whitewash, and all trace of the poem has now disappeared. Facsimiles,etched and coloured by hand, exist in Thomas Fisher’sSeries of Ancient Allegorical, Historical, and Legendary Paintings in fresco, discovered on the walls of the Chapel of the Trinity, belonging to the Gild of the Holy Cross, at Stratford-on-Avon, in Warwickshire, from drawings made at the time of their discovery(1807). Printed by R. B. Wheler,ibid.(1806), by Longfellow,Outre-Mer(Père-La-Chaise, note on p. 67), 1851, and by W. P. Reeves,Mod. Lang. Notes, IX. iv. 203 (April 1894).8.  MS. Rawlinson C. 307, fol. 2, ro(after 1458). Eight stanzas, of which three are peculiar to this MS., and are of a more distinctly Northern dialect than the remainder. The poem is the only English text in a MS. containing Latin prose and verse. Two Latin poems in the same hand asErthe upon Ertherefer to the death of Gilbert Pynchbeck at York in 1458, which would fix the date c. 1460, or later. The three independent stanzas were printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 221.9.8MS. Harl. 4486, fol. 146, ro(fifteenth century). Eight stanzas added on the last leaf but one of a copy ofLe Livre de Sydrac, immediately after the colophon. The last two leaves and the cover of the MS. contain various scribblings in fifteenth-century hands, chiefly of Latin aphorisms and rimes. Folio 147, vo, contains the signature of Tho. Baker, who may possibly have transcribed the English poem. Not printed before.10. MS. Lambeth 853, fol. 35 (c. 1430-1450). Twelve stanzas. Printed by F. J. Furnivall,Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, p. 88 (E.E.T.S. 1867, No. xxiv, reprinted 1895).11. MS. Laud Misc. 23, fol. 111, vo(before 1450). Twelve stanzas, varying very slightly from MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.12. MS. Cotton Titus A xxvi, fol. 153, ro(fifteenth century). Six four-lined stanzas, apparently the beginning of a transcript of MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.13. MS. Rawlinson Poetic. 32, vo(after 1450). Thirty-two stanzas, each of four short lines, corresponding to half the normal stanza; stanzas 17 to 30 are peculiar to this MS. The greater part printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 222.14. MS. Porkington 10, fol. 79, vo(fifteenth century). Twelve six-lined stanzas, of which stanzas 7 to 11 are peculiar tothis MS. Printed by Halliwell,Early Eng. Misc. in Prose and Verse, selected from an inedited MS. of the 15th cent., p. 39 (Warton Club, 1855), and by Fiedler, ibid. p. 225.15. MS. Balliol 354, fol. 207, vo(Richard Hill’s Commonplace Book, dated before 1504). Sixteen stanzas, of which stanzas 6 to 14 introduce an independent digression on the Nine Worthies. Printed by Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 94 (1903), and by Roman Dyboski,Songs, Carols, and Other Misc. Poems, p. 90 (E.E.T.S. 1907, extra ser. ci).16. MS. Harl. 984, fol. 72, ro(sixteenth century). The preceding leaf of the MS. has been torn out, leaving only two lines of what may be assumed to be verse 6, and the whole of verse 7, which occur with other fragments on the last leaf but one.17. The Maitland MS. Pepysian Library, Magd. Coll. Cambr., MS. 2553, p. 338 (c. 1555-1585). Seven stanzas in the Lowland Scots dialect, with the ascription ‘quod Marsar’. Thomas Pinkerton published portions of the MS. in hisAncient Scottish Poems never before in print . . . from the MS. Collections of Sir Richard Maitland(London, 1786), but omittedEird upon Eird. Not printed before.18. The Reidpeth MS. Cambridge Univ. Libr. Ll. 5. 10, fol. 43, vo, copied 1622-1623 ‘a me Joanne Reidpeth’. Seven stanzas, probably transcribed from the Maitland MS., but concluding ‘quod Dumbar’. Not printed before.MS. of theCVersion:The Cambridge Text. Cambr. Univ. Libr. Ii. 4. 9, fol. 67, ro(fifteenth century). Eighty-two lines comprising twenty-two or twenty-three stanzas. The text is followed by a coloured picture of a young knight, standing on a hill with a skeleton below. A scroll proceeding from the knight has the words:Festina tempus et memento finis, while one proceeding from the skeleton runs:In omni opere memorare nouissima et in eternum non peccabis. Printed by Heuser,Kildare-Gedichte, p. 213.TheAVersion.TheAversion exists in two forms, one a short popular stanza of four lines (MS. Harl. 2253), apparently of the nature of a riddle, the other a longer poem of seven English and seven Latin stanzas (MS. Harl. 913), each English verse being followed by itsLatin equivalent. The metrical form of the Latin verses is one often used in Latin poems of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a six-lined stanza, rimedaaaabb, with the rhythm of the well-knownméum ést propósitúm|ín tabérna móri.The English verses are also in the form of a six-lined stanzaaaaabb, but the first four lines have the same loose four-stress rhythm as the lines in MS. Harl. 2253, and the concluding couplet is on the principle of the septenarius. Both the English and the Latin lines rime at the caesura as well as at the end of the line, but this is less uniformly the rule in the English verses. There is close verbal connexion between the four lines in MS. Harl. 2253, and the opening lines of the longer poem, as will appear from a comparison of the two:—MS. Harl.2253.Erþe toc of erþe     erþe wyþ woherþe oþer erþe     to þe erþe droherþe leyde erþe     in erþene þrohþo heuede erþe of erþe     erþe ynohMS. Harl.913.whan erþ haþ erþ  .  iwonne wiþ wowþan erþ mai of erþ  .  nim hir inowerþ vp erþ  .  falliþ fol frowerþ toward erþ  .  delful him drow.of erþ þou were makid  .andmon þou art ilichin on erþ awaked  .  þe poreandþe riche.The connexion between these two versions might be explained in two ways. The short version of MS. Harl. 2253 may be the beginning of a transcript of the longer poem in which the scribe broke off because his memory failed him, or because he was only acquainted with a popular version of the opening lines. On the other hand, the short version may be the older, and the more learned composer of the poem in MS. Harl. 913 may have been elaborating this and other such riddling stanzas current at the time. But any attempt to decide between these two possibilities must necessarily depend upon the conclusion formed as to the relation of the Latin stanzas in MS. Harl. 913 to their English equivalents, and this question will be more conveniently discussed in connexion with the general origin of theErthe upon Erthepoems. As regards the date of the two MSS., MS. Harl. 2253 is generally ascribed to the beginning of the fourteenth century,and the Kildare MS. (MS. Harl. 913) is dated c. 1308 by Crofton Croker, c. 1308 to 1330 by Heuser, while Paul Meyer is of opinion that it may belong to an earlier period still. The dialect of both poems is South Midland, probably of the western part of the district. MS. Harl. 2253, which is commonly associated with Leominster, hasheuede(4). MS. Harl. 913 haslutil,schrud,muntid,heo,mon,lond, and S. Midl. forms of verbs. We have therefore two types of theAversion, standing in close verbal relation to each other, of much the same date and dialect, and representing in all probability the kind ofErthepoem current at the end of the thirteenth century in the South-west Midland district.TheBVersion.As will appear from the foregoing account of the MSS., the eighteen texts of theBversion vary considerably in length, many of them introducing stanzas which do not recur elsewhere. A comparison of the number and arrangement of the stanzas in each text is given on the next page, the stanzas being numbered according to the order of their arrangement in the text to which they belong, and the corresponding stanzas in the various texts grouped under columns. MSS. Thornton, Selden, and Egerton have no mark of strophic division, but fall naturally into mono-rimed stanzas of four lines. All the remaining texts are arranged in four-lined stanzas with mono-rime,9with the exception of MS. Porkington, which represents an evident expansion of the original metrical scheme, an additional long line being attached to each stanza by means of a short bob-line, giving a six-lined stanza,aaaabb. In MS. Rawl. Poet. each long line is written as two short lines, so that the usual four-lined stanza appears in this text as two stanzas, each consisting of four half-lines. This arrangement is facilitated by the regular internal rime on the worderthe. The order of the fifteenth-century MSS. of theBversion observed in the table corresponds to that in the foregoing list of MSS., and in the printed text, and is not always strictly chronological, it being more convenient for purposes of comparison to group the texts according to their length. It will be seen that the three late texts (MSS. Harl. 984, Maitland, and Reidpeth) revert to the normal seven-stanza type, and that this appears to have been the form of the poem known to the compiler of the Cambridge text, a comparison of which is added.The “Independent Stanzas”, here shown as a separate table, were printed as the last column of the main table, following “Common Stanzas”.Text.Common Stanzas.1.Wm. Billyng’s Text12345——2.MS. Thornton12345——3.MS. Selden, supra 531235—464.MS. Egerton 199512345675.MS. Harl. 167112345676.MS. Brighton12345677.Stratford Inscription12345678.MS. Rawl. C. 30712345——9.MS. Harl. 44861234567810.MS. Lambeth 85312348911125671011.MS. Laud Misc. 2312348911125671012.MS. Cotton Titus A. xxvi1234————56——13.MS. Rawl. Poet.1.2.3.4.6.5.7.8.11.12.——31.32.15.16.—9.10.13.14.14.MS. Porkington 101234561215.MS. Balliol 35412345151616.MS. Harl. 98410(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)6717.MS. Maitland123456718.MS. Reidpeth1234567The Cambridge Text13.8.210911—Text.Independent Stanzas.8.MS. Rawl. C. 307stanzas 6. 7. 8. (3)13.MS. Rawl. Poet.17 to 30. (14)14.MS. Porkington 107 to 11 (5)15.MS. Balliol 3546 to 14 (9)The Cambridge Text6. 7. 13. 18 resembleAVersion.4. 5. 12. 14 to 17. 19 to 22 independent (11)It will be seen from the table that eleven of these texts have seven stanzas in common, and that fifteen of them have five in common. Of the three remaining texts, MS. Harl. 984 has a missing leaf, but would clearly appear to belong to the seven-stanza type, raising the above numbers to twelve texts of seven stanzas, and sixteen of five. MS. Selden again obviously represents the usual seven-stanza type with the accidental omission of verse 5. MS. Titus has four of the customary five verses, breaks off to follow the arrangement of the Lambeth MS., and comes to an end after copying two of the additional verses in the Lambeth text before reaching the usual fifth verse. Assuming that it represents a transcription of the Lambeth text, MS. Titus might be classed with the five-stanza type, or possibly, like MS. Lambeth, with the seven-stanza type. It may therefore be assumed that all eighteen of the B texts have five stanzas in common, or are based upon such a common type, and that thirteen, or possibly fourteen of them, represent a common type with seven stanzas, six of which are further found in the Cambridge text. These common stanzas vary very little in the different MSS. as regards either the actual text or the order of lines and stanzas, and it seems probable that the normalBversion consisted of seven stanzas, ending with a personal exhortation which has been omitted, or possibly not yet added, in five of the texts. In four MSS.—Lambeth, Laud, Rawl. P., and Harl. 4486—an interesting final stanza, containing a prayer, has been added. Three of these texts, MSS. Lamb., Laud, and Rawl. P., correspond in three other additional stanzas, which seems to point to some closer relationship between them, and two, or more strictly one and a half, of these additional stanzas are also found in MS. Titus, which appears to be a transcript of the Lambeth text. The scribe of MS. Titus followed the Lambeth text until he reached the middle of verse 6, when he apparently wearied of the task, and broke off with a new couplet of his own, entirely foreign in idea and metre to theErthe upon Erthepoems:—Lewe thy syne & lyffe in right,And þan shalt thou lyffe in heuyn as a knyght.The text, as a whole, is badly written with many erasures, and points to a careless hand.The additional stanzas cited in the table as independent containmere variations on the main theme, and it is highly probable that the more expanded texts are the later, and represent individual additions to a popular poem, since they generally fail to maintain the internal rime on the worderthewhich is an evident characteristic of the genuine verses. In the case of the five MSS. in question, MS. Harl. 4486 might be taken to represent the original type, and MSS. Lamb., Laud11, and Titus an expansion of this, while the author of Rawl. P. was obviously acquainted with the Lambeth text, or its original, and added to it certain stanzas of his own, leaving out three of the verses in Lambeth to make room for these. Whether the eighth stanza which MSS. Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, and Rawl. P. have in common belongs to the original type of theBversion, or was itself a later addition, can scarcely be determined, but as it seems to be confined to these four texts, the latter view is perhaps the more probable. It must, however, have been added early, as it occurs already in MSS. Lamb. and Laud before 1450, and preserves the principle of the internal rime onerthe. The relative dates of MSS. Lambeth and Rawl. P. as fixed by Furnivall and Madden (MS. Lamb. 1430-1450, R. P. after 1450) would bear out this theory of the relationship between these two texts, and it may further be noted that both have the same prefatoryDe terra plasmasti me, otherwise found only in MS. Harl. 1671, and that both exhibit the same tendency to employ a direct personal mode of address, and to lengthen out the original text by superfluous words.Cf. for example, MS. Harl. 4486, verse 5 (so MS. Laud, verse 8)—Why erthe loueth erthe wonder me thynke,Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylle or swynke, &c.with MS. Lamb. verse 8—Whi þat erþeto mycheloueþ erþe, wondir me þink,Or whi þat erþe forsuperflueerþeto soresweete wole or swynkand MS. Rawl. P. verse 11—Or whi that erthe for the ertheUnresonablyswete wol or swynke.The exact date of the text in MS. Titus is indeterminate, but, as stated above, it is evidently based on MS. Lambeth or its original, and might be ascribed to c. 1450 or later. The text in MS. Harl. 4486 has been added by some later owner of the MS. on the last leaves of a fifteenth-century transcript ofLe Livre de Sydrac. The handwriting ofErthe upon Ertheis also fifteenth century, but the exact date again cannot be determined. The text, however, is far simpler and nearer to the original than that of the other four MSS., and evidently represents an earlier type than these, though the actual transcript may be later.With the exception of these five MSS., it is not easy to group the eighteen texts of theBversion on any system based upon the additional stanzas, since these fail to bear out any theory as to closer relationship between individual MSS., though the connexion of ideas is often close owing to the similarity of the theme. Thus the nine additional stanzas in MS. Balliol contain a digression upon the nine worthies with an interesting reference in verse 12 to the Dance of Powlis, i.e. the Dance of Death formerly depicted outside St. Paul’s Cathedral (v. Notes, p. 36). It is in the Cambridge text alone that the additional stanzas supply an interesting connexion with theAversion, which places this text, unfortunately corrupt and difficult to decipher, in an important position as a link betweenAandB.With regard to possible relationships dependent upon variations in the order or arrangement of the lines in the seven common stanzas, it may be pointed out that the first verse in MS. Egerton consists of three lines only, the usual second line being omitted, and that both MS. Harl. 1671 and MS. Porkington omit the same line, though each of these supplies a new and independent fourth line to fill the gap:—(MS. Egerton1995)Erthe owte of þe erthe ys wounderly wrought,Erthe vppon erthe hathe sette hys thoughtHow erthe a-pon erthe may be hy brought.(MS. Harl.1671)Erthe apon erthe ys waxyne and wrought,And erthe apon erthe hathe ysette all hys thoughtHow that erth apon erth hye myght be brought,But how that erth scal to the erth thyngketh he noht.(MS. Porkington 10)Erthe vppon erthe is woundyrely wrouȝte;Erthe vppon erthe has set al his þouȝteHow erthe vppon erth to erthe schall be brouȝte;There is none vppon erth has hit in þouȝte.Take hede!Whoso þinkyse on his ende, ful welle schal he spede.It is obvious that these new lines are an afterthought, especially in the case of MS. Porkington, where the rime-wordþouȝtehas to be repeated. Possibly these three texts depend upon a common original in which the usual second lineErth hath gotyn vppon erth a dygnyte of noghtwas lacking, or MS. Egerton may have been the original of the other two. But MS. Harl. 1671 varies from the other two in the first line also, using a version which is otherwise confined to the Cambridge text—Erthe apon erthe yswaxyne andwrought—and both it and MS. Porkington beginerthe upon erthelike the later texts, as opposed to the more usualerthe owte of erthe, so that there is no clear evidence of a closer relationship between these three texts.In verse 4, again, an inversion of the customary order of the second or third lines is common to MSS. Rawl. C., Porkington, Maitland, Reidpeth, and the Stratford-on-Avon inscription, but the verse easily lends itself to transposition of the kind, and in MS. Rawl. C. the usual first line is also put third, so that the order of lines as compared with the normal arrangement becomes 2. 3. 1. 4. Beyond the self-evident fact that the Maitland and Reidpeth MSS. must be grouped together, no relationship of the MSS. can be deduced from this transposition, though it may point to a second popular version with inversion of lines 2 and 3.One of the most important differences of reading in the common stanzas occurs in the first line of the poem, where twelve of the eighteen MSS. readerthe out of erthe, while the remaining six, as well as the Cambridge text, haveerthe upon erthe. Three of these six are definitely later transcripts: MS. Porkington is obviously a later modification of the original four-lined stanza, and MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth belong to the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries respectively; the beginning of MS. Harl. 984is not preserved, and the remaining two texts, MSS. Selden and Harl. 1671, belong to c. 1450, while the Cambridge text, as will be shown later, cannot be regarded as original. Evidentlyerthe owt of erthewas the original reading, but the versionerthe upon erthewas introduced early, and appears to have survived the other. A similar change occurs in the last line of verse 2, where MS. Harl. 1671 and the Stratford text substituteerth upon erthforout of,from,of, of the other texts, and again in the third line of verse 4 (l. 2 in the texts mentioned above as transposing these lines) where the same two MSS. readerth upon erthfor the normalerth unto(into,to)erthe; also in the fourth line of verse 7, where MSS. Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, Maitland, and Reidpeth readuponforowte of. Now the last two lines of the first verse of the poem invariably use the phraseerth upon erthe, and it occurs repeatedly throughout the poem as a synonym forman: e.g. verse 2, line 1; 3, ll. 1, 3; 4, ll. 1, 2 (or 3); 5, l. 3; 6, ll. 1, 3; 7, l. 1. It was very natural that the common phrase, and the one best adapted to serve as a title to the poem, should tend to replace others, but it seems probable that wherever the substitution occurs it may be taken as due to a later tradition, and consequently as a proof of non-originality or comparative lateness in the text in which it is found. A similar change, and one to be explained in a similar way, is the introduction ofwonderlyforwyckydlyin the first line of verse 7 on the analogy of the first line of the poem, which occurs in MSS. Harl. 1671 and Stratford, and also in the late MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth.Other variations of reading are less noteworthy. In the second line of verse 1, ten MSS., ranging from the early Thornton and Lambeth to the late Maitland and Reidpeth, readdignite, while the others vary betweennobley(MS. Brighton, cf. the Cambridge text),nobul þyng(Billyng),worschyp(Selden), andan abbey, perhaps an error fornobley(Harl. 4486). The remaining three MSS. omit the line. In the fourth line of verse 2, the alliterativepiteous partingof MSS. Billyng, Egerton, Brighton, Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, Titus, and Rawl. P., is replaced byhard partingnot only in the Stratford text and in the later MSS. (Porkington, Balliol, Maitland, Reidpeth), but also in MSS. Thornton and Rawl. C., while other readings aredolful(MS. Selden, cf. the Cambridge text) andheuy(MS. Harl. 1671). It is difficult here to decide betweenpiteousandhard, but the preference should probably rest with the alliterative phrase. In the fourth line of verse 3, the alliterativescharpe schowresis evidently the original reading, and it occurs in all texts except Stratford, Rawl. P., and Balliol.In the first line of verse 4,erthe goeth upon erthe as moulde upon mouldeoccurs in thirteen texts, and two others (Stratford and Balliol, cf. also the Cambridge text) keep the rimemouldwhile altering the line. The other two readings found,colde opon colde(Rawl. C.), andgolde appone golde(Thornton), are obviously non-original, particularly the latter, which repeats the rime-wordgoldin two successive lines.Other variations and occasional transpositions of lines occur in individual MSS., but are unimportant.It will thus be seen that the popular traditional version of the poem tended to become modified, and even corrupt, already in the fifteenth century, and that such modifications are usually more apparent in the later texts. It is also evident that individual transcribers felt themselves at liberty to expand the traditional version, and that many tried their hand at such variations on the original theme, but the striking absence of proof of relationship outside the seven stanzas of the normal version, as well as the frequent unimportant variations found in the common stanzas, seems to point clearly to the conclusion that the original was a popular poem of seven, or possibly only five, stanzas, widely known over England, and that the more simple and naïve of the seventeen texts extant are also more genuine, and nearer to the original.Many of the texts are accompanied by a short prefatory or concluding verse in English or Latin. The English verse—When lyffe is most loued, and deth is moste hated,Then dethe draweth his drawght and makyth man full nakedoccurs as a preface in MSS. Harl. 4486 and 1671, Lambeth, Laud, Rawl. P., and Egerton, and as a conclusion in Billyng’s text. The LatinMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverterisoccurs, in full or in part, in MSS. Harl. 4486, Egerton, Rawl. C., Lambeth, and Billyng, andDe terra plasmasti mein MSS. Harl. 1671, Lambeth, and Rawl. P. The two stanzas in rime royal on theProcese of Dethewhich immediately precedeErthe upon Erthein the Porkington MS. are transcribed as a separate poem, and if not separate, would rather belong to the preceding text, a translationof the LatinVisio Philibertiin rime royal, than toErthe upon Erthe. The latter poem often accompanies either aDance of Deathor one of the numerousSoul and Bodydialogues, no doubt because of the similarity of the theme, but it is not necessary to regard these kindred poems as forming an essential part of each other. So in the Balliol MS.,Erthe upon Ertheis preceded by an eight-lined Latin stanza on the themevado mori, which is probably part of aDance of Death. Here again no basis for a grouping of the MSS. can be found.The two late texts—MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth—represent a Lowland Scots version of the poem, and are obviously copies of the same original. Probably the Reidpeth text is a transcription of the Maitland, but it contains some obvious misreadings of it, as in verse 3, line 3,bowris(Maitl.),towris(Reidpeth) repeating the rime-word; 5, l. 20,within(Maitl.),with(Reidpeth). The Maitland MS., compiled c. 1555-1585, adds the colophonquod Marsar. The later Reidpeth MS., 1622-1623, concludes with the wordsquod Dumbar. Mersar, or Marsar, is mentioned in Dunbar’sLament for the Makaris, and is usually identified with a William Mersar of the household of James IV, mentioned 1500 to 1503. In any case, if he were a contemporary of Dunbar, he could scarcely be assigned to a sufficiently early date to account for the widespread popularity ofErthe upon Ertheall over England in 1450, and the fact that the two MSS. assign the poem to different authors, of whom Dunbar is manifestly impossible, and Mersar at least improbable, may be explained as an instance of that readiness of posterity to attach a known name to a work of unknown origin, of which other examples are not wanting. It is, however, of interest to find that the poem had made its way to Scotland by 1550 or thereabouts.As regards dialect, the majority of the MSS. of theBversion show traces of Northern dialect, most of them preserving the Nth. plural in-isin the rimestouris,schowrys, &c. In verse 3 also the majority of the texts have the Nth.biggedorbiggid, but six (MSS. Billyng, Egerton, Rawl. P., Porkington, Balliol, and the Stratford text) use the Midl. or Sth.bildedorbilled. In verse 4 the rime requires the formwoldrather than the common Nth.wald, and even the Maitland MS. retainswoldfor the sake of the rime, whereas MS. Reidpeth substituteswald, sacrificing the rime.MSS. Thornton and Rawl. C. show distinct Nth. features, such as the verb-endings-is(pres. ind. 3 sg.),-and(pres. part.),-id,-it,-in(past part.), and MS. Rawl. C. has the Nth.whate gates at þu gaseriming withfase(foes). But few of the MSS. represent pure dialect-forms, and an investigation of the dialect of the texts is of little assistance towards determining that of the original poem. Such evidence as exists points, on the whole, to the North Midland district, and a widespread popularity in the North, which led to the later knowledge of the poem across the Border, but the popularity was evidently not confined to the North, and Southern as well as Northern forms may be traced in both early and late transcripts.The Cambridge Text.The Cambridge MS., as has been already stated, combines portions of both theAand theBversion with several independent stanzas. At first sight it might appear to represent a transitional stage in the development of theBfrom theAtype, but closer examination shows that this is not the case, and that the text is merely a later compilation from the two. The writer must have had some knowledge both of the longerAversion represented by MS. Harl. 913, and of the common seven-stanzaBtype, and seems to have tried to combine his recollections in one poem, halting between the four-lined and six-lined stanza, repeating himself here and there, and adding certain new verses of his own. There is no grouping into stanzas in the MS., but a division is easily made by the rimes, and these give mono-rimed stanzas of four lines chiefly, with one of six lines, and some fragmentary ones of two or three. In one case a stanza has been broken up and the two couplets inserted at different points (ll. 9-10, 27-28). As has been shown in the table of MSS. of theBversion, six verses of theBtype may be traced, while four verses show distinct correspondence withA, and eleven are independent of either. A comparison of the similar lines follows:—(MS. Cambr.Ii. 4. 9) ll. 1-4.(MS. Harl.4486.)BVersion.Erthe vpon erthe is waxin & wrought,Erthe takys on erthe a nobylay of nought;Now erthe vpon erthe layes all his þoughtHow erthe vpon erthe sattys all at noght.1Erthe owte of erthe is wonderly wrowghte,Erthe of the erthe hathe gete an abbey12of nawte,Erthe apon erthe hath setteal his thowghteHow erthe apon erthe may be hye browte.ll. 9-10, 27-28.Erthe vpon erth wolde be a kyng,But howe erth xal to erth thynkyth he no thyng.When erthe says to erth: ‘My rent þou me bryng,’Then has erth fro erthe a dolfull partyng.2Erthe apon erthe be he a kynge,Butt how erth schalleto erthe thynkethehe nothynge.When erthe byddeth erthe his rent home brynge,Then schalleertheowte of erthe haue a pyteous13partynge.ll. 5-8.Erthe vpon erth has hallys & towris;Erthe says to erth: ‘This is alle owris.’But quan erth vpon erth has byggyd his bowrisThan xal erth for the erth haue scharpe schowris.3Erthe apon erthe wynneth castelles& towres.Then seytheerthe to erthe: ‘These bythealleowres.’When erthe apon erthe hath byggedevp his bowresThen schalleerthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.Cf. l. 66.If erth haue mys don, he getyth scharpe shours.ll. 33-35.Erthe wrotys in erth as molys don in molde,Erthe vpon erth glydys as golde,As erthe leve in erthe euer moreschulde.4Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.So goeth erthe apon erthe allegleteryngein golde,Lyke as erthe into erthe neuergo scholde,And ȝet schalleerthe into erthe rather then be wolde.ll. 29-32.How erthe louys erth wondyr me thynke,How erthe for erth wyll swete and swynke.When erth is inerthe broght with-in the brynkeWhat as herth than of erthe but a fowle stynke.5Why erthe louetheerthe wonder me thynke,Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylleor swynke,Ffor whan erthe apon erthe is browte withyn þe brynke,Then schalleerthe of the erthe haue a fowle stynke.ll. 36-37.Erthe vpon erth mynd euermore þou makeHow erthe xal to erth when deth wyll hymtake.6Loo erthe apon erthe consyderethow mayHow erthe commyth to erthe naked all way.(MS. Harl.913)AVersion.ll. 19-22.v. 5, ll. 1, 2, 5, 6.Erth vpon erthe gos in the weye,Prykys and prankys on a palfreye;When erth has gotyn erth alle that he maye,He schal haue but seven fote at his last daye.Erþ is a palfrei to king andto quene,Erþ is ar lang wei, þouw we lutil wene.Whan erþ haþ erþ wiþ streinþ þus geten,Alast he haþ is leinþ miseislich i-meten.ll. 41-46, 23-26.v. 2.Ffor erth gos in erth walkand in vede,And erthe rydys on erth on a fayr stede,When he was gotynin erth erth to his mede,Than is erth layde in erthe wormys to fede.Whylke are the wormys the flesch brede?God wote the wormys for to ryght rede.Than xal not be lykyng vnto hymBu[t] an olde sely cloth to wynde erthe in,When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,The rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.Erþ geþ on erþ wrikkend in weden,Erþ toward erþ wormes to feden;Erþ berriþ to erþ al is lif deden;When erþ is inerþe, heo muntid þi meden.When erþ is inerþe, þe rof is on þe chynne;Þan schullen an hundred wormes wroten on þe skin.ll. 63-64.v. 6, ll. 5-6.Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,When erth is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;Erþ bilt castles, anderþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.l. 38.v. 6, l. 3.Be ware, erth, for erthe, for sake of thi sowle.Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold.The additional verses in MS. Cambr. bear some slight resemblance to other additional lines found in MSS. of theBtype, and this is interesting as showing that the writer worked on the same lines in expanding his text, and was perhaps acquainted with some of the longerBtexts. On the other hand characteristic differences in the treatment of the theme would seem to support the view that these verses are really individual additions and not derived from any of the other texts. The lines in question are given below:—MS. Cambr.ll. 71-82.MS. Rawl. C.v. 8.God walkyd in erth as longe as he wolde,He had not in this erth but honger& colde,And in this erth also his body was solde,Herein this erth, whan þat he was xxxti ȝereolde.Now he þat erthe opon erthe ordande to goGraunt þat erthe vpon erthe may govern hym so,Þat when erthe vnto erthe shallebe taken to,Þat þe saule of þis erthe suffre no wo.God lytyd in erth, blyssed be that stounde!He sauyd hijs herth withmany a scharpe wounde,Ffor to sawe erth owght of hell grounde,He deyd in erth vpon þe rode withmany a blody vounde.MS. Rawl. P.vv. 31, 32.Lord God that erthe tokist in erthe,And suffredist paynes ful stille,Late neuer erthe for the ertheIn dedly synne ne spille.And God ros ovght of the est this erth for to spede,And went into hell as was gret nede,And toke erth from sorowe þis erth for to spede,The ryght wey to heuen blys IesusCryst vs lede!But that erthe in this ertheBe doynge euer thi wille,So that erthe for the ertheStye up to thi holi hille.(Cf. Harl. 4486, v. 8; Lamb. v. 12; Laud v. 12).It is therefore evident that the Cambridge text shows knowledge of both theAand theBversions, but the text in its existing form must represent either a corrupt copy of the original with frequent dislocation of lines, or, what is perhaps more likely from the instances of repetition of the same words or ideas which occur, a clumsy compilation from the two made by some one who perhaps hadBbefore him and remembered portions ofAimperfectly.Such repetitions occur in verses 2 and 18, the latter repeating three of the rime-words of the former verse, as well as the phrasescharpe schowris; and again in verses 4 and 19, and in verses 6, 7, and 13. In any case the text must be regarded as later than theAandBversions, and not as forming a link between them. The dialect is Northern, but not uniformly so.Origin and Growth of the Poem.The question as to the source of the poemErthe upon Erthe, and the relationship of theAandBversions to the original, and to each other, is a difficult one. The existence of a parallel Latin version in one of the oldest MSS. is clearly an important point to be taken into consideration in any attempt at an investigation of the origin of the poem, and it will be well before proceeding further to form some conclusion as to the relation in which the English and Latin stanzas in MS. Harl. 913 stand to each other. The correspondence of the two versions is not strictly verbal, but it is evident that either the English or the Latin stanzas represent a rather free rendering of the verses which accompany them. In favour of a Latin origin it may be pointed out that the metrical form of the Latin stanzas is one frequently employed in Latin poems of the time, that the subject is a favourite monastic theme, and that the manner of the poem is in keeping with contemporary Anglo-Latin compositions, such as the well-knownCur mundus militat sub vana gloria. The natural tendency would be to attribute a poem of the kind to Latin origin, especially if, as in this case, a Latin version were forthcoming.On the other hand, it may be pointed out that the Latin text is not known to exist in any other MS., and appears indeed to have no separate existence from the English stanzas which accompany it, whereas English texts of the poem without trace of a Latin rendering or original are very common.14The text was one frequently used in epitaphs, but no Latin epitaph of the kind is known to have existed, although Latin was commonly used in epitaphs at the time when the poem was most widely popular.Further, word-plays of the kind found here upon the wordertheare certainly not common in Latin verse of the time, and the Latintext does not render the play as effectively as the English does, employing alternately the three termsterra,vesta,humus, in place of the Englisherthe, and failing to maintain these consistently. The play on the wordearth, which is the most essential feature of the poem, could not have been given with the same effect as in English either in Latin or in any mediaeval language.15Thirdly, in support of an English origin it may be urged that close verbal connexion can be traced between the English text of both versions, but more especially of the earlier (A), and other poems dating from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, particularly the various Dialogues ofThe Soul and the Body:—MS. Harl.913, l. 17 (A).When erþ is in erþe, þe rof is on þe chynne.MS. Cambr. Univ. Libr.Ii. 4. 9, l. 25 (C)When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,Þe rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.Cf.Dialogues of Soul and Body, (Worcester fragment) 12th cent.‘nu þu havest neowe hus inne beþrungen, lowe beoþ helewes.Þin rof liþ on þine breoste, ful . . . colde is þe ibedded.(Bodl. Fragm.) 12th cent.Þe rof bið ibyld þire broste ful neh.(MS. Auchinleck) 13th cent.Wiþ wormes is now ytaken þin in,Þi bour is bilt wel cold in clay,Þe rofshal take to16þi chin.(MS. Harl.2253) 14th cent.When þe flor is at þy rug,Þe rof ys at þy neose.Cf.Death152 (13th cent.) in Morris,O. E. Misc., p. 168 (Jesus MS.).Þi bur is sone ibuldÞat þu schalt wunyen inne,Þe rof& þe virste17Schal ligge on þine chynne.Nu þe schulen wurmesWunyen wiþinne.MS. Harl.913, l. 66 (A).Erþ bilt castles, & erþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.MS. Harl.4486 (B);so otherBtexts.Erthe apon erthe wynnethecastelles & towres.Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythealle owres’.When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.MS. Cambr.63 (C).Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,When erþ is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;ibid.5-8Erthe vpon erthe has hallys & towris&c.Cf.Soul & Body Dialogues(MSS. Auchinleck, Digby, Vernon, Laud).Whare be þine castels & þine tours,Þine chaumbres & þine heiȝe halle,.   .   .   .   .Wrecche, ful derk it is þi bourTo morn þou schalt þerin falle.(ibid.)Halles heiȝe & bours briȝtY hadde y bilt & mirþes mo.(MS. Harl.2253).thi castles & thy toures.Cf.Death29.Ah seoþþen mony monBy-yet bures & halle,Forþi þe wrecche souleSchal into pyne falle.MS. Harl.913. 42 (A).Be þou þre niȝt in a þrouȝ, þi frendschip is ilor.18Cf.Visio Philiberti(MS. Porkington).When þou art dede þi frenschype is aslepe.Cf.Soul & Body(MS. Auchinleck).that alle þine frend beon fro þe fledde.Cf.Death97.Hwer beoð alle þine freondÞet fayre þe bi-hehteAnd fayre þe igrettenBi weyes and bi strete.Nu heo walleþ wreccheAlle þe forleteNolde heo non herestonkes19Nu þe imete.MS. Cambr.l. 21 (C).When erth has gotyn erthe alle that he mayeHe schal haue but seven fote at his laste daye.Cf.Soul & Body(MSS. Auchinl.,Digby).Now schaltow haue at al þi siþeBot seuen fet, vnneþe þat.The play upon the wordearthrecurs in other English poems. Cf.A Song on the Times(MS. Harl. 913), early fourteenth century—20Whan erthe hath erthe i-getteAnd of erthe so hath i-nouȝ,When he is therin i-stekke,Wo is him that was in wouȝ.where the idea and the two rime-words are the same as inMS. Harl.2253—Erþe toe of erþe erþe wyþ woh,Erþe oþer erþe to þe erþe droh,Erþe leyde erþe in erþene þroh,Þo heuede erþe of erþe erþe ynoh.It will be remembered that these two MSS. (Harl. 913 and 2253) are the two which preserve texts of theAversion, and the opening lines of theSong on the Timeswould appear to give further proof of a connexion between the twoAtexts.Further, inMS. Lansdowne762 (v.Reliquiae AntiquaeI. 260), under the headingTerram terra tegat, occur these lines:—First to the erthe I bequethe his parte,My wretched careyn is but fowle claye,Like than to like, erthe in erthe to laye;Sith it is, according by it I wolle abide,As for the first parte of my wille, that erthe erthe hide.In this case the English words are evidently based upon the Latin phrase, but this does not disprove an English origin for the poemErthe upon Erthe, since any verses of the kind must ultimately have been based on the idea that man is dust, and the idea itself must have been first presented and have become widely known through such Latin elegiac phrases asMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverteris, orDe terra plasmasti me, both of which so frequently accompanyErthe upon Erthe, or as the above citedTerram terra tegat. The verse inMS. Lansdownemight rather be considered as supplying further proof of the popular tendency to replace such phrases by English verses, expressing the same idea, but themselves English, not Latin in origin, and making the most of the possible word-play. Such word-plays were evidently popular between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. Cf. the well-known passage inPiers Plowman, c. xxi. 389.So lyf shal lyf lete ther lyf hath lyf anyented,So that lyf quyte lyf, the olde lawe hit asketh.Ergo, soule shal soule quyte and synne to synne wende.In view of this evidence, I am inclined to think that the Latin version in MS. Harl. 913 is the translation, and the English the original, and that the oldest form ofErthe upon Erthewhich has been preserved is that found in the four lines in MS. Harl. 2253:—Erþe toc of erþe erþe wyþ woh &c.Short riddling stanzas of the kind, based upon the Latin phrases mentioned above, may have been popular in the thirteenth century, and this particular one was evidently known and used by the author of theSong on the Times.21The writer of the version preserved in MS. Harl. 913 seems to have been a more learned man, acquainted with poems like the Dialogues betweenthe Soul and the Body, who elaborated the four lines of MS. Harl. 2253, and perhaps other verses of the same kind, into a poem of seven six-lined stanzas, the additional couplet often introducing a new idea precisely as in the case of the similarly expanded verse-form in MS. Porkington. Either this man or a later transcriber appears to have added the Latin rendering which accompanies the poem, and to have further exercised himself in varying the word-play. Heuser22points out that the mistakes in the MS. would support the view that the English text is a copy of an original in another dialect, and it is possible that the Latin version belongs to this MS. alone, since a second poem in the same MS. is accompanied by an unfinished translation into Latin.This theory as to the origin of the two texts of theAversion receives further support from the fact that it also accounts most satisfactorily for the development and popularity of theBversion. Apart from the play on the wordertheand the similarity of thetheme, there is only one point of close verbal connexion between the two versions. In MS. Harl. 913 (A) the sixth stanza runs as follows:—Erþ gette on erþ gersom & gold,Erþ is þi moder, in erþ is þi mold.Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold;Er erþe go to erþe, bild þi long bold.Erþ bilt castles, and erþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.In theBversion, the rimesgold:mold,toures:boures, regularly recur in the third and fourth stanzas, and line 5 of theAtext is preserved in slightly modified form in the first line of verse 3:— (MS. Harl. 4486, vv. 3 and 4)Erthe apon erthe wynnethe castelles and towres.Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythe alle owres.’When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.So goethe erthe apon erthe alle gleterynge in golde,Lyke as erthe unto erthe neuer go scholde,And ȝet schalle erthe into erthe rather then he wolde.In the Cambridge text the rime-wordstowres:boursare introduced twice over, representing both the versions given above:—(ll. 63, 64)Erthe bygyth hallys & erthe bygith towres,When erth is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;as in theAversion;(ll. 5, 7)Erthe vpon erth has hallys & towris . . .But quan erth vpon erth has bygyd his bowres,as in theBversion.The two stanzas of theBversion which contain these rime-words are the two which recur most frequently on tombstones and mural inscriptions, and it seems possible that they represent a second early form of theErthepoems. It is evident that the rime-wordsgold:mold,bowres:towres, depend upon an early tradition. Probably verses similar to the short stanza in MS. Harl. 2253, and containing these words, were in existence before the learned writer of the longerAtext in MS. Harl. 913 introduced them in his poem, and, becoming widely known, formed the nucleus of theBversion. Both theAand theBversions might therefore be held to depend upon popular stanzas of this kind,which gave rise about the end of the thirteenth century to the long poem of MS. Harl. 913, and during the fourteenth century to the original of theBversion, a poem in seven four-lined stanzas. The earlier version is connected more particularly with the Southwest Midland district; the later seems to have originated rather in the North or North Midlands, but it soon became known all over England, and is found in the South of Scotland shortly after 1500. Only one fifteenth-century writer, the author of the Cambridge text, shows direct knowledge of theAtext, but theBversion was evidently widely known, and a favourite theme for additions and modifications. On tombstones and mural inscriptions it survived up to the nineteenth century.Later Versions of the Poem.As has been already pointed out, the Middle English texts ofErthe upon Ertheoccur for the most part in the Commonplace Books of the day, often on the spare leaves at the beginning or end of the MS., as if the collector or some later owner had been struck by the poem and anxious to preserve it. That this interest was not confined to the fifteenth century is shown by the occurrence of the text in the Maitland and Reidpeth MSS. A still later instance of it occurs in the Pillerton Hersey Registers, dating from 1559 onwards, where the following verse has been scribbled on the last leaf, probably by some seventeenth-century clerk (cf. C. C. Stopes,Athenaeum, Sept. 19, 1908):—Earth upon earth bould house and bowrs,Earth upon earth sayes all is ours.Earth upon earth when all is wroght,Earth upon earth sayes all is for nought.Here the first two lines represent a corrupt type of the same lines in verse 3 of theBversion, while the rimeswroght:noughtrecall verse 1.Another interesting trace of a late popular version is mentioned in theGentleman’s Magazinefor March, 1824, where a certain Mr. J. Lawrence tells how he was invited, during a visit to Beaumont Hall, Essex, to see the following inscription, written and decorated by a cow-boy on an attic wall:—Earth goes upon the earth, glittering like gold;Earth goes to the earth sooner than ’twould;Earth built upon the earth castles and towres;Earth said to the earth, ‘All shall be ours.’Here portions of verses 3 and 4 of theBversion have been combined as in the epitaphs at Melrose and Clerkenwell cited below, pointing either to a corrupt popular version of theBtext, or possibly to an earlier type23in which the rimesgold:mold, &c. were immediately associated with the rimestowres:bowresas inA(MS. Harl. 913, v. 6). The former assumption is the more probable, since the verse appears to be directly based upon stanzas 3 and 4 of the usualBversion.The majority of the later instances of the text occur on tombstones or memorial tablets. The poem was peculiarly adapted for this purpose, based as it was on the very words of the Burial Service. Indeed, the short verses from which it is here assumed to have originated might well be supposed to have been written in the first place as epitaphs, if evidence of the use of English epitaphs in the thirteenth century24were forthcoming. As has been already stated, the seven verses of the normalBversion occurred in full among the mural paintings in the Chapel of the Holy Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, belonging to the Guild of the Holy Cross, where they appear to have been used as a monumental inscription already in the latter part of the fifteenth century.A well-known late instance of the text is the inscription on a tombstone in the parish churchyard which surrounds Melrose Abbey, mentioned by Scott. The stone is headed as follows:—Memento Mori.Here lyes James Ramsay, portioner of Melrose, who diedJuly 15th, 1761.On the back is the following verse:—The Earth goeth on the EarthGlistring like gold,The Earth goeth to the EarthSooner than it wold;The Earth builds on the EarthCastles & Towers,The Earth says to the Earth:‘All shall be ours.’This was translated into German by Theodor Fontane (Poems, 4th edit., Berlin, 1892, p. 447). Cf. Fiedler,Mod. Lang. Review, April 1908.Other inscriptions are as follows:—On an old brass, quoted by W. Williams,Notes and Queries, I. vii. 577, and thought by him to belong to the Church of St. Helen’s, London25:—‘Here lyeth yebodyes ofJames Pomley, yesonne of ouldDominick Pomley and Jane hiswyfe: yesaid James deceased ye7thday of Januarie Anno Domini 1592he beyng of yeage of 88 years, &yesayd Jane deceased ye— dayof — D —Earth goeth upõ Earth as moulde upõ moulde;Earth goeth upõ Earth all glittering as golde,As though earth to yeearth never turne sholde;And yet shall earth to yeearth sooner than he wolde.On a tomb at Edmonton of unknown date (possibly sixteenth century), mentioned by Weever (Ancient Funerall Monuments) in 1631, and by Pettigrew (Chronicles of the Tombs, p. 67) in 1857:—Erth goyth upon erth as mold upon mold,Erth goyth upon erth al glisteryng in gold,As though erth to erth ner turne shold,And yet must erth to erth soner than he wolde.Formerly on a headstone in St. James’s Churchyard, Clerkenwell, deciphered about 1812, but already lost in 1851, probably owing to the dismantling of the churchyard. (Cf.Notes and Queries, III. i. 389):—Earth walks on Earth like glittering gold;Earth says to Earth ‘We are but mold’.Earth builds on Earth castles & towers;Earth says to Earth, ‘All shall be ours!’Formerly on a tombstone at St. Martin’s, Ludgate, to FlorensCaldwell esq. of London & Ann Mary Wilde, his wife (Pettigrew, p. 67)26:—Earth goes to Earth, as mold to mold;Earth treads on Earth, glittering in gold:Earth as to Earth returne ne’er shoulde;Earth shall to Earth goe e’er he wolde.Earth upon Earth consyder may;Earth goes to Earth naked away.Earth though on Earth be stowt & gayEarth shall from Earth passe poore away.Be mercifull & charitable,Relieve the poor as thou art able.A shrowd to the graveIs all thou shalt have.This interesting monument has unfortunately disappeared. Doubtless there are many other traces of the poem to be found, but it appears to have been rarely used on tombstones after 1700,27and earlier monuments, unless specially preserved, are rarely decipherable at the present day.Literary Interest.Erthe upon Erthecannot be said to possess great literary value in itself. The interest of the poem lies chiefly in its evident popularity, and in the insight it gives into the kind of literature which became popular in the Middle Ages. It belongs essentially to the same class as theSoul and BodyPoems, and theDance of Death. In the early days of its introduction into Western Europe, Christianity made great use in its appeal to the mass of the people of the fear of death and dread of the Judgement. The early monastic writers dwelt upon the idea of man’s mortality and decay, and the transitoriness of human rank and pleasure. Hence the frequency with which such themes as theDance of Deathwere treated in literature and in art. Closely allied with this idea of the fleeting nature of earthly things, and to some extent a result of it, was theconception of the separation of man’s bodily from his spiritual self which pervades all mediaeval post-Christian literature. In Old English times already, this sense of a sharp division between the two is embodied in No. xliv of the O.E.Riddles:—28Ic wat indryhtne æþelum deorneȝiest in ȝeardum, þæm se grimma ne mæghunger sceððan ne se hata þurst,yldo ne adle [ne se enga deað],ȝif him arlice esne þenað,se þe agan sceal [his ȝeongorscipe]on þam siðfæte: hy gesunde æt hamfindaþ witode him wiste ⁊ blisse,cnosles unrim, care, ȝif se esnehis blaforde hyreð yflefrean on fore, ne wile forht wesanbroþer oþrum: him þæt bam sceðeð,þonne hy from bearme begen hweorfaðanre magan ellorfusemoddor ⁊ sweostor.This sets forth the same conception of the duality in man as is represented in the O.E.Speech of the Soul to the Body, and in the whole group ofSoul and Bodypoems, and the idea recurs constantly in other monastic texts, cf. Morris,O. E. Miscellany, iii (Sinners Beware), p. 83:—326.þe feondes heom forþ ledeþBoþe lychom and saule.331-336.Þe saule seyþ to þe lychome,Accursed wurþe þi nome,Þin heaued and þin heorte.Þu vs hauest iwroht þes schome,And alle þene eche gromeVs schall euer smerte.MS. Harl.2253, fol. 106, vo, l. 7: þe fleysh stont aȝeyn þe gost.These two fundamental ideas of the transitoriness and henceworthlessness of man’s earthly part, and the cleavage between it and his spiritual part, lie at the root of much of the mediaeval literature, and represent the two not incompatible extremes to which the monastic ideal of life, from its very one-sidedness, was capable of leading: on the one hand a certain morbid materialism, on the other an ascetic mysticism. Nor can it be denied that the mediaeval mind took a certain grim pleasure in dwelling upon the more grotesque aspect of these things. The O.E. poet found the same enjoyment in describing his ‘Ȝifer’—29se wyrm, þe þa ȝeaȝlas beoðnædle scearpran: se genydeð toærest eallra on þam eorðsciæfe,as the painters of theDance of Deathin the drawing of their skeletons and emblems of mortality, or the Gothic carver in his gargoyles. Perhaps, too, some satisfaction in dwelling upon the hollowness of earthly joys, and the bitter fate of those who took their fill of them, was not lacking to a few of those who had turned their backs upon them.Erthe upon Ertheis perhaps more especially concerned with the first of the two conceptions mentioned above, man’s mortality, but, as has already been shown, a close connexion exists between it and theSoul and Bodypoems, and though the idea of the duality in man is not mentioned, it is certainly present. The poem is more popular in form than either theDance of Deathor the variousSoul and BodyDialogues, perhaps because of its purely English origin, and seems to represent a later and more popular product of the ideas which gave rise to the other two groups. Its short mono-rimed stanza, its jingling internal rime, and its half-riddling, half-punning character, appear to have especially commended it to popular favour, and it is significant that it became most widely-known in its simpler forms.Editor’s Note.In preparing the text of this edition, all the available MSS. have been consulted, the only two not examined being William Billyng’s MS. and the Brighton MS., which were formerly in the possession of private owners, and have eluded all search for them. As exhaustive a search as was possible has been made for other texts of the poem, but it has often escaped cataloguing, and it is probable that other copies of theBversion, at least, exist.The punctuation, inverted commas, and regular use of initial capitals in the text are the Editor’s. The MSS. vary in their use of capitals, the same MS. being often inconsistent with itself, while the Cambridge text frequently employs them for unimportant words in the middle of the line, as p. 33, l. 45, Ar, &c. Capitals have been added in the case of all proper names. Letters and words which are obscure or illegible in the MS., or which appear to have been accidentally omitted, are enclosed in square brackets, and a hyphen has been inserted where the MS. separates a prefix or particle from the rest of the word. The MS. writings ff, þ, ȝ, v for u and vice versa, have been retained in the text, andɫɫ,ŧħ, expanded to lle, the, but it was not thought advisable to expand m~, n~, to me, ne, nor other letters such as d, r, g, when written with a final flourish. Fifteenth-century scribes appear to have used such flourishes at the end of the word rather as a matter of habit than with any particular meaning, and the forms to which expansion of them would lead, such asone,onneforon, are frequently most improbable. It was therefore thought better to ignore such flourishes, or to indicate the persistent use of them by a footnote.As the conclusions arrived at in the Introduction with regard to the relationship of the English and Latin versions in MS. Harl. 913, and the verbal connexion with theSoul and BodyDialogues, agree, to some extent, with those indicated by Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte, pp. 176-80, it is only reasonable to state that the greater part of the work upon the subject had been done, and a projected article upon it written in reply to Professor Fiedler’s in theModern Language Review, before I had any knowledge of Heuser’s text, and that my conclusions had been formed independently of his, though his have helped to strengthen and confirm them. Moreover I owe his worka very real debt, since I first learned from it of the existence of the Cambridge Text, which has been a most important link in the building up of the general theory as to the connexion between the different versions of the poem.In conclusion, it is a pleasure to express thanks for kind and courteous assistance to the authorities of the British Museum, the Public Record Office, the Bodleian, Cambridge University Library and Lincoln Cathedral Library; to the librarian of Lambeth Palace Library, to whom I am indebted for the collation of the Lambeth text; to the authorities of Magdalene College, Cambridge, for permission to copy and print the Maitland text; to Lord Harlech for the loan of the Porkington MS.; to Professor Fiedler for permission to use the Brighton text; to Professor Priebsch, who pointed out the text in MS. Harl. 4486; to Miss Helen Sandison, of Bryn Mawr College, U.S.A., for the discovery of the text in the Appendix and for two of the Analogues, and to Professor Skeat for valuable advice and suggestions. In particular this text owes much to my Father, Sir James Murray of theOxford Dictionary, who has read the proofs, and in the midst of his own arduous work has always been ready with help and advice, to my friend Miss K. S. Block, Lecturer in English at the Royal Holloway College, and, above all, to Dr. Furnivall, in whom all scholars and students of English mourn to-day the loss of a great pioneer, and an ever-ready friend and adviser.Oxford,July1910.Since this was sent to press two other copies of theBversion have come to light at Cambridge, and have by kind permission been inserted on pp. 47, 48 as Appendix II:—(B19) MS. Trinity College R. 3. 21, fol. 33, vo, a copy of the normalBversion in seven stanzas.(B20) MS. Trinity College B. 15. 39, fol. 170, which contains nine stanzas of the expanded text preserved in MSS. Lambeth and Laud, and appears to represent a distinct copy of the original of these two (see Introd. p. xix).1.A second Latin version of anErthepoem, together with the same poem in Anglo-French, and in Middle English, occurs on the back of a Roll in the Public Record Office, dating from the time of Edward II (Exr. K. R. Proceedings, Bdle. 1; old No. 845/21), and in a 19th cent. transcript of this in MS. Brit. Mus. Addit. 25478; it is given in the Appendix. Both the Latin and the French appear to be translations or paraphrases of the English, with an additional verse or two.2.The English text in the Appendix consists of nine four-lined stanzas, and is distinct from either of the two current versions of the poem. It appears to have been suggested by the opening lines ofA, and may be regarded as a single sub-type ofA, not affecting the main line of argument of the Introduction. (See Appendix, p. 46.)3.This is repeated on each page of Bateman’s text, and is, perhaps, his own design.4.See Bateman’s Preface.5.Probably not the author but the copier of the MS.: see Notes.6.All the stanzas of theBversion are four-lined except MS. Porkington.7.v. Wanley’s Catalogue.8.My attention was called to this MS. by the kindness of Prof. Priebech.9.MS. Laud Misc. is not written throughout in metrical lines, but the divisions of the stanzas, and, in most cases, of the lines, are clearly indicated.10.The first leaf of this text has been torn out and the verses in brackets are only conjectural.11.MS. Laud represents, in the main, the same version as MS. Lamb., but the variant readings preclude the idea of its being a copy of Lamb., unless the scribe deliberately tried to modify his original on the lines of Harl. 4486 and Rawl. P. The changes in the text (ll. 26, 27, 47: see Notes) show that it cannot be the original of Lamb. It appears to be a transcript from the same original made about the same date, or a little earlier than the Lambeth text.12.Cf. MS. Brightonnobley.13.Cf. MS. Seldendelful.14.The Latin and Anglo-French texts in the Appendix are evidently renderings of the English poem which accompanies them.15.This is clearly seen in the Latin and French versions in the Appendix where the Latin text usesterra in terra, and the Frenchterre en terre.16.Vernon MS.to resten on, Digby,shal rest right at.17.Cotton MS.þe rof þe firste.18.Cf. Frendles ys þe dede (Proverbs of Hendyng, l. 288).19.= heres þonkes,of their own free will.20.Compare with this the text in the Appendix which begins:Whanne eorthe hath eorthe wiþ wrong igete—and in the French version:Quant terre auera en terre large terre gayne.21.See the Appendix, p. 46.22.Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonn, 1904).23.See p. xxxiv above.24.The earliest known epitaphs in English date from the fourteenth century.25.There is no record of this brass at the church of St. Helen’s, Bishopsgate.26.Dated 1590 by Ernest R. Suffling,Epitaphia(1909), p. 382.27.A late instance of its use is given by Ch. Box (Elegies and Epitaphs, Glouc. 1892) as found by him on the tomb of a bricklayer, who died in 1837, aged 90:—Earth walks upon Earth like glittering gold,Earth says to Earth, ‘We are but mould’;Earth builds upon Earth castles and towers,Earth says to Earth, ‘All is ours’!28.Printed from Grein-Wülcker,Bibliothek der ags. Poesie, iii. 212.—(I know of a most noble guest in the dwellings, hidden from men, whom fierce hunger cannot torment, nor burning thirst, nor age, nor sickness [nor close-pressing death], if the servant who shall [bear him company] in his course serves him honourably: they, prospering, shall find abundance and bliss, countless joys, allotted to them at home, but (they shall find) sorrow, if the servant obeys his lord and master ill upon their journey, and will not show him reverence, the one brother to the other: that shall afflict them both, when they two depart, hastening hence, from the bosom of their common kinswoman, mother and sister.)29.Grein-Wülcker, iii. 105.—(The worm whose jaws are sharper than needles, who first of all the worms in the grave forces his way to him.)

INTRODUCTIONThe Two Versions of the Poem ‘Erthe upon Erthe’.TheMiddle English poem ofErthe upon Ertheis one which occurs fairly frequently in fifteenth-century MSS. and even later. It was a favourite theme for Commonplace Books, and was frequently inserted on the spare leaves at the beginning or end of a manuscript. From the many texts of the poem which have survived, and from the fact that portions of it continued to be inscribed on walls and tombstones up to the beginning of the nineteenth century, a wide popularity may be deduced. The extant versions, moreover, point to a knowledge of the poem throughout the greater part of England, as well as in the south of Scotland. The grimness of the motive, based on the wordsMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverteris, allies the text both with the earlier group of poems relating toThe Soul and the Body, and with the more or less contemporaryDance of Death, but whereas the two latter groups can claim a popularity which extended over western Europe,Erthe upon Ertheexists only in Middle English texts, and in one parallel Latin version.1It is, indeed, difficult to see how the play upon the wordearthon which the poem depends could have been reproduced with equal success in any language outside English, and the Latin version is distinctly inferior in this respect. There would seem, therefore, to be good reason for the assumption thatErthe upon Ertheis of English origin, belonging to the same class of literature as the English versions of theSoul and Bodypoems.The earliest texts of the poem known to be extant are found in MSS. Harleian 2253 and 913, both dated about the beginning of the fourteenth century. The two texts vary greatly in length—MS.Harl. 2253 consists of four lines as against seven six-lined stanzas in MS. Harl. 913—and the latter text has the parallel Latin rendering mentioned above, but they coincide so far as they go, and appear to represent a thirteenth or fourteenth-century type of the poem, which may be called theAversion.2Another poem of the same kind, which differs considerably from theAversion, but is, in all probability, closely connected with it in origin, is common in fifteenth-century MSS. I have traced eighteen texts of this version, dating from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, all of which represent or are based upon the same common type, though individual transcribers appear to have expanded the theme according to their own taste. Such additions may easily be distinguished, since they seldom succeed in maintaining either the grim simplicity, or the fundamental play upon the wordearth, which characterize the genuine portions of the poem. This common fifteenth-century type may be called theBversion.Lastly, a single fifteenth-century MS. (Cambridge University Library, Ii, 4. 9) has preserved a text of the poem in which some attempt seems to have been made to combine theAwith theBversion. This text may be called theCversion, or Cambridge text.In the following pages an attempt has been made to justify the premises in part laid down already, and to show that theAandBversions may be traced back to a common source, and that this source was not only confined to England, but was itself English.MSS. of the Poem ‘Erthe upon Erthe’.The following is a list of the manuscripts in which the poem occurs:—MSS. of theAVersion:1.  MS. Harl. 2253, fol. 57, vo, dated c. 1307. Four lines inserted between a French poem on the Death of Simon de Montfort, and an English poem on the Execution of Simon Fraser. Printed by J. Ritson,Ancient Songs and Ballads from the Reign of K. Henry II to the Revolution, p. 13 (1790), by E. Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 216 (1903), and byW. Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik, xiv. 179) (1904). (See the facsimile opposite the title-page.)2.  MS. Harl. 913, fol. 62, ro(c. 1308-1330). Seven six-lined English stanzas alternating with seven of the same purport in Latin. Printed by T. Wright,Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 216 (1841), by F. J. Furnivall,Early Eng. Poems and Lives of Saints, p. 150 (printed for the Philological Society, Berlin, 1862), and by W. Heuser,ibid., p. 180.MSS. of theBVersion:1.  William Billyng’s MS. (dated 1400-1430). Five four-lined stanzas, preceded by the figure of a naked body, rudely drawn, having a mattock in its right hand, and a spade at its feet. At the end of the poem is a prone figure of a skeleton accompanied by two draped figures.3Printed by W. Bateman,Billyng’s Five Wounds of Christ, no. 3 (Manchester, 1814),4‘from a finely written and illuminated parchment roll, about two and three-quarter yards in length: it is without date, but by comparing it with other poetry, it appears to have been written early in the fifteenth century; the illuminations and ornaments with which it is decorated correspond to those of missals written about the reign of Henry V; the style may therefore fix its date between the years 1400 and 1430. The author5gives his name and mark at the bottom of the roll.’ Reprinted from Bateman’s text by J. Montgomery,The Christian Poet, edit. 1 and 2, p. 45 (1827), edit. 3, p. 58 (1828).2.  MS. Thornton (Lincoln Cath. Libr.), fol. 279 (c. 1440). Five stanzas6without mark of strophic division. Printed by G. G. Perry,Religious Poems in Prose and Verse, p. 95 (E.E.T.S., No. xxvi, 1867, reprinted 1889, p. 96), and by C. Horstmann,Yorkshire Writers (Richard Rolle of Hampole), i. 373 (1895).3.  MS. Selden supra 53, fol. 159, vo(c. 1450). Six stanzas (strophic division indicated in the first two), written in a different hand on the back of a spare leaf at the end of theMS.; stanza 5 of the usualBversion omitted. Quoted by H. G. Fiedler,Modern Language Review(April 1908), III. iii. 221. Not printed before.4.  MS. Egerton 1995, fol. 55, ro(William Gregory’s Commonplace Book, dated c. 1430-1450, cf. J. Gairdner,Collections of a London Citizen. Camden. Soc. 1876 n.s. xvii). Seven stanzas without strophic division. Not printed before.5.  MS. Harl. 1671, fol. 1*, ro(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas written in the left-hand column on the fly-leaf at the beginning of the MS., which consists of a ‘large Theological Treatise, imperfect at both ends, which seemeth to have been entituled “The Weye to Paradys”’.7The upper portion of the leaf contains a poem in praise of St. Herasmius. Not printed before.6.  MS. Brighton, fol. 90, vo(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas. Printed by Fiedler,M. L. R.III. iii. 219, from the last leaf of a MS. formerly seen by him in possession of an antiquary at Brighton, and containing a Latin treatise on the seven Sacraments.7.  Stratford-on-Avon Inscription (after 1450). Seven stanzas, formerly on the west wall of the nave in the Chapel of the Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, cf. R. B. Wheler,Hist. and Antiq. of Stratford-on-Avon, p. 98: ‘against the west wall of the nave, upon the south side of the arch was painted the martyrdom of Thomas à Becket, whilst kneeling at the altar of St. Benedict in Canterbury Cathedral; below this was represented the figure of an angel (probably St. Michael) supporting a long scroll, upon which were written the following rude verses: Erth oute of erthe,’ &c. ‘Beneath were two men, holding another scroll over a body wrapt in a winding sheet, and covered with some emblems of mortality with these lines: Whosoo hym be thowghte,’ &c. (v. Note on p. 36). These paintings were probably added in the reign of Henry VII, when the Chapel was restored by Sir Hugh Clopton (died 1496), who built New Place opposite the Chapel in 1483. They were discovered in 1804 beneath a coating of whitewash, and were copied and engraved, but have since been more than once re-coated with whitewash, and all trace of the poem has now disappeared. Facsimiles,etched and coloured by hand, exist in Thomas Fisher’sSeries of Ancient Allegorical, Historical, and Legendary Paintings in fresco, discovered on the walls of the Chapel of the Trinity, belonging to the Gild of the Holy Cross, at Stratford-on-Avon, in Warwickshire, from drawings made at the time of their discovery(1807). Printed by R. B. Wheler,ibid.(1806), by Longfellow,Outre-Mer(Père-La-Chaise, note on p. 67), 1851, and by W. P. Reeves,Mod. Lang. Notes, IX. iv. 203 (April 1894).8.  MS. Rawlinson C. 307, fol. 2, ro(after 1458). Eight stanzas, of which three are peculiar to this MS., and are of a more distinctly Northern dialect than the remainder. The poem is the only English text in a MS. containing Latin prose and verse. Two Latin poems in the same hand asErthe upon Ertherefer to the death of Gilbert Pynchbeck at York in 1458, which would fix the date c. 1460, or later. The three independent stanzas were printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 221.9.8MS. Harl. 4486, fol. 146, ro(fifteenth century). Eight stanzas added on the last leaf but one of a copy ofLe Livre de Sydrac, immediately after the colophon. The last two leaves and the cover of the MS. contain various scribblings in fifteenth-century hands, chiefly of Latin aphorisms and rimes. Folio 147, vo, contains the signature of Tho. Baker, who may possibly have transcribed the English poem. Not printed before.10. MS. Lambeth 853, fol. 35 (c. 1430-1450). Twelve stanzas. Printed by F. J. Furnivall,Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, p. 88 (E.E.T.S. 1867, No. xxiv, reprinted 1895).11. MS. Laud Misc. 23, fol. 111, vo(before 1450). Twelve stanzas, varying very slightly from MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.12. MS. Cotton Titus A xxvi, fol. 153, ro(fifteenth century). Six four-lined stanzas, apparently the beginning of a transcript of MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.13. MS. Rawlinson Poetic. 32, vo(after 1450). Thirty-two stanzas, each of four short lines, corresponding to half the normal stanza; stanzas 17 to 30 are peculiar to this MS. The greater part printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 222.14. MS. Porkington 10, fol. 79, vo(fifteenth century). Twelve six-lined stanzas, of which stanzas 7 to 11 are peculiar tothis MS. Printed by Halliwell,Early Eng. Misc. in Prose and Verse, selected from an inedited MS. of the 15th cent., p. 39 (Warton Club, 1855), and by Fiedler, ibid. p. 225.15. MS. Balliol 354, fol. 207, vo(Richard Hill’s Commonplace Book, dated before 1504). Sixteen stanzas, of which stanzas 6 to 14 introduce an independent digression on the Nine Worthies. Printed by Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 94 (1903), and by Roman Dyboski,Songs, Carols, and Other Misc. Poems, p. 90 (E.E.T.S. 1907, extra ser. ci).16. MS. Harl. 984, fol. 72, ro(sixteenth century). The preceding leaf of the MS. has been torn out, leaving only two lines of what may be assumed to be verse 6, and the whole of verse 7, which occur with other fragments on the last leaf but one.17. The Maitland MS. Pepysian Library, Magd. Coll. Cambr., MS. 2553, p. 338 (c. 1555-1585). Seven stanzas in the Lowland Scots dialect, with the ascription ‘quod Marsar’. Thomas Pinkerton published portions of the MS. in hisAncient Scottish Poems never before in print . . . from the MS. Collections of Sir Richard Maitland(London, 1786), but omittedEird upon Eird. Not printed before.18. The Reidpeth MS. Cambridge Univ. Libr. Ll. 5. 10, fol. 43, vo, copied 1622-1623 ‘a me Joanne Reidpeth’. Seven stanzas, probably transcribed from the Maitland MS., but concluding ‘quod Dumbar’. Not printed before.MS. of theCVersion:The Cambridge Text. Cambr. Univ. Libr. Ii. 4. 9, fol. 67, ro(fifteenth century). Eighty-two lines comprising twenty-two or twenty-three stanzas. The text is followed by a coloured picture of a young knight, standing on a hill with a skeleton below. A scroll proceeding from the knight has the words:Festina tempus et memento finis, while one proceeding from the skeleton runs:In omni opere memorare nouissima et in eternum non peccabis. Printed by Heuser,Kildare-Gedichte, p. 213.TheAVersion.TheAversion exists in two forms, one a short popular stanza of four lines (MS. Harl. 2253), apparently of the nature of a riddle, the other a longer poem of seven English and seven Latin stanzas (MS. Harl. 913), each English verse being followed by itsLatin equivalent. The metrical form of the Latin verses is one often used in Latin poems of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a six-lined stanza, rimedaaaabb, with the rhythm of the well-knownméum ést propósitúm|ín tabérna móri.The English verses are also in the form of a six-lined stanzaaaaabb, but the first four lines have the same loose four-stress rhythm as the lines in MS. Harl. 2253, and the concluding couplet is on the principle of the septenarius. Both the English and the Latin lines rime at the caesura as well as at the end of the line, but this is less uniformly the rule in the English verses. There is close verbal connexion between the four lines in MS. Harl. 2253, and the opening lines of the longer poem, as will appear from a comparison of the two:—MS. Harl.2253.Erþe toc of erþe     erþe wyþ woherþe oþer erþe     to þe erþe droherþe leyde erþe     in erþene þrohþo heuede erþe of erþe     erþe ynohMS. Harl.913.whan erþ haþ erþ  .  iwonne wiþ wowþan erþ mai of erþ  .  nim hir inowerþ vp erþ  .  falliþ fol frowerþ toward erþ  .  delful him drow.of erþ þou were makid  .andmon þou art ilichin on erþ awaked  .  þe poreandþe riche.The connexion between these two versions might be explained in two ways. The short version of MS. Harl. 2253 may be the beginning of a transcript of the longer poem in which the scribe broke off because his memory failed him, or because he was only acquainted with a popular version of the opening lines. On the other hand, the short version may be the older, and the more learned composer of the poem in MS. Harl. 913 may have been elaborating this and other such riddling stanzas current at the time. But any attempt to decide between these two possibilities must necessarily depend upon the conclusion formed as to the relation of the Latin stanzas in MS. Harl. 913 to their English equivalents, and this question will be more conveniently discussed in connexion with the general origin of theErthe upon Erthepoems. As regards the date of the two MSS., MS. Harl. 2253 is generally ascribed to the beginning of the fourteenth century,and the Kildare MS. (MS. Harl. 913) is dated c. 1308 by Crofton Croker, c. 1308 to 1330 by Heuser, while Paul Meyer is of opinion that it may belong to an earlier period still. The dialect of both poems is South Midland, probably of the western part of the district. MS. Harl. 2253, which is commonly associated with Leominster, hasheuede(4). MS. Harl. 913 haslutil,schrud,muntid,heo,mon,lond, and S. Midl. forms of verbs. We have therefore two types of theAversion, standing in close verbal relation to each other, of much the same date and dialect, and representing in all probability the kind ofErthepoem current at the end of the thirteenth century in the South-west Midland district.TheBVersion.As will appear from the foregoing account of the MSS., the eighteen texts of theBversion vary considerably in length, many of them introducing stanzas which do not recur elsewhere. A comparison of the number and arrangement of the stanzas in each text is given on the next page, the stanzas being numbered according to the order of their arrangement in the text to which they belong, and the corresponding stanzas in the various texts grouped under columns. MSS. Thornton, Selden, and Egerton have no mark of strophic division, but fall naturally into mono-rimed stanzas of four lines. All the remaining texts are arranged in four-lined stanzas with mono-rime,9with the exception of MS. Porkington, which represents an evident expansion of the original metrical scheme, an additional long line being attached to each stanza by means of a short bob-line, giving a six-lined stanza,aaaabb. In MS. Rawl. Poet. each long line is written as two short lines, so that the usual four-lined stanza appears in this text as two stanzas, each consisting of four half-lines. This arrangement is facilitated by the regular internal rime on the worderthe. The order of the fifteenth-century MSS. of theBversion observed in the table corresponds to that in the foregoing list of MSS., and in the printed text, and is not always strictly chronological, it being more convenient for purposes of comparison to group the texts according to their length. It will be seen that the three late texts (MSS. Harl. 984, Maitland, and Reidpeth) revert to the normal seven-stanza type, and that this appears to have been the form of the poem known to the compiler of the Cambridge text, a comparison of which is added.The “Independent Stanzas”, here shown as a separate table, were printed as the last column of the main table, following “Common Stanzas”.Text.Common Stanzas.1.Wm. Billyng’s Text12345——2.MS. Thornton12345——3.MS. Selden, supra 531235—464.MS. Egerton 199512345675.MS. Harl. 167112345676.MS. Brighton12345677.Stratford Inscription12345678.MS. Rawl. C. 30712345——9.MS. Harl. 44861234567810.MS. Lambeth 85312348911125671011.MS. Laud Misc. 2312348911125671012.MS. Cotton Titus A. xxvi1234————56——13.MS. Rawl. Poet.1.2.3.4.6.5.7.8.11.12.——31.32.15.16.—9.10.13.14.14.MS. Porkington 101234561215.MS. Balliol 35412345151616.MS. Harl. 98410(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)6717.MS. Maitland123456718.MS. Reidpeth1234567The Cambridge Text13.8.210911—Text.Independent Stanzas.8.MS. Rawl. C. 307stanzas 6. 7. 8. (3)13.MS. Rawl. Poet.17 to 30. (14)14.MS. Porkington 107 to 11 (5)15.MS. Balliol 3546 to 14 (9)The Cambridge Text6. 7. 13. 18 resembleAVersion.4. 5. 12. 14 to 17. 19 to 22 independent (11)It will be seen from the table that eleven of these texts have seven stanzas in common, and that fifteen of them have five in common. Of the three remaining texts, MS. Harl. 984 has a missing leaf, but would clearly appear to belong to the seven-stanza type, raising the above numbers to twelve texts of seven stanzas, and sixteen of five. MS. Selden again obviously represents the usual seven-stanza type with the accidental omission of verse 5. MS. Titus has four of the customary five verses, breaks off to follow the arrangement of the Lambeth MS., and comes to an end after copying two of the additional verses in the Lambeth text before reaching the usual fifth verse. Assuming that it represents a transcription of the Lambeth text, MS. Titus might be classed with the five-stanza type, or possibly, like MS. Lambeth, with the seven-stanza type. It may therefore be assumed that all eighteen of the B texts have five stanzas in common, or are based upon such a common type, and that thirteen, or possibly fourteen of them, represent a common type with seven stanzas, six of which are further found in the Cambridge text. These common stanzas vary very little in the different MSS. as regards either the actual text or the order of lines and stanzas, and it seems probable that the normalBversion consisted of seven stanzas, ending with a personal exhortation which has been omitted, or possibly not yet added, in five of the texts. In four MSS.—Lambeth, Laud, Rawl. P., and Harl. 4486—an interesting final stanza, containing a prayer, has been added. Three of these texts, MSS. Lamb., Laud, and Rawl. P., correspond in three other additional stanzas, which seems to point to some closer relationship between them, and two, or more strictly one and a half, of these additional stanzas are also found in MS. Titus, which appears to be a transcript of the Lambeth text. The scribe of MS. Titus followed the Lambeth text until he reached the middle of verse 6, when he apparently wearied of the task, and broke off with a new couplet of his own, entirely foreign in idea and metre to theErthe upon Erthepoems:—Lewe thy syne & lyffe in right,And þan shalt thou lyffe in heuyn as a knyght.The text, as a whole, is badly written with many erasures, and points to a careless hand.The additional stanzas cited in the table as independent containmere variations on the main theme, and it is highly probable that the more expanded texts are the later, and represent individual additions to a popular poem, since they generally fail to maintain the internal rime on the worderthewhich is an evident characteristic of the genuine verses. In the case of the five MSS. in question, MS. Harl. 4486 might be taken to represent the original type, and MSS. Lamb., Laud11, and Titus an expansion of this, while the author of Rawl. P. was obviously acquainted with the Lambeth text, or its original, and added to it certain stanzas of his own, leaving out three of the verses in Lambeth to make room for these. Whether the eighth stanza which MSS. Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, and Rawl. P. have in common belongs to the original type of theBversion, or was itself a later addition, can scarcely be determined, but as it seems to be confined to these four texts, the latter view is perhaps the more probable. It must, however, have been added early, as it occurs already in MSS. Lamb. and Laud before 1450, and preserves the principle of the internal rime onerthe. The relative dates of MSS. Lambeth and Rawl. P. as fixed by Furnivall and Madden (MS. Lamb. 1430-1450, R. P. after 1450) would bear out this theory of the relationship between these two texts, and it may further be noted that both have the same prefatoryDe terra plasmasti me, otherwise found only in MS. Harl. 1671, and that both exhibit the same tendency to employ a direct personal mode of address, and to lengthen out the original text by superfluous words.Cf. for example, MS. Harl. 4486, verse 5 (so MS. Laud, verse 8)—Why erthe loueth erthe wonder me thynke,Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylle or swynke, &c.with MS. Lamb. verse 8—Whi þat erþeto mycheloueþ erþe, wondir me þink,Or whi þat erþe forsuperflueerþeto soresweete wole or swynkand MS. Rawl. P. verse 11—Or whi that erthe for the ertheUnresonablyswete wol or swynke.The exact date of the text in MS. Titus is indeterminate, but, as stated above, it is evidently based on MS. Lambeth or its original, and might be ascribed to c. 1450 or later. The text in MS. Harl. 4486 has been added by some later owner of the MS. on the last leaves of a fifteenth-century transcript ofLe Livre de Sydrac. The handwriting ofErthe upon Ertheis also fifteenth century, but the exact date again cannot be determined. The text, however, is far simpler and nearer to the original than that of the other four MSS., and evidently represents an earlier type than these, though the actual transcript may be later.With the exception of these five MSS., it is not easy to group the eighteen texts of theBversion on any system based upon the additional stanzas, since these fail to bear out any theory as to closer relationship between individual MSS., though the connexion of ideas is often close owing to the similarity of the theme. Thus the nine additional stanzas in MS. Balliol contain a digression upon the nine worthies with an interesting reference in verse 12 to the Dance of Powlis, i.e. the Dance of Death formerly depicted outside St. Paul’s Cathedral (v. Notes, p. 36). It is in the Cambridge text alone that the additional stanzas supply an interesting connexion with theAversion, which places this text, unfortunately corrupt and difficult to decipher, in an important position as a link betweenAandB.With regard to possible relationships dependent upon variations in the order or arrangement of the lines in the seven common stanzas, it may be pointed out that the first verse in MS. Egerton consists of three lines only, the usual second line being omitted, and that both MS. Harl. 1671 and MS. Porkington omit the same line, though each of these supplies a new and independent fourth line to fill the gap:—(MS. Egerton1995)Erthe owte of þe erthe ys wounderly wrought,Erthe vppon erthe hathe sette hys thoughtHow erthe a-pon erthe may be hy brought.(MS. Harl.1671)Erthe apon erthe ys waxyne and wrought,And erthe apon erthe hathe ysette all hys thoughtHow that erth apon erth hye myght be brought,But how that erth scal to the erth thyngketh he noht.(MS. Porkington 10)Erthe vppon erthe is woundyrely wrouȝte;Erthe vppon erthe has set al his þouȝteHow erthe vppon erth to erthe schall be brouȝte;There is none vppon erth has hit in þouȝte.Take hede!Whoso þinkyse on his ende, ful welle schal he spede.It is obvious that these new lines are an afterthought, especially in the case of MS. Porkington, where the rime-wordþouȝtehas to be repeated. Possibly these three texts depend upon a common original in which the usual second lineErth hath gotyn vppon erth a dygnyte of noghtwas lacking, or MS. Egerton may have been the original of the other two. But MS. Harl. 1671 varies from the other two in the first line also, using a version which is otherwise confined to the Cambridge text—Erthe apon erthe yswaxyne andwrought—and both it and MS. Porkington beginerthe upon erthelike the later texts, as opposed to the more usualerthe owte of erthe, so that there is no clear evidence of a closer relationship between these three texts.In verse 4, again, an inversion of the customary order of the second or third lines is common to MSS. Rawl. C., Porkington, Maitland, Reidpeth, and the Stratford-on-Avon inscription, but the verse easily lends itself to transposition of the kind, and in MS. Rawl. C. the usual first line is also put third, so that the order of lines as compared with the normal arrangement becomes 2. 3. 1. 4. Beyond the self-evident fact that the Maitland and Reidpeth MSS. must be grouped together, no relationship of the MSS. can be deduced from this transposition, though it may point to a second popular version with inversion of lines 2 and 3.One of the most important differences of reading in the common stanzas occurs in the first line of the poem, where twelve of the eighteen MSS. readerthe out of erthe, while the remaining six, as well as the Cambridge text, haveerthe upon erthe. Three of these six are definitely later transcripts: MS. Porkington is obviously a later modification of the original four-lined stanza, and MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth belong to the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries respectively; the beginning of MS. Harl. 984is not preserved, and the remaining two texts, MSS. Selden and Harl. 1671, belong to c. 1450, while the Cambridge text, as will be shown later, cannot be regarded as original. Evidentlyerthe owt of erthewas the original reading, but the versionerthe upon erthewas introduced early, and appears to have survived the other. A similar change occurs in the last line of verse 2, where MS. Harl. 1671 and the Stratford text substituteerth upon erthforout of,from,of, of the other texts, and again in the third line of verse 4 (l. 2 in the texts mentioned above as transposing these lines) where the same two MSS. readerth upon erthfor the normalerth unto(into,to)erthe; also in the fourth line of verse 7, where MSS. Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, Maitland, and Reidpeth readuponforowte of. Now the last two lines of the first verse of the poem invariably use the phraseerth upon erthe, and it occurs repeatedly throughout the poem as a synonym forman: e.g. verse 2, line 1; 3, ll. 1, 3; 4, ll. 1, 2 (or 3); 5, l. 3; 6, ll. 1, 3; 7, l. 1. It was very natural that the common phrase, and the one best adapted to serve as a title to the poem, should tend to replace others, but it seems probable that wherever the substitution occurs it may be taken as due to a later tradition, and consequently as a proof of non-originality or comparative lateness in the text in which it is found. A similar change, and one to be explained in a similar way, is the introduction ofwonderlyforwyckydlyin the first line of verse 7 on the analogy of the first line of the poem, which occurs in MSS. Harl. 1671 and Stratford, and also in the late MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth.Other variations of reading are less noteworthy. In the second line of verse 1, ten MSS., ranging from the early Thornton and Lambeth to the late Maitland and Reidpeth, readdignite, while the others vary betweennobley(MS. Brighton, cf. the Cambridge text),nobul þyng(Billyng),worschyp(Selden), andan abbey, perhaps an error fornobley(Harl. 4486). The remaining three MSS. omit the line. In the fourth line of verse 2, the alliterativepiteous partingof MSS. Billyng, Egerton, Brighton, Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, Titus, and Rawl. P., is replaced byhard partingnot only in the Stratford text and in the later MSS. (Porkington, Balliol, Maitland, Reidpeth), but also in MSS. Thornton and Rawl. C., while other readings aredolful(MS. Selden, cf. the Cambridge text) andheuy(MS. Harl. 1671). It is difficult here to decide betweenpiteousandhard, but the preference should probably rest with the alliterative phrase. In the fourth line of verse 3, the alliterativescharpe schowresis evidently the original reading, and it occurs in all texts except Stratford, Rawl. P., and Balliol.In the first line of verse 4,erthe goeth upon erthe as moulde upon mouldeoccurs in thirteen texts, and two others (Stratford and Balliol, cf. also the Cambridge text) keep the rimemouldwhile altering the line. The other two readings found,colde opon colde(Rawl. C.), andgolde appone golde(Thornton), are obviously non-original, particularly the latter, which repeats the rime-wordgoldin two successive lines.Other variations and occasional transpositions of lines occur in individual MSS., but are unimportant.It will thus be seen that the popular traditional version of the poem tended to become modified, and even corrupt, already in the fifteenth century, and that such modifications are usually more apparent in the later texts. It is also evident that individual transcribers felt themselves at liberty to expand the traditional version, and that many tried their hand at such variations on the original theme, but the striking absence of proof of relationship outside the seven stanzas of the normal version, as well as the frequent unimportant variations found in the common stanzas, seems to point clearly to the conclusion that the original was a popular poem of seven, or possibly only five, stanzas, widely known over England, and that the more simple and naïve of the seventeen texts extant are also more genuine, and nearer to the original.Many of the texts are accompanied by a short prefatory or concluding verse in English or Latin. The English verse—When lyffe is most loued, and deth is moste hated,Then dethe draweth his drawght and makyth man full nakedoccurs as a preface in MSS. Harl. 4486 and 1671, Lambeth, Laud, Rawl. P., and Egerton, and as a conclusion in Billyng’s text. The LatinMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverterisoccurs, in full or in part, in MSS. Harl. 4486, Egerton, Rawl. C., Lambeth, and Billyng, andDe terra plasmasti mein MSS. Harl. 1671, Lambeth, and Rawl. P. The two stanzas in rime royal on theProcese of Dethewhich immediately precedeErthe upon Erthein the Porkington MS. are transcribed as a separate poem, and if not separate, would rather belong to the preceding text, a translationof the LatinVisio Philibertiin rime royal, than toErthe upon Erthe. The latter poem often accompanies either aDance of Deathor one of the numerousSoul and Bodydialogues, no doubt because of the similarity of the theme, but it is not necessary to regard these kindred poems as forming an essential part of each other. So in the Balliol MS.,Erthe upon Ertheis preceded by an eight-lined Latin stanza on the themevado mori, which is probably part of aDance of Death. Here again no basis for a grouping of the MSS. can be found.The two late texts—MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth—represent a Lowland Scots version of the poem, and are obviously copies of the same original. Probably the Reidpeth text is a transcription of the Maitland, but it contains some obvious misreadings of it, as in verse 3, line 3,bowris(Maitl.),towris(Reidpeth) repeating the rime-word; 5, l. 20,within(Maitl.),with(Reidpeth). The Maitland MS., compiled c. 1555-1585, adds the colophonquod Marsar. The later Reidpeth MS., 1622-1623, concludes with the wordsquod Dumbar. Mersar, or Marsar, is mentioned in Dunbar’sLament for the Makaris, and is usually identified with a William Mersar of the household of James IV, mentioned 1500 to 1503. In any case, if he were a contemporary of Dunbar, he could scarcely be assigned to a sufficiently early date to account for the widespread popularity ofErthe upon Ertheall over England in 1450, and the fact that the two MSS. assign the poem to different authors, of whom Dunbar is manifestly impossible, and Mersar at least improbable, may be explained as an instance of that readiness of posterity to attach a known name to a work of unknown origin, of which other examples are not wanting. It is, however, of interest to find that the poem had made its way to Scotland by 1550 or thereabouts.As regards dialect, the majority of the MSS. of theBversion show traces of Northern dialect, most of them preserving the Nth. plural in-isin the rimestouris,schowrys, &c. In verse 3 also the majority of the texts have the Nth.biggedorbiggid, but six (MSS. Billyng, Egerton, Rawl. P., Porkington, Balliol, and the Stratford text) use the Midl. or Sth.bildedorbilled. In verse 4 the rime requires the formwoldrather than the common Nth.wald, and even the Maitland MS. retainswoldfor the sake of the rime, whereas MS. Reidpeth substituteswald, sacrificing the rime.MSS. Thornton and Rawl. C. show distinct Nth. features, such as the verb-endings-is(pres. ind. 3 sg.),-and(pres. part.),-id,-it,-in(past part.), and MS. Rawl. C. has the Nth.whate gates at þu gaseriming withfase(foes). But few of the MSS. represent pure dialect-forms, and an investigation of the dialect of the texts is of little assistance towards determining that of the original poem. Such evidence as exists points, on the whole, to the North Midland district, and a widespread popularity in the North, which led to the later knowledge of the poem across the Border, but the popularity was evidently not confined to the North, and Southern as well as Northern forms may be traced in both early and late transcripts.The Cambridge Text.The Cambridge MS., as has been already stated, combines portions of both theAand theBversion with several independent stanzas. At first sight it might appear to represent a transitional stage in the development of theBfrom theAtype, but closer examination shows that this is not the case, and that the text is merely a later compilation from the two. The writer must have had some knowledge both of the longerAversion represented by MS. Harl. 913, and of the common seven-stanzaBtype, and seems to have tried to combine his recollections in one poem, halting between the four-lined and six-lined stanza, repeating himself here and there, and adding certain new verses of his own. There is no grouping into stanzas in the MS., but a division is easily made by the rimes, and these give mono-rimed stanzas of four lines chiefly, with one of six lines, and some fragmentary ones of two or three. In one case a stanza has been broken up and the two couplets inserted at different points (ll. 9-10, 27-28). As has been shown in the table of MSS. of theBversion, six verses of theBtype may be traced, while four verses show distinct correspondence withA, and eleven are independent of either. A comparison of the similar lines follows:—(MS. Cambr.Ii. 4. 9) ll. 1-4.(MS. Harl.4486.)BVersion.Erthe vpon erthe is waxin & wrought,Erthe takys on erthe a nobylay of nought;Now erthe vpon erthe layes all his þoughtHow erthe vpon erthe sattys all at noght.1Erthe owte of erthe is wonderly wrowghte,Erthe of the erthe hathe gete an abbey12of nawte,Erthe apon erthe hath setteal his thowghteHow erthe apon erthe may be hye browte.ll. 9-10, 27-28.Erthe vpon erth wolde be a kyng,But howe erth xal to erth thynkyth he no thyng.When erthe says to erth: ‘My rent þou me bryng,’Then has erth fro erthe a dolfull partyng.2Erthe apon erthe be he a kynge,Butt how erth schalleto erthe thynkethehe nothynge.When erthe byddeth erthe his rent home brynge,Then schalleertheowte of erthe haue a pyteous13partynge.ll. 5-8.Erthe vpon erth has hallys & towris;Erthe says to erth: ‘This is alle owris.’But quan erth vpon erth has byggyd his bowrisThan xal erth for the erth haue scharpe schowris.3Erthe apon erthe wynneth castelles& towres.Then seytheerthe to erthe: ‘These bythealleowres.’When erthe apon erthe hath byggedevp his bowresThen schalleerthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.Cf. l. 66.If erth haue mys don, he getyth scharpe shours.ll. 33-35.Erthe wrotys in erth as molys don in molde,Erthe vpon erth glydys as golde,As erthe leve in erthe euer moreschulde.4Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.So goeth erthe apon erthe allegleteryngein golde,Lyke as erthe into erthe neuergo scholde,And ȝet schalleerthe into erthe rather then be wolde.ll. 29-32.How erthe louys erth wondyr me thynke,How erthe for erth wyll swete and swynke.When erth is inerthe broght with-in the brynkeWhat as herth than of erthe but a fowle stynke.5Why erthe louetheerthe wonder me thynke,Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylleor swynke,Ffor whan erthe apon erthe is browte withyn þe brynke,Then schalleerthe of the erthe haue a fowle stynke.ll. 36-37.Erthe vpon erth mynd euermore þou makeHow erthe xal to erth when deth wyll hymtake.6Loo erthe apon erthe consyderethow mayHow erthe commyth to erthe naked all way.(MS. Harl.913)AVersion.ll. 19-22.v. 5, ll. 1, 2, 5, 6.Erth vpon erthe gos in the weye,Prykys and prankys on a palfreye;When erth has gotyn erth alle that he maye,He schal haue but seven fote at his last daye.Erþ is a palfrei to king andto quene,Erþ is ar lang wei, þouw we lutil wene.Whan erþ haþ erþ wiþ streinþ þus geten,Alast he haþ is leinþ miseislich i-meten.ll. 41-46, 23-26.v. 2.Ffor erth gos in erth walkand in vede,And erthe rydys on erth on a fayr stede,When he was gotynin erth erth to his mede,Than is erth layde in erthe wormys to fede.Whylke are the wormys the flesch brede?God wote the wormys for to ryght rede.Than xal not be lykyng vnto hymBu[t] an olde sely cloth to wynde erthe in,When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,The rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.Erþ geþ on erþ wrikkend in weden,Erþ toward erþ wormes to feden;Erþ berriþ to erþ al is lif deden;When erþ is inerþe, heo muntid þi meden.When erþ is inerþe, þe rof is on þe chynne;Þan schullen an hundred wormes wroten on þe skin.ll. 63-64.v. 6, ll. 5-6.Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,When erth is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;Erþ bilt castles, anderþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.l. 38.v. 6, l. 3.Be ware, erth, for erthe, for sake of thi sowle.Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold.The additional verses in MS. Cambr. bear some slight resemblance to other additional lines found in MSS. of theBtype, and this is interesting as showing that the writer worked on the same lines in expanding his text, and was perhaps acquainted with some of the longerBtexts. On the other hand characteristic differences in the treatment of the theme would seem to support the view that these verses are really individual additions and not derived from any of the other texts. The lines in question are given below:—MS. Cambr.ll. 71-82.MS. Rawl. C.v. 8.God walkyd in erth as longe as he wolde,He had not in this erth but honger& colde,And in this erth also his body was solde,Herein this erth, whan þat he was xxxti ȝereolde.Now he þat erthe opon erthe ordande to goGraunt þat erthe vpon erthe may govern hym so,Þat when erthe vnto erthe shallebe taken to,Þat þe saule of þis erthe suffre no wo.God lytyd in erth, blyssed be that stounde!He sauyd hijs herth withmany a scharpe wounde,Ffor to sawe erth owght of hell grounde,He deyd in erth vpon þe rode withmany a blody vounde.MS. Rawl. P.vv. 31, 32.Lord God that erthe tokist in erthe,And suffredist paynes ful stille,Late neuer erthe for the ertheIn dedly synne ne spille.And God ros ovght of the est this erth for to spede,And went into hell as was gret nede,And toke erth from sorowe þis erth for to spede,The ryght wey to heuen blys IesusCryst vs lede!But that erthe in this ertheBe doynge euer thi wille,So that erthe for the ertheStye up to thi holi hille.(Cf. Harl. 4486, v. 8; Lamb. v. 12; Laud v. 12).It is therefore evident that the Cambridge text shows knowledge of both theAand theBversions, but the text in its existing form must represent either a corrupt copy of the original with frequent dislocation of lines, or, what is perhaps more likely from the instances of repetition of the same words or ideas which occur, a clumsy compilation from the two made by some one who perhaps hadBbefore him and remembered portions ofAimperfectly.Such repetitions occur in verses 2 and 18, the latter repeating three of the rime-words of the former verse, as well as the phrasescharpe schowris; and again in verses 4 and 19, and in verses 6, 7, and 13. In any case the text must be regarded as later than theAandBversions, and not as forming a link between them. The dialect is Northern, but not uniformly so.Origin and Growth of the Poem.The question as to the source of the poemErthe upon Erthe, and the relationship of theAandBversions to the original, and to each other, is a difficult one. The existence of a parallel Latin version in one of the oldest MSS. is clearly an important point to be taken into consideration in any attempt at an investigation of the origin of the poem, and it will be well before proceeding further to form some conclusion as to the relation in which the English and Latin stanzas in MS. Harl. 913 stand to each other. The correspondence of the two versions is not strictly verbal, but it is evident that either the English or the Latin stanzas represent a rather free rendering of the verses which accompany them. In favour of a Latin origin it may be pointed out that the metrical form of the Latin stanzas is one frequently employed in Latin poems of the time, that the subject is a favourite monastic theme, and that the manner of the poem is in keeping with contemporary Anglo-Latin compositions, such as the well-knownCur mundus militat sub vana gloria. The natural tendency would be to attribute a poem of the kind to Latin origin, especially if, as in this case, a Latin version were forthcoming.On the other hand, it may be pointed out that the Latin text is not known to exist in any other MS., and appears indeed to have no separate existence from the English stanzas which accompany it, whereas English texts of the poem without trace of a Latin rendering or original are very common.14The text was one frequently used in epitaphs, but no Latin epitaph of the kind is known to have existed, although Latin was commonly used in epitaphs at the time when the poem was most widely popular.Further, word-plays of the kind found here upon the wordertheare certainly not common in Latin verse of the time, and the Latintext does not render the play as effectively as the English does, employing alternately the three termsterra,vesta,humus, in place of the Englisherthe, and failing to maintain these consistently. The play on the wordearth, which is the most essential feature of the poem, could not have been given with the same effect as in English either in Latin or in any mediaeval language.15Thirdly, in support of an English origin it may be urged that close verbal connexion can be traced between the English text of both versions, but more especially of the earlier (A), and other poems dating from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, particularly the various Dialogues ofThe Soul and the Body:—MS. Harl.913, l. 17 (A).When erþ is in erþe, þe rof is on þe chynne.MS. Cambr. Univ. Libr.Ii. 4. 9, l. 25 (C)When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,Þe rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.Cf.Dialogues of Soul and Body, (Worcester fragment) 12th cent.‘nu þu havest neowe hus inne beþrungen, lowe beoþ helewes.Þin rof liþ on þine breoste, ful . . . colde is þe ibedded.(Bodl. Fragm.) 12th cent.Þe rof bið ibyld þire broste ful neh.(MS. Auchinleck) 13th cent.Wiþ wormes is now ytaken þin in,Þi bour is bilt wel cold in clay,Þe rofshal take to16þi chin.(MS. Harl.2253) 14th cent.When þe flor is at þy rug,Þe rof ys at þy neose.Cf.Death152 (13th cent.) in Morris,O. E. Misc., p. 168 (Jesus MS.).Þi bur is sone ibuldÞat þu schalt wunyen inne,Þe rof& þe virste17Schal ligge on þine chynne.Nu þe schulen wurmesWunyen wiþinne.MS. Harl.913, l. 66 (A).Erþ bilt castles, & erþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.MS. Harl.4486 (B);so otherBtexts.Erthe apon erthe wynnethecastelles & towres.Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythealle owres’.When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.MS. Cambr.63 (C).Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,When erþ is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;ibid.5-8Erthe vpon erthe has hallys & towris&c.Cf.Soul & Body Dialogues(MSS. Auchinleck, Digby, Vernon, Laud).Whare be þine castels & þine tours,Þine chaumbres & þine heiȝe halle,.   .   .   .   .Wrecche, ful derk it is þi bourTo morn þou schalt þerin falle.(ibid.)Halles heiȝe & bours briȝtY hadde y bilt & mirþes mo.(MS. Harl.2253).thi castles & thy toures.Cf.Death29.Ah seoþþen mony monBy-yet bures & halle,Forþi þe wrecche souleSchal into pyne falle.MS. Harl.913. 42 (A).Be þou þre niȝt in a þrouȝ, þi frendschip is ilor.18Cf.Visio Philiberti(MS. Porkington).When þou art dede þi frenschype is aslepe.Cf.Soul & Body(MS. Auchinleck).that alle þine frend beon fro þe fledde.Cf.Death97.Hwer beoð alle þine freondÞet fayre þe bi-hehteAnd fayre þe igrettenBi weyes and bi strete.Nu heo walleþ wreccheAlle þe forleteNolde heo non herestonkes19Nu þe imete.MS. Cambr.l. 21 (C).When erth has gotyn erthe alle that he mayeHe schal haue but seven fote at his laste daye.Cf.Soul & Body(MSS. Auchinl.,Digby).Now schaltow haue at al þi siþeBot seuen fet, vnneþe þat.The play upon the wordearthrecurs in other English poems. Cf.A Song on the Times(MS. Harl. 913), early fourteenth century—20Whan erthe hath erthe i-getteAnd of erthe so hath i-nouȝ,When he is therin i-stekke,Wo is him that was in wouȝ.where the idea and the two rime-words are the same as inMS. Harl.2253—Erþe toe of erþe erþe wyþ woh,Erþe oþer erþe to þe erþe droh,Erþe leyde erþe in erþene þroh,Þo heuede erþe of erþe erþe ynoh.It will be remembered that these two MSS. (Harl. 913 and 2253) are the two which preserve texts of theAversion, and the opening lines of theSong on the Timeswould appear to give further proof of a connexion between the twoAtexts.Further, inMS. Lansdowne762 (v.Reliquiae AntiquaeI. 260), under the headingTerram terra tegat, occur these lines:—First to the erthe I bequethe his parte,My wretched careyn is but fowle claye,Like than to like, erthe in erthe to laye;Sith it is, according by it I wolle abide,As for the first parte of my wille, that erthe erthe hide.In this case the English words are evidently based upon the Latin phrase, but this does not disprove an English origin for the poemErthe upon Erthe, since any verses of the kind must ultimately have been based on the idea that man is dust, and the idea itself must have been first presented and have become widely known through such Latin elegiac phrases asMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverteris, orDe terra plasmasti me, both of which so frequently accompanyErthe upon Erthe, or as the above citedTerram terra tegat. The verse inMS. Lansdownemight rather be considered as supplying further proof of the popular tendency to replace such phrases by English verses, expressing the same idea, but themselves English, not Latin in origin, and making the most of the possible word-play. Such word-plays were evidently popular between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. Cf. the well-known passage inPiers Plowman, c. xxi. 389.So lyf shal lyf lete ther lyf hath lyf anyented,So that lyf quyte lyf, the olde lawe hit asketh.Ergo, soule shal soule quyte and synne to synne wende.In view of this evidence, I am inclined to think that the Latin version in MS. Harl. 913 is the translation, and the English the original, and that the oldest form ofErthe upon Erthewhich has been preserved is that found in the four lines in MS. Harl. 2253:—Erþe toc of erþe erþe wyþ woh &c.Short riddling stanzas of the kind, based upon the Latin phrases mentioned above, may have been popular in the thirteenth century, and this particular one was evidently known and used by the author of theSong on the Times.21The writer of the version preserved in MS. Harl. 913 seems to have been a more learned man, acquainted with poems like the Dialogues betweenthe Soul and the Body, who elaborated the four lines of MS. Harl. 2253, and perhaps other verses of the same kind, into a poem of seven six-lined stanzas, the additional couplet often introducing a new idea precisely as in the case of the similarly expanded verse-form in MS. Porkington. Either this man or a later transcriber appears to have added the Latin rendering which accompanies the poem, and to have further exercised himself in varying the word-play. Heuser22points out that the mistakes in the MS. would support the view that the English text is a copy of an original in another dialect, and it is possible that the Latin version belongs to this MS. alone, since a second poem in the same MS. is accompanied by an unfinished translation into Latin.This theory as to the origin of the two texts of theAversion receives further support from the fact that it also accounts most satisfactorily for the development and popularity of theBversion. Apart from the play on the wordertheand the similarity of thetheme, there is only one point of close verbal connexion between the two versions. In MS. Harl. 913 (A) the sixth stanza runs as follows:—Erþ gette on erþ gersom & gold,Erþ is þi moder, in erþ is þi mold.Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold;Er erþe go to erþe, bild þi long bold.Erþ bilt castles, and erþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.In theBversion, the rimesgold:mold,toures:boures, regularly recur in the third and fourth stanzas, and line 5 of theAtext is preserved in slightly modified form in the first line of verse 3:— (MS. Harl. 4486, vv. 3 and 4)Erthe apon erthe wynnethe castelles and towres.Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythe alle owres.’When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.So goethe erthe apon erthe alle gleterynge in golde,Lyke as erthe unto erthe neuer go scholde,And ȝet schalle erthe into erthe rather then he wolde.In the Cambridge text the rime-wordstowres:boursare introduced twice over, representing both the versions given above:—(ll. 63, 64)Erthe bygyth hallys & erthe bygith towres,When erth is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;as in theAversion;(ll. 5, 7)Erthe vpon erth has hallys & towris . . .But quan erth vpon erth has bygyd his bowres,as in theBversion.The two stanzas of theBversion which contain these rime-words are the two which recur most frequently on tombstones and mural inscriptions, and it seems possible that they represent a second early form of theErthepoems. It is evident that the rime-wordsgold:mold,bowres:towres, depend upon an early tradition. Probably verses similar to the short stanza in MS. Harl. 2253, and containing these words, were in existence before the learned writer of the longerAtext in MS. Harl. 913 introduced them in his poem, and, becoming widely known, formed the nucleus of theBversion. Both theAand theBversions might therefore be held to depend upon popular stanzas of this kind,which gave rise about the end of the thirteenth century to the long poem of MS. Harl. 913, and during the fourteenth century to the original of theBversion, a poem in seven four-lined stanzas. The earlier version is connected more particularly with the Southwest Midland district; the later seems to have originated rather in the North or North Midlands, but it soon became known all over England, and is found in the South of Scotland shortly after 1500. Only one fifteenth-century writer, the author of the Cambridge text, shows direct knowledge of theAtext, but theBversion was evidently widely known, and a favourite theme for additions and modifications. On tombstones and mural inscriptions it survived up to the nineteenth century.Later Versions of the Poem.As has been already pointed out, the Middle English texts ofErthe upon Ertheoccur for the most part in the Commonplace Books of the day, often on the spare leaves at the beginning or end of the MS., as if the collector or some later owner had been struck by the poem and anxious to preserve it. That this interest was not confined to the fifteenth century is shown by the occurrence of the text in the Maitland and Reidpeth MSS. A still later instance of it occurs in the Pillerton Hersey Registers, dating from 1559 onwards, where the following verse has been scribbled on the last leaf, probably by some seventeenth-century clerk (cf. C. C. Stopes,Athenaeum, Sept. 19, 1908):—Earth upon earth bould house and bowrs,Earth upon earth sayes all is ours.Earth upon earth when all is wroght,Earth upon earth sayes all is for nought.Here the first two lines represent a corrupt type of the same lines in verse 3 of theBversion, while the rimeswroght:noughtrecall verse 1.Another interesting trace of a late popular version is mentioned in theGentleman’s Magazinefor March, 1824, where a certain Mr. J. Lawrence tells how he was invited, during a visit to Beaumont Hall, Essex, to see the following inscription, written and decorated by a cow-boy on an attic wall:—Earth goes upon the earth, glittering like gold;Earth goes to the earth sooner than ’twould;Earth built upon the earth castles and towres;Earth said to the earth, ‘All shall be ours.’Here portions of verses 3 and 4 of theBversion have been combined as in the epitaphs at Melrose and Clerkenwell cited below, pointing either to a corrupt popular version of theBtext, or possibly to an earlier type23in which the rimesgold:mold, &c. were immediately associated with the rimestowres:bowresas inA(MS. Harl. 913, v. 6). The former assumption is the more probable, since the verse appears to be directly based upon stanzas 3 and 4 of the usualBversion.The majority of the later instances of the text occur on tombstones or memorial tablets. The poem was peculiarly adapted for this purpose, based as it was on the very words of the Burial Service. Indeed, the short verses from which it is here assumed to have originated might well be supposed to have been written in the first place as epitaphs, if evidence of the use of English epitaphs in the thirteenth century24were forthcoming. As has been already stated, the seven verses of the normalBversion occurred in full among the mural paintings in the Chapel of the Holy Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, belonging to the Guild of the Holy Cross, where they appear to have been used as a monumental inscription already in the latter part of the fifteenth century.A well-known late instance of the text is the inscription on a tombstone in the parish churchyard which surrounds Melrose Abbey, mentioned by Scott. The stone is headed as follows:—Memento Mori.Here lyes James Ramsay, portioner of Melrose, who diedJuly 15th, 1761.On the back is the following verse:—The Earth goeth on the EarthGlistring like gold,The Earth goeth to the EarthSooner than it wold;The Earth builds on the EarthCastles & Towers,The Earth says to the Earth:‘All shall be ours.’This was translated into German by Theodor Fontane (Poems, 4th edit., Berlin, 1892, p. 447). Cf. Fiedler,Mod. Lang. Review, April 1908.Other inscriptions are as follows:—On an old brass, quoted by W. Williams,Notes and Queries, I. vii. 577, and thought by him to belong to the Church of St. Helen’s, London25:—‘Here lyeth yebodyes ofJames Pomley, yesonne of ouldDominick Pomley and Jane hiswyfe: yesaid James deceased ye7thday of Januarie Anno Domini 1592he beyng of yeage of 88 years, &yesayd Jane deceased ye— dayof — D —Earth goeth upõ Earth as moulde upõ moulde;Earth goeth upõ Earth all glittering as golde,As though earth to yeearth never turne sholde;And yet shall earth to yeearth sooner than he wolde.On a tomb at Edmonton of unknown date (possibly sixteenth century), mentioned by Weever (Ancient Funerall Monuments) in 1631, and by Pettigrew (Chronicles of the Tombs, p. 67) in 1857:—Erth goyth upon erth as mold upon mold,Erth goyth upon erth al glisteryng in gold,As though erth to erth ner turne shold,And yet must erth to erth soner than he wolde.Formerly on a headstone in St. James’s Churchyard, Clerkenwell, deciphered about 1812, but already lost in 1851, probably owing to the dismantling of the churchyard. (Cf.Notes and Queries, III. i. 389):—Earth walks on Earth like glittering gold;Earth says to Earth ‘We are but mold’.Earth builds on Earth castles & towers;Earth says to Earth, ‘All shall be ours!’Formerly on a tombstone at St. Martin’s, Ludgate, to FlorensCaldwell esq. of London & Ann Mary Wilde, his wife (Pettigrew, p. 67)26:—Earth goes to Earth, as mold to mold;Earth treads on Earth, glittering in gold:Earth as to Earth returne ne’er shoulde;Earth shall to Earth goe e’er he wolde.Earth upon Earth consyder may;Earth goes to Earth naked away.Earth though on Earth be stowt & gayEarth shall from Earth passe poore away.Be mercifull & charitable,Relieve the poor as thou art able.A shrowd to the graveIs all thou shalt have.This interesting monument has unfortunately disappeared. Doubtless there are many other traces of the poem to be found, but it appears to have been rarely used on tombstones after 1700,27and earlier monuments, unless specially preserved, are rarely decipherable at the present day.Literary Interest.Erthe upon Erthecannot be said to possess great literary value in itself. The interest of the poem lies chiefly in its evident popularity, and in the insight it gives into the kind of literature which became popular in the Middle Ages. It belongs essentially to the same class as theSoul and BodyPoems, and theDance of Death. In the early days of its introduction into Western Europe, Christianity made great use in its appeal to the mass of the people of the fear of death and dread of the Judgement. The early monastic writers dwelt upon the idea of man’s mortality and decay, and the transitoriness of human rank and pleasure. Hence the frequency with which such themes as theDance of Deathwere treated in literature and in art. Closely allied with this idea of the fleeting nature of earthly things, and to some extent a result of it, was theconception of the separation of man’s bodily from his spiritual self which pervades all mediaeval post-Christian literature. In Old English times already, this sense of a sharp division between the two is embodied in No. xliv of the O.E.Riddles:—28Ic wat indryhtne æþelum deorneȝiest in ȝeardum, þæm se grimma ne mæghunger sceððan ne se hata þurst,yldo ne adle [ne se enga deað],ȝif him arlice esne þenað,se þe agan sceal [his ȝeongorscipe]on þam siðfæte: hy gesunde æt hamfindaþ witode him wiste ⁊ blisse,cnosles unrim, care, ȝif se esnehis blaforde hyreð yflefrean on fore, ne wile forht wesanbroþer oþrum: him þæt bam sceðeð,þonne hy from bearme begen hweorfaðanre magan ellorfusemoddor ⁊ sweostor.This sets forth the same conception of the duality in man as is represented in the O.E.Speech of the Soul to the Body, and in the whole group ofSoul and Bodypoems, and the idea recurs constantly in other monastic texts, cf. Morris,O. E. Miscellany, iii (Sinners Beware), p. 83:—326.þe feondes heom forþ ledeþBoþe lychom and saule.331-336.Þe saule seyþ to þe lychome,Accursed wurþe þi nome,Þin heaued and þin heorte.Þu vs hauest iwroht þes schome,And alle þene eche gromeVs schall euer smerte.MS. Harl.2253, fol. 106, vo, l. 7: þe fleysh stont aȝeyn þe gost.These two fundamental ideas of the transitoriness and henceworthlessness of man’s earthly part, and the cleavage between it and his spiritual part, lie at the root of much of the mediaeval literature, and represent the two not incompatible extremes to which the monastic ideal of life, from its very one-sidedness, was capable of leading: on the one hand a certain morbid materialism, on the other an ascetic mysticism. Nor can it be denied that the mediaeval mind took a certain grim pleasure in dwelling upon the more grotesque aspect of these things. The O.E. poet found the same enjoyment in describing his ‘Ȝifer’—29se wyrm, þe þa ȝeaȝlas beoðnædle scearpran: se genydeð toærest eallra on þam eorðsciæfe,as the painters of theDance of Deathin the drawing of their skeletons and emblems of mortality, or the Gothic carver in his gargoyles. Perhaps, too, some satisfaction in dwelling upon the hollowness of earthly joys, and the bitter fate of those who took their fill of them, was not lacking to a few of those who had turned their backs upon them.Erthe upon Ertheis perhaps more especially concerned with the first of the two conceptions mentioned above, man’s mortality, but, as has already been shown, a close connexion exists between it and theSoul and Bodypoems, and though the idea of the duality in man is not mentioned, it is certainly present. The poem is more popular in form than either theDance of Deathor the variousSoul and BodyDialogues, perhaps because of its purely English origin, and seems to represent a later and more popular product of the ideas which gave rise to the other two groups. Its short mono-rimed stanza, its jingling internal rime, and its half-riddling, half-punning character, appear to have especially commended it to popular favour, and it is significant that it became most widely-known in its simpler forms.Editor’s Note.In preparing the text of this edition, all the available MSS. have been consulted, the only two not examined being William Billyng’s MS. and the Brighton MS., which were formerly in the possession of private owners, and have eluded all search for them. As exhaustive a search as was possible has been made for other texts of the poem, but it has often escaped cataloguing, and it is probable that other copies of theBversion, at least, exist.The punctuation, inverted commas, and regular use of initial capitals in the text are the Editor’s. The MSS. vary in their use of capitals, the same MS. being often inconsistent with itself, while the Cambridge text frequently employs them for unimportant words in the middle of the line, as p. 33, l. 45, Ar, &c. Capitals have been added in the case of all proper names. Letters and words which are obscure or illegible in the MS., or which appear to have been accidentally omitted, are enclosed in square brackets, and a hyphen has been inserted where the MS. separates a prefix or particle from the rest of the word. The MS. writings ff, þ, ȝ, v for u and vice versa, have been retained in the text, andɫɫ,ŧħ, expanded to lle, the, but it was not thought advisable to expand m~, n~, to me, ne, nor other letters such as d, r, g, when written with a final flourish. Fifteenth-century scribes appear to have used such flourishes at the end of the word rather as a matter of habit than with any particular meaning, and the forms to which expansion of them would lead, such asone,onneforon, are frequently most improbable. It was therefore thought better to ignore such flourishes, or to indicate the persistent use of them by a footnote.As the conclusions arrived at in the Introduction with regard to the relationship of the English and Latin versions in MS. Harl. 913, and the verbal connexion with theSoul and BodyDialogues, agree, to some extent, with those indicated by Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte, pp. 176-80, it is only reasonable to state that the greater part of the work upon the subject had been done, and a projected article upon it written in reply to Professor Fiedler’s in theModern Language Review, before I had any knowledge of Heuser’s text, and that my conclusions had been formed independently of his, though his have helped to strengthen and confirm them. Moreover I owe his worka very real debt, since I first learned from it of the existence of the Cambridge Text, which has been a most important link in the building up of the general theory as to the connexion between the different versions of the poem.In conclusion, it is a pleasure to express thanks for kind and courteous assistance to the authorities of the British Museum, the Public Record Office, the Bodleian, Cambridge University Library and Lincoln Cathedral Library; to the librarian of Lambeth Palace Library, to whom I am indebted for the collation of the Lambeth text; to the authorities of Magdalene College, Cambridge, for permission to copy and print the Maitland text; to Lord Harlech for the loan of the Porkington MS.; to Professor Fiedler for permission to use the Brighton text; to Professor Priebsch, who pointed out the text in MS. Harl. 4486; to Miss Helen Sandison, of Bryn Mawr College, U.S.A., for the discovery of the text in the Appendix and for two of the Analogues, and to Professor Skeat for valuable advice and suggestions. In particular this text owes much to my Father, Sir James Murray of theOxford Dictionary, who has read the proofs, and in the midst of his own arduous work has always been ready with help and advice, to my friend Miss K. S. Block, Lecturer in English at the Royal Holloway College, and, above all, to Dr. Furnivall, in whom all scholars and students of English mourn to-day the loss of a great pioneer, and an ever-ready friend and adviser.Oxford,July1910.Since this was sent to press two other copies of theBversion have come to light at Cambridge, and have by kind permission been inserted on pp. 47, 48 as Appendix II:—(B19) MS. Trinity College R. 3. 21, fol. 33, vo, a copy of the normalBversion in seven stanzas.(B20) MS. Trinity College B. 15. 39, fol. 170, which contains nine stanzas of the expanded text preserved in MSS. Lambeth and Laud, and appears to represent a distinct copy of the original of these two (see Introd. p. xix).1.A second Latin version of anErthepoem, together with the same poem in Anglo-French, and in Middle English, occurs on the back of a Roll in the Public Record Office, dating from the time of Edward II (Exr. K. R. Proceedings, Bdle. 1; old No. 845/21), and in a 19th cent. transcript of this in MS. Brit. Mus. Addit. 25478; it is given in the Appendix. Both the Latin and the French appear to be translations or paraphrases of the English, with an additional verse or two.2.The English text in the Appendix consists of nine four-lined stanzas, and is distinct from either of the two current versions of the poem. It appears to have been suggested by the opening lines ofA, and may be regarded as a single sub-type ofA, not affecting the main line of argument of the Introduction. (See Appendix, p. 46.)3.This is repeated on each page of Bateman’s text, and is, perhaps, his own design.4.See Bateman’s Preface.5.Probably not the author but the copier of the MS.: see Notes.6.All the stanzas of theBversion are four-lined except MS. Porkington.7.v. Wanley’s Catalogue.8.My attention was called to this MS. by the kindness of Prof. Priebech.9.MS. Laud Misc. is not written throughout in metrical lines, but the divisions of the stanzas, and, in most cases, of the lines, are clearly indicated.10.The first leaf of this text has been torn out and the verses in brackets are only conjectural.11.MS. Laud represents, in the main, the same version as MS. Lamb., but the variant readings preclude the idea of its being a copy of Lamb., unless the scribe deliberately tried to modify his original on the lines of Harl. 4486 and Rawl. P. The changes in the text (ll. 26, 27, 47: see Notes) show that it cannot be the original of Lamb. It appears to be a transcript from the same original made about the same date, or a little earlier than the Lambeth text.12.Cf. MS. Brightonnobley.13.Cf. MS. Seldendelful.14.The Latin and Anglo-French texts in the Appendix are evidently renderings of the English poem which accompanies them.15.This is clearly seen in the Latin and French versions in the Appendix where the Latin text usesterra in terra, and the Frenchterre en terre.16.Vernon MS.to resten on, Digby,shal rest right at.17.Cotton MS.þe rof þe firste.18.Cf. Frendles ys þe dede (Proverbs of Hendyng, l. 288).19.= heres þonkes,of their own free will.20.Compare with this the text in the Appendix which begins:Whanne eorthe hath eorthe wiþ wrong igete—and in the French version:Quant terre auera en terre large terre gayne.21.See the Appendix, p. 46.22.Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonn, 1904).23.See p. xxxiv above.24.The earliest known epitaphs in English date from the fourteenth century.25.There is no record of this brass at the church of St. Helen’s, Bishopsgate.26.Dated 1590 by Ernest R. Suffling,Epitaphia(1909), p. 382.27.A late instance of its use is given by Ch. Box (Elegies and Epitaphs, Glouc. 1892) as found by him on the tomb of a bricklayer, who died in 1837, aged 90:—Earth walks upon Earth like glittering gold,Earth says to Earth, ‘We are but mould’;Earth builds upon Earth castles and towers,Earth says to Earth, ‘All is ours’!28.Printed from Grein-Wülcker,Bibliothek der ags. Poesie, iii. 212.—(I know of a most noble guest in the dwellings, hidden from men, whom fierce hunger cannot torment, nor burning thirst, nor age, nor sickness [nor close-pressing death], if the servant who shall [bear him company] in his course serves him honourably: they, prospering, shall find abundance and bliss, countless joys, allotted to them at home, but (they shall find) sorrow, if the servant obeys his lord and master ill upon their journey, and will not show him reverence, the one brother to the other: that shall afflict them both, when they two depart, hastening hence, from the bosom of their common kinswoman, mother and sister.)29.Grein-Wülcker, iii. 105.—(The worm whose jaws are sharper than needles, who first of all the worms in the grave forces his way to him.)

TheMiddle English poem ofErthe upon Ertheis one which occurs fairly frequently in fifteenth-century MSS. and even later. It was a favourite theme for Commonplace Books, and was frequently inserted on the spare leaves at the beginning or end of a manuscript. From the many texts of the poem which have survived, and from the fact that portions of it continued to be inscribed on walls and tombstones up to the beginning of the nineteenth century, a wide popularity may be deduced. The extant versions, moreover, point to a knowledge of the poem throughout the greater part of England, as well as in the south of Scotland. The grimness of the motive, based on the wordsMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverteris, allies the text both with the earlier group of poems relating toThe Soul and the Body, and with the more or less contemporaryDance of Death, but whereas the two latter groups can claim a popularity which extended over western Europe,Erthe upon Ertheexists only in Middle English texts, and in one parallel Latin version.1It is, indeed, difficult to see how the play upon the wordearthon which the poem depends could have been reproduced with equal success in any language outside English, and the Latin version is distinctly inferior in this respect. There would seem, therefore, to be good reason for the assumption thatErthe upon Ertheis of English origin, belonging to the same class of literature as the English versions of theSoul and Bodypoems.

The earliest texts of the poem known to be extant are found in MSS. Harleian 2253 and 913, both dated about the beginning of the fourteenth century. The two texts vary greatly in length—MS.Harl. 2253 consists of four lines as against seven six-lined stanzas in MS. Harl. 913—and the latter text has the parallel Latin rendering mentioned above, but they coincide so far as they go, and appear to represent a thirteenth or fourteenth-century type of the poem, which may be called theAversion.2

Another poem of the same kind, which differs considerably from theAversion, but is, in all probability, closely connected with it in origin, is common in fifteenth-century MSS. I have traced eighteen texts of this version, dating from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, all of which represent or are based upon the same common type, though individual transcribers appear to have expanded the theme according to their own taste. Such additions may easily be distinguished, since they seldom succeed in maintaining either the grim simplicity, or the fundamental play upon the wordearth, which characterize the genuine portions of the poem. This common fifteenth-century type may be called theBversion.

Lastly, a single fifteenth-century MS. (Cambridge University Library, Ii, 4. 9) has preserved a text of the poem in which some attempt seems to have been made to combine theAwith theBversion. This text may be called theCversion, or Cambridge text.

In the following pages an attempt has been made to justify the premises in part laid down already, and to show that theAandBversions may be traced back to a common source, and that this source was not only confined to England, but was itself English.

The following is a list of the manuscripts in which the poem occurs:—

MSS. of theAVersion:

1.  MS. Harl. 2253, fol. 57, vo, dated c. 1307. Four lines inserted between a French poem on the Death of Simon de Montfort, and an English poem on the Execution of Simon Fraser. Printed by J. Ritson,Ancient Songs and Ballads from the Reign of K. Henry II to the Revolution, p. 13 (1790), by E. Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 216 (1903), and byW. Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik, xiv. 179) (1904). (See the facsimile opposite the title-page.)2.  MS. Harl. 913, fol. 62, ro(c. 1308-1330). Seven six-lined English stanzas alternating with seven of the same purport in Latin. Printed by T. Wright,Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 216 (1841), by F. J. Furnivall,Early Eng. Poems and Lives of Saints, p. 150 (printed for the Philological Society, Berlin, 1862), and by W. Heuser,ibid., p. 180.

1.  MS. Harl. 2253, fol. 57, vo, dated c. 1307. Four lines inserted between a French poem on the Death of Simon de Montfort, and an English poem on the Execution of Simon Fraser. Printed by J. Ritson,Ancient Songs and Ballads from the Reign of K. Henry II to the Revolution, p. 13 (1790), by E. Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 216 (1903), and byW. Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik, xiv. 179) (1904). (See the facsimile opposite the title-page.)

2.  MS. Harl. 913, fol. 62, ro(c. 1308-1330). Seven six-lined English stanzas alternating with seven of the same purport in Latin. Printed by T. Wright,Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 216 (1841), by F. J. Furnivall,Early Eng. Poems and Lives of Saints, p. 150 (printed for the Philological Society, Berlin, 1862), and by W. Heuser,ibid., p. 180.

MSS. of theBVersion:

1.  William Billyng’s MS. (dated 1400-1430). Five four-lined stanzas, preceded by the figure of a naked body, rudely drawn, having a mattock in its right hand, and a spade at its feet. At the end of the poem is a prone figure of a skeleton accompanied by two draped figures.3Printed by W. Bateman,Billyng’s Five Wounds of Christ, no. 3 (Manchester, 1814),4‘from a finely written and illuminated parchment roll, about two and three-quarter yards in length: it is without date, but by comparing it with other poetry, it appears to have been written early in the fifteenth century; the illuminations and ornaments with which it is decorated correspond to those of missals written about the reign of Henry V; the style may therefore fix its date between the years 1400 and 1430. The author5gives his name and mark at the bottom of the roll.’ Reprinted from Bateman’s text by J. Montgomery,The Christian Poet, edit. 1 and 2, p. 45 (1827), edit. 3, p. 58 (1828).2.  MS. Thornton (Lincoln Cath. Libr.), fol. 279 (c. 1440). Five stanzas6without mark of strophic division. Printed by G. G. Perry,Religious Poems in Prose and Verse, p. 95 (E.E.T.S., No. xxvi, 1867, reprinted 1889, p. 96), and by C. Horstmann,Yorkshire Writers (Richard Rolle of Hampole), i. 373 (1895).3.  MS. Selden supra 53, fol. 159, vo(c. 1450). Six stanzas (strophic division indicated in the first two), written in a different hand on the back of a spare leaf at the end of theMS.; stanza 5 of the usualBversion omitted. Quoted by H. G. Fiedler,Modern Language Review(April 1908), III. iii. 221. Not printed before.4.  MS. Egerton 1995, fol. 55, ro(William Gregory’s Commonplace Book, dated c. 1430-1450, cf. J. Gairdner,Collections of a London Citizen. Camden. Soc. 1876 n.s. xvii). Seven stanzas without strophic division. Not printed before.5.  MS. Harl. 1671, fol. 1*, ro(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas written in the left-hand column on the fly-leaf at the beginning of the MS., which consists of a ‘large Theological Treatise, imperfect at both ends, which seemeth to have been entituled “The Weye to Paradys”’.7The upper portion of the leaf contains a poem in praise of St. Herasmius. Not printed before.6.  MS. Brighton, fol. 90, vo(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas. Printed by Fiedler,M. L. R.III. iii. 219, from the last leaf of a MS. formerly seen by him in possession of an antiquary at Brighton, and containing a Latin treatise on the seven Sacraments.7.  Stratford-on-Avon Inscription (after 1450). Seven stanzas, formerly on the west wall of the nave in the Chapel of the Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, cf. R. B. Wheler,Hist. and Antiq. of Stratford-on-Avon, p. 98: ‘against the west wall of the nave, upon the south side of the arch was painted the martyrdom of Thomas à Becket, whilst kneeling at the altar of St. Benedict in Canterbury Cathedral; below this was represented the figure of an angel (probably St. Michael) supporting a long scroll, upon which were written the following rude verses: Erth oute of erthe,’ &c. ‘Beneath were two men, holding another scroll over a body wrapt in a winding sheet, and covered with some emblems of mortality with these lines: Whosoo hym be thowghte,’ &c. (v. Note on p. 36). These paintings were probably added in the reign of Henry VII, when the Chapel was restored by Sir Hugh Clopton (died 1496), who built New Place opposite the Chapel in 1483. They were discovered in 1804 beneath a coating of whitewash, and were copied and engraved, but have since been more than once re-coated with whitewash, and all trace of the poem has now disappeared. Facsimiles,etched and coloured by hand, exist in Thomas Fisher’sSeries of Ancient Allegorical, Historical, and Legendary Paintings in fresco, discovered on the walls of the Chapel of the Trinity, belonging to the Gild of the Holy Cross, at Stratford-on-Avon, in Warwickshire, from drawings made at the time of their discovery(1807). Printed by R. B. Wheler,ibid.(1806), by Longfellow,Outre-Mer(Père-La-Chaise, note on p. 67), 1851, and by W. P. Reeves,Mod. Lang. Notes, IX. iv. 203 (April 1894).8.  MS. Rawlinson C. 307, fol. 2, ro(after 1458). Eight stanzas, of which three are peculiar to this MS., and are of a more distinctly Northern dialect than the remainder. The poem is the only English text in a MS. containing Latin prose and verse. Two Latin poems in the same hand asErthe upon Ertherefer to the death of Gilbert Pynchbeck at York in 1458, which would fix the date c. 1460, or later. The three independent stanzas were printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 221.9.8MS. Harl. 4486, fol. 146, ro(fifteenth century). Eight stanzas added on the last leaf but one of a copy ofLe Livre de Sydrac, immediately after the colophon. The last two leaves and the cover of the MS. contain various scribblings in fifteenth-century hands, chiefly of Latin aphorisms and rimes. Folio 147, vo, contains the signature of Tho. Baker, who may possibly have transcribed the English poem. Not printed before.10. MS. Lambeth 853, fol. 35 (c. 1430-1450). Twelve stanzas. Printed by F. J. Furnivall,Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, p. 88 (E.E.T.S. 1867, No. xxiv, reprinted 1895).11. MS. Laud Misc. 23, fol. 111, vo(before 1450). Twelve stanzas, varying very slightly from MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.12. MS. Cotton Titus A xxvi, fol. 153, ro(fifteenth century). Six four-lined stanzas, apparently the beginning of a transcript of MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.13. MS. Rawlinson Poetic. 32, vo(after 1450). Thirty-two stanzas, each of four short lines, corresponding to half the normal stanza; stanzas 17 to 30 are peculiar to this MS. The greater part printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 222.14. MS. Porkington 10, fol. 79, vo(fifteenth century). Twelve six-lined stanzas, of which stanzas 7 to 11 are peculiar tothis MS. Printed by Halliwell,Early Eng. Misc. in Prose and Verse, selected from an inedited MS. of the 15th cent., p. 39 (Warton Club, 1855), and by Fiedler, ibid. p. 225.15. MS. Balliol 354, fol. 207, vo(Richard Hill’s Commonplace Book, dated before 1504). Sixteen stanzas, of which stanzas 6 to 14 introduce an independent digression on the Nine Worthies. Printed by Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 94 (1903), and by Roman Dyboski,Songs, Carols, and Other Misc. Poems, p. 90 (E.E.T.S. 1907, extra ser. ci).16. MS. Harl. 984, fol. 72, ro(sixteenth century). The preceding leaf of the MS. has been torn out, leaving only two lines of what may be assumed to be verse 6, and the whole of verse 7, which occur with other fragments on the last leaf but one.17. The Maitland MS. Pepysian Library, Magd. Coll. Cambr., MS. 2553, p. 338 (c. 1555-1585). Seven stanzas in the Lowland Scots dialect, with the ascription ‘quod Marsar’. Thomas Pinkerton published portions of the MS. in hisAncient Scottish Poems never before in print . . . from the MS. Collections of Sir Richard Maitland(London, 1786), but omittedEird upon Eird. Not printed before.18. The Reidpeth MS. Cambridge Univ. Libr. Ll. 5. 10, fol. 43, vo, copied 1622-1623 ‘a me Joanne Reidpeth’. Seven stanzas, probably transcribed from the Maitland MS., but concluding ‘quod Dumbar’. Not printed before.

1.  William Billyng’s MS. (dated 1400-1430). Five four-lined stanzas, preceded by the figure of a naked body, rudely drawn, having a mattock in its right hand, and a spade at its feet. At the end of the poem is a prone figure of a skeleton accompanied by two draped figures.3Printed by W. Bateman,Billyng’s Five Wounds of Christ, no. 3 (Manchester, 1814),4‘from a finely written and illuminated parchment roll, about two and three-quarter yards in length: it is without date, but by comparing it with other poetry, it appears to have been written early in the fifteenth century; the illuminations and ornaments with which it is decorated correspond to those of missals written about the reign of Henry V; the style may therefore fix its date between the years 1400 and 1430. The author5gives his name and mark at the bottom of the roll.’ Reprinted from Bateman’s text by J. Montgomery,The Christian Poet, edit. 1 and 2, p. 45 (1827), edit. 3, p. 58 (1828).

2.  MS. Thornton (Lincoln Cath. Libr.), fol. 279 (c. 1440). Five stanzas6without mark of strophic division. Printed by G. G. Perry,Religious Poems in Prose and Verse, p. 95 (E.E.T.S., No. xxvi, 1867, reprinted 1889, p. 96), and by C. Horstmann,Yorkshire Writers (Richard Rolle of Hampole), i. 373 (1895).

3.  MS. Selden supra 53, fol. 159, vo(c. 1450). Six stanzas (strophic division indicated in the first two), written in a different hand on the back of a spare leaf at the end of theMS.; stanza 5 of the usualBversion omitted. Quoted by H. G. Fiedler,Modern Language Review(April 1908), III. iii. 221. Not printed before.

4.  MS. Egerton 1995, fol. 55, ro(William Gregory’s Commonplace Book, dated c. 1430-1450, cf. J. Gairdner,Collections of a London Citizen. Camden. Soc. 1876 n.s. xvii). Seven stanzas without strophic division. Not printed before.

5.  MS. Harl. 1671, fol. 1*, ro(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas written in the left-hand column on the fly-leaf at the beginning of the MS., which consists of a ‘large Theological Treatise, imperfect at both ends, which seemeth to have been entituled “The Weye to Paradys”’.7The upper portion of the leaf contains a poem in praise of St. Herasmius. Not printed before.

6.  MS. Brighton, fol. 90, vo(fifteenth century). Seven stanzas. Printed by Fiedler,M. L. R.III. iii. 219, from the last leaf of a MS. formerly seen by him in possession of an antiquary at Brighton, and containing a Latin treatise on the seven Sacraments.

7.  Stratford-on-Avon Inscription (after 1450). Seven stanzas, formerly on the west wall of the nave in the Chapel of the Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, cf. R. B. Wheler,Hist. and Antiq. of Stratford-on-Avon, p. 98: ‘against the west wall of the nave, upon the south side of the arch was painted the martyrdom of Thomas à Becket, whilst kneeling at the altar of St. Benedict in Canterbury Cathedral; below this was represented the figure of an angel (probably St. Michael) supporting a long scroll, upon which were written the following rude verses: Erth oute of erthe,’ &c. ‘Beneath were two men, holding another scroll over a body wrapt in a winding sheet, and covered with some emblems of mortality with these lines: Whosoo hym be thowghte,’ &c. (v. Note on p. 36). These paintings were probably added in the reign of Henry VII, when the Chapel was restored by Sir Hugh Clopton (died 1496), who built New Place opposite the Chapel in 1483. They were discovered in 1804 beneath a coating of whitewash, and were copied and engraved, but have since been more than once re-coated with whitewash, and all trace of the poem has now disappeared. Facsimiles,etched and coloured by hand, exist in Thomas Fisher’sSeries of Ancient Allegorical, Historical, and Legendary Paintings in fresco, discovered on the walls of the Chapel of the Trinity, belonging to the Gild of the Holy Cross, at Stratford-on-Avon, in Warwickshire, from drawings made at the time of their discovery(1807). Printed by R. B. Wheler,ibid.(1806), by Longfellow,Outre-Mer(Père-La-Chaise, note on p. 67), 1851, and by W. P. Reeves,Mod. Lang. Notes, IX. iv. 203 (April 1894).

8.  MS. Rawlinson C. 307, fol. 2, ro(after 1458). Eight stanzas, of which three are peculiar to this MS., and are of a more distinctly Northern dialect than the remainder. The poem is the only English text in a MS. containing Latin prose and verse. Two Latin poems in the same hand asErthe upon Ertherefer to the death of Gilbert Pynchbeck at York in 1458, which would fix the date c. 1460, or later. The three independent stanzas were printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 221.

9.8MS. Harl. 4486, fol. 146, ro(fifteenth century). Eight stanzas added on the last leaf but one of a copy ofLe Livre de Sydrac, immediately after the colophon. The last two leaves and the cover of the MS. contain various scribblings in fifteenth-century hands, chiefly of Latin aphorisms and rimes. Folio 147, vo, contains the signature of Tho. Baker, who may possibly have transcribed the English poem. Not printed before.

10. MS. Lambeth 853, fol. 35 (c. 1430-1450). Twelve stanzas. Printed by F. J. Furnivall,Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, p. 88 (E.E.T.S. 1867, No. xxiv, reprinted 1895).

11. MS. Laud Misc. 23, fol. 111, vo(before 1450). Twelve stanzas, varying very slightly from MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.

12. MS. Cotton Titus A xxvi, fol. 153, ro(fifteenth century). Six four-lined stanzas, apparently the beginning of a transcript of MS. Lambeth. Not printed before.

13. MS. Rawlinson Poetic. 32, vo(after 1450). Thirty-two stanzas, each of four short lines, corresponding to half the normal stanza; stanzas 17 to 30 are peculiar to this MS. The greater part printed by Fiedler,ibid.p. 222.

14. MS. Porkington 10, fol. 79, vo(fifteenth century). Twelve six-lined stanzas, of which stanzas 7 to 11 are peculiar tothis MS. Printed by Halliwell,Early Eng. Misc. in Prose and Verse, selected from an inedited MS. of the 15th cent., p. 39 (Warton Club, 1855), and by Fiedler, ibid. p. 225.

15. MS. Balliol 354, fol. 207, vo(Richard Hill’s Commonplace Book, dated before 1504). Sixteen stanzas, of which stanzas 6 to 14 introduce an independent digression on the Nine Worthies. Printed by Flügel,Anglia, xxvi. 94 (1903), and by Roman Dyboski,Songs, Carols, and Other Misc. Poems, p. 90 (E.E.T.S. 1907, extra ser. ci).

16. MS. Harl. 984, fol. 72, ro(sixteenth century). The preceding leaf of the MS. has been torn out, leaving only two lines of what may be assumed to be verse 6, and the whole of verse 7, which occur with other fragments on the last leaf but one.

17. The Maitland MS. Pepysian Library, Magd. Coll. Cambr., MS. 2553, p. 338 (c. 1555-1585). Seven stanzas in the Lowland Scots dialect, with the ascription ‘quod Marsar’. Thomas Pinkerton published portions of the MS. in hisAncient Scottish Poems never before in print . . . from the MS. Collections of Sir Richard Maitland(London, 1786), but omittedEird upon Eird. Not printed before.

18. The Reidpeth MS. Cambridge Univ. Libr. Ll. 5. 10, fol. 43, vo, copied 1622-1623 ‘a me Joanne Reidpeth’. Seven stanzas, probably transcribed from the Maitland MS., but concluding ‘quod Dumbar’. Not printed before.

MS. of theCVersion:

The Cambridge Text. Cambr. Univ. Libr. Ii. 4. 9, fol. 67, ro(fifteenth century). Eighty-two lines comprising twenty-two or twenty-three stanzas. The text is followed by a coloured picture of a young knight, standing on a hill with a skeleton below. A scroll proceeding from the knight has the words:Festina tempus et memento finis, while one proceeding from the skeleton runs:In omni opere memorare nouissima et in eternum non peccabis. Printed by Heuser,Kildare-Gedichte, p. 213.

TheAversion exists in two forms, one a short popular stanza of four lines (MS. Harl. 2253), apparently of the nature of a riddle, the other a longer poem of seven English and seven Latin stanzas (MS. Harl. 913), each English verse being followed by itsLatin equivalent. The metrical form of the Latin verses is one often used in Latin poems of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a six-lined stanza, rimedaaaabb, with the rhythm of the well-known

méum ést propósitúm|ín tabérna móri.

The English verses are also in the form of a six-lined stanzaaaaabb, but the first four lines have the same loose four-stress rhythm as the lines in MS. Harl. 2253, and the concluding couplet is on the principle of the septenarius. Both the English and the Latin lines rime at the caesura as well as at the end of the line, but this is less uniformly the rule in the English verses. There is close verbal connexion between the four lines in MS. Harl. 2253, and the opening lines of the longer poem, as will appear from a comparison of the two:—

MS. Harl.2253.

Erþe toc of erþe     erþe wyþ woherþe oþer erþe     to þe erþe droherþe leyde erþe     in erþene þrohþo heuede erþe of erþe     erþe ynoh

Erþe toc of erþe     erþe wyþ woh

erþe oþer erþe     to þe erþe droh

erþe leyde erþe     in erþene þroh

þo heuede erþe of erþe     erþe ynoh

MS. Harl.913.

whan erþ haþ erþ  .  iwonne wiþ wowþan erþ mai of erþ  .  nim hir inowerþ vp erþ  .  falliþ fol frowerþ toward erþ  .  delful him drow.of erþ þou were makid  .andmon þou art ilichin on erþ awaked  .  þe poreandþe riche.

whan erþ haþ erþ  .  iwonne wiþ wow

þan erþ mai of erþ  .  nim hir inow

erþ vp erþ  .  falliþ fol frow

erþ toward erþ  .  delful him drow.

of erþ þou were makid  .andmon þou art ilich

in on erþ awaked  .  þe poreandþe riche.

The connexion between these two versions might be explained in two ways. The short version of MS. Harl. 2253 may be the beginning of a transcript of the longer poem in which the scribe broke off because his memory failed him, or because he was only acquainted with a popular version of the opening lines. On the other hand, the short version may be the older, and the more learned composer of the poem in MS. Harl. 913 may have been elaborating this and other such riddling stanzas current at the time. But any attempt to decide between these two possibilities must necessarily depend upon the conclusion formed as to the relation of the Latin stanzas in MS. Harl. 913 to their English equivalents, and this question will be more conveniently discussed in connexion with the general origin of theErthe upon Erthepoems. As regards the date of the two MSS., MS. Harl. 2253 is generally ascribed to the beginning of the fourteenth century,and the Kildare MS. (MS. Harl. 913) is dated c. 1308 by Crofton Croker, c. 1308 to 1330 by Heuser, while Paul Meyer is of opinion that it may belong to an earlier period still. The dialect of both poems is South Midland, probably of the western part of the district. MS. Harl. 2253, which is commonly associated with Leominster, hasheuede(4). MS. Harl. 913 haslutil,schrud,muntid,heo,mon,lond, and S. Midl. forms of verbs. We have therefore two types of theAversion, standing in close verbal relation to each other, of much the same date and dialect, and representing in all probability the kind ofErthepoem current at the end of the thirteenth century in the South-west Midland district.

As will appear from the foregoing account of the MSS., the eighteen texts of theBversion vary considerably in length, many of them introducing stanzas which do not recur elsewhere. A comparison of the number and arrangement of the stanzas in each text is given on the next page, the stanzas being numbered according to the order of their arrangement in the text to which they belong, and the corresponding stanzas in the various texts grouped under columns. MSS. Thornton, Selden, and Egerton have no mark of strophic division, but fall naturally into mono-rimed stanzas of four lines. All the remaining texts are arranged in four-lined stanzas with mono-rime,9with the exception of MS. Porkington, which represents an evident expansion of the original metrical scheme, an additional long line being attached to each stanza by means of a short bob-line, giving a six-lined stanza,aaaabb. In MS. Rawl. Poet. each long line is written as two short lines, so that the usual four-lined stanza appears in this text as two stanzas, each consisting of four half-lines. This arrangement is facilitated by the regular internal rime on the worderthe. The order of the fifteenth-century MSS. of theBversion observed in the table corresponds to that in the foregoing list of MSS., and in the printed text, and is not always strictly chronological, it being more convenient for purposes of comparison to group the texts according to their length. It will be seen that the three late texts (MSS. Harl. 984, Maitland, and Reidpeth) revert to the normal seven-stanza type, and that this appears to have been the form of the poem known to the compiler of the Cambridge text, a comparison of which is added.

The “Independent Stanzas”, here shown as a separate table, were printed as the last column of the main table, following “Common Stanzas”.

Wm. Billyng’s Text

MS. Thornton

MS. Selden, supra 53

MS. Egerton 1995

MS. Harl. 1671

MS. Brighton

Stratford Inscription

MS. Rawl. C. 307

MS. Harl. 4486

MS. Lambeth 853

MS. Laud Misc. 23

MS. Cotton Titus A. xxvi

MS. Rawl. Poet.

MS. Porkington 10

MS. Balliol 354

MS. Harl. 98410

MS. Maitland

MS. Reidpeth

MS. Rawl. C. 307

MS. Rawl. Poet.

MS. Porkington 10

MS. Balliol 354

6. 7. 13. 18 resembleAVersion.

4. 5. 12. 14 to 17. 19 to 22 independent (11)

It will be seen from the table that eleven of these texts have seven stanzas in common, and that fifteen of them have five in common. Of the three remaining texts, MS. Harl. 984 has a missing leaf, but would clearly appear to belong to the seven-stanza type, raising the above numbers to twelve texts of seven stanzas, and sixteen of five. MS. Selden again obviously represents the usual seven-stanza type with the accidental omission of verse 5. MS. Titus has four of the customary five verses, breaks off to follow the arrangement of the Lambeth MS., and comes to an end after copying two of the additional verses in the Lambeth text before reaching the usual fifth verse. Assuming that it represents a transcription of the Lambeth text, MS. Titus might be classed with the five-stanza type, or possibly, like MS. Lambeth, with the seven-stanza type. It may therefore be assumed that all eighteen of the B texts have five stanzas in common, or are based upon such a common type, and that thirteen, or possibly fourteen of them, represent a common type with seven stanzas, six of which are further found in the Cambridge text. These common stanzas vary very little in the different MSS. as regards either the actual text or the order of lines and stanzas, and it seems probable that the normalBversion consisted of seven stanzas, ending with a personal exhortation which has been omitted, or possibly not yet added, in five of the texts. In four MSS.—Lambeth, Laud, Rawl. P., and Harl. 4486—an interesting final stanza, containing a prayer, has been added. Three of these texts, MSS. Lamb., Laud, and Rawl. P., correspond in three other additional stanzas, which seems to point to some closer relationship between them, and two, or more strictly one and a half, of these additional stanzas are also found in MS. Titus, which appears to be a transcript of the Lambeth text. The scribe of MS. Titus followed the Lambeth text until he reached the middle of verse 6, when he apparently wearied of the task, and broke off with a new couplet of his own, entirely foreign in idea and metre to theErthe upon Erthepoems:—

Lewe thy syne & lyffe in right,And þan shalt thou lyffe in heuyn as a knyght.

Lewe thy syne & lyffe in right,

And þan shalt thou lyffe in heuyn as a knyght.

The text, as a whole, is badly written with many erasures, and points to a careless hand.

The additional stanzas cited in the table as independent containmere variations on the main theme, and it is highly probable that the more expanded texts are the later, and represent individual additions to a popular poem, since they generally fail to maintain the internal rime on the worderthewhich is an evident characteristic of the genuine verses. In the case of the five MSS. in question, MS. Harl. 4486 might be taken to represent the original type, and MSS. Lamb., Laud11, and Titus an expansion of this, while the author of Rawl. P. was obviously acquainted with the Lambeth text, or its original, and added to it certain stanzas of his own, leaving out three of the verses in Lambeth to make room for these. Whether the eighth stanza which MSS. Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, and Rawl. P. have in common belongs to the original type of theBversion, or was itself a later addition, can scarcely be determined, but as it seems to be confined to these four texts, the latter view is perhaps the more probable. It must, however, have been added early, as it occurs already in MSS. Lamb. and Laud before 1450, and preserves the principle of the internal rime onerthe. The relative dates of MSS. Lambeth and Rawl. P. as fixed by Furnivall and Madden (MS. Lamb. 1430-1450, R. P. after 1450) would bear out this theory of the relationship between these two texts, and it may further be noted that both have the same prefatoryDe terra plasmasti me, otherwise found only in MS. Harl. 1671, and that both exhibit the same tendency to employ a direct personal mode of address, and to lengthen out the original text by superfluous words.

Cf. for example, MS. Harl. 4486, verse 5 (so MS. Laud, verse 8)—

Why erthe loueth erthe wonder me thynke,Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylle or swynke, &c.

Why erthe loueth erthe wonder me thynke,

Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylle or swynke, &c.

with MS. Lamb. verse 8—

Whi þat erþeto mycheloueþ erþe, wondir me þink,Or whi þat erþe forsuperflueerþeto soresweete wole or swynk

Whi þat erþeto mycheloueþ erþe, wondir me þink,

Or whi þat erþe forsuperflueerþeto soresweete wole or swynk

and MS. Rawl. P. verse 11—

Or whi that erthe for the ertheUnresonablyswete wol or swynke.

Or whi that erthe for the erthe

Unresonablyswete wol or swynke.

The exact date of the text in MS. Titus is indeterminate, but, as stated above, it is evidently based on MS. Lambeth or its original, and might be ascribed to c. 1450 or later. The text in MS. Harl. 4486 has been added by some later owner of the MS. on the last leaves of a fifteenth-century transcript ofLe Livre de Sydrac. The handwriting ofErthe upon Ertheis also fifteenth century, but the exact date again cannot be determined. The text, however, is far simpler and nearer to the original than that of the other four MSS., and evidently represents an earlier type than these, though the actual transcript may be later.

With the exception of these five MSS., it is not easy to group the eighteen texts of theBversion on any system based upon the additional stanzas, since these fail to bear out any theory as to closer relationship between individual MSS., though the connexion of ideas is often close owing to the similarity of the theme. Thus the nine additional stanzas in MS. Balliol contain a digression upon the nine worthies with an interesting reference in verse 12 to the Dance of Powlis, i.e. the Dance of Death formerly depicted outside St. Paul’s Cathedral (v. Notes, p. 36). It is in the Cambridge text alone that the additional stanzas supply an interesting connexion with theAversion, which places this text, unfortunately corrupt and difficult to decipher, in an important position as a link betweenAandB.

With regard to possible relationships dependent upon variations in the order or arrangement of the lines in the seven common stanzas, it may be pointed out that the first verse in MS. Egerton consists of three lines only, the usual second line being omitted, and that both MS. Harl. 1671 and MS. Porkington omit the same line, though each of these supplies a new and independent fourth line to fill the gap:—

(MS. Egerton1995)

Erthe owte of þe erthe ys wounderly wrought,Erthe vppon erthe hathe sette hys thoughtHow erthe a-pon erthe may be hy brought.

Erthe owte of þe erthe ys wounderly wrought,

Erthe vppon erthe hathe sette hys thought

How erthe a-pon erthe may be hy brought.

(MS. Harl.1671)

Erthe apon erthe ys waxyne and wrought,And erthe apon erthe hathe ysette all hys thoughtHow that erth apon erth hye myght be brought,But how that erth scal to the erth thyngketh he noht.

Erthe apon erthe ys waxyne and wrought,

And erthe apon erthe hathe ysette all hys thought

How that erth apon erth hye myght be brought,

But how that erth scal to the erth thyngketh he noht.

(MS. Porkington 10)

Erthe vppon erthe is woundyrely wrouȝte;Erthe vppon erthe has set al his þouȝteHow erthe vppon erth to erthe schall be brouȝte;There is none vppon erth has hit in þouȝte.Take hede!Whoso þinkyse on his ende, ful welle schal he spede.

Erthe vppon erthe is woundyrely wrouȝte;

Erthe vppon erthe has set al his þouȝte

How erthe vppon erth to erthe schall be brouȝte;

There is none vppon erth has hit in þouȝte.

Take hede!

Whoso þinkyse on his ende, ful welle schal he spede.

It is obvious that these new lines are an afterthought, especially in the case of MS. Porkington, where the rime-wordþouȝtehas to be repeated. Possibly these three texts depend upon a common original in which the usual second lineErth hath gotyn vppon erth a dygnyte of noghtwas lacking, or MS. Egerton may have been the original of the other two. But MS. Harl. 1671 varies from the other two in the first line also, using a version which is otherwise confined to the Cambridge text—

Erthe apon erthe yswaxyne andwrought—

and both it and MS. Porkington beginerthe upon erthelike the later texts, as opposed to the more usualerthe owte of erthe, so that there is no clear evidence of a closer relationship between these three texts.

In verse 4, again, an inversion of the customary order of the second or third lines is common to MSS. Rawl. C., Porkington, Maitland, Reidpeth, and the Stratford-on-Avon inscription, but the verse easily lends itself to transposition of the kind, and in MS. Rawl. C. the usual first line is also put third, so that the order of lines as compared with the normal arrangement becomes 2. 3. 1. 4. Beyond the self-evident fact that the Maitland and Reidpeth MSS. must be grouped together, no relationship of the MSS. can be deduced from this transposition, though it may point to a second popular version with inversion of lines 2 and 3.

One of the most important differences of reading in the common stanzas occurs in the first line of the poem, where twelve of the eighteen MSS. readerthe out of erthe, while the remaining six, as well as the Cambridge text, haveerthe upon erthe. Three of these six are definitely later transcripts: MS. Porkington is obviously a later modification of the original four-lined stanza, and MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth belong to the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries respectively; the beginning of MS. Harl. 984is not preserved, and the remaining two texts, MSS. Selden and Harl. 1671, belong to c. 1450, while the Cambridge text, as will be shown later, cannot be regarded as original. Evidentlyerthe owt of erthewas the original reading, but the versionerthe upon erthewas introduced early, and appears to have survived the other. A similar change occurs in the last line of verse 2, where MS. Harl. 1671 and the Stratford text substituteerth upon erthforout of,from,of, of the other texts, and again in the third line of verse 4 (l. 2 in the texts mentioned above as transposing these lines) where the same two MSS. readerth upon erthfor the normalerth unto(into,to)erthe; also in the fourth line of verse 7, where MSS. Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, Maitland, and Reidpeth readuponforowte of. Now the last two lines of the first verse of the poem invariably use the phraseerth upon erthe, and it occurs repeatedly throughout the poem as a synonym forman: e.g. verse 2, line 1; 3, ll. 1, 3; 4, ll. 1, 2 (or 3); 5, l. 3; 6, ll. 1, 3; 7, l. 1. It was very natural that the common phrase, and the one best adapted to serve as a title to the poem, should tend to replace others, but it seems probable that wherever the substitution occurs it may be taken as due to a later tradition, and consequently as a proof of non-originality or comparative lateness in the text in which it is found. A similar change, and one to be explained in a similar way, is the introduction ofwonderlyforwyckydlyin the first line of verse 7 on the analogy of the first line of the poem, which occurs in MSS. Harl. 1671 and Stratford, and also in the late MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth.

Other variations of reading are less noteworthy. In the second line of verse 1, ten MSS., ranging from the early Thornton and Lambeth to the late Maitland and Reidpeth, readdignite, while the others vary betweennobley(MS. Brighton, cf. the Cambridge text),nobul þyng(Billyng),worschyp(Selden), andan abbey, perhaps an error fornobley(Harl. 4486). The remaining three MSS. omit the line. In the fourth line of verse 2, the alliterativepiteous partingof MSS. Billyng, Egerton, Brighton, Harl. 4486, Lamb., Laud, Titus, and Rawl. P., is replaced byhard partingnot only in the Stratford text and in the later MSS. (Porkington, Balliol, Maitland, Reidpeth), but also in MSS. Thornton and Rawl. C., while other readings aredolful(MS. Selden, cf. the Cambridge text) andheuy(MS. Harl. 1671). It is difficult here to decide betweenpiteousandhard, but the preference should probably rest with the alliterative phrase. In the fourth line of verse 3, the alliterativescharpe schowresis evidently the original reading, and it occurs in all texts except Stratford, Rawl. P., and Balliol.

In the first line of verse 4,erthe goeth upon erthe as moulde upon mouldeoccurs in thirteen texts, and two others (Stratford and Balliol, cf. also the Cambridge text) keep the rimemouldwhile altering the line. The other two readings found,colde opon colde(Rawl. C.), andgolde appone golde(Thornton), are obviously non-original, particularly the latter, which repeats the rime-wordgoldin two successive lines.

Other variations and occasional transpositions of lines occur in individual MSS., but are unimportant.

It will thus be seen that the popular traditional version of the poem tended to become modified, and even corrupt, already in the fifteenth century, and that such modifications are usually more apparent in the later texts. It is also evident that individual transcribers felt themselves at liberty to expand the traditional version, and that many tried their hand at such variations on the original theme, but the striking absence of proof of relationship outside the seven stanzas of the normal version, as well as the frequent unimportant variations found in the common stanzas, seems to point clearly to the conclusion that the original was a popular poem of seven, or possibly only five, stanzas, widely known over England, and that the more simple and naïve of the seventeen texts extant are also more genuine, and nearer to the original.

Many of the texts are accompanied by a short prefatory or concluding verse in English or Latin. The English verse—

When lyffe is most loued, and deth is moste hated,Then dethe draweth his drawght and makyth man full naked

When lyffe is most loued, and deth is moste hated,

Then dethe draweth his drawght and makyth man full naked

occurs as a preface in MSS. Harl. 4486 and 1671, Lambeth, Laud, Rawl. P., and Egerton, and as a conclusion in Billyng’s text. The LatinMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverterisoccurs, in full or in part, in MSS. Harl. 4486, Egerton, Rawl. C., Lambeth, and Billyng, andDe terra plasmasti mein MSS. Harl. 1671, Lambeth, and Rawl. P. The two stanzas in rime royal on theProcese of Dethewhich immediately precedeErthe upon Erthein the Porkington MS. are transcribed as a separate poem, and if not separate, would rather belong to the preceding text, a translationof the LatinVisio Philibertiin rime royal, than toErthe upon Erthe. The latter poem often accompanies either aDance of Deathor one of the numerousSoul and Bodydialogues, no doubt because of the similarity of the theme, but it is not necessary to regard these kindred poems as forming an essential part of each other. So in the Balliol MS.,Erthe upon Ertheis preceded by an eight-lined Latin stanza on the themevado mori, which is probably part of aDance of Death. Here again no basis for a grouping of the MSS. can be found.

The two late texts—MSS. Maitland and Reidpeth—represent a Lowland Scots version of the poem, and are obviously copies of the same original. Probably the Reidpeth text is a transcription of the Maitland, but it contains some obvious misreadings of it, as in verse 3, line 3,bowris(Maitl.),towris(Reidpeth) repeating the rime-word; 5, l. 20,within(Maitl.),with(Reidpeth). The Maitland MS., compiled c. 1555-1585, adds the colophonquod Marsar. The later Reidpeth MS., 1622-1623, concludes with the wordsquod Dumbar. Mersar, or Marsar, is mentioned in Dunbar’sLament for the Makaris, and is usually identified with a William Mersar of the household of James IV, mentioned 1500 to 1503. In any case, if he were a contemporary of Dunbar, he could scarcely be assigned to a sufficiently early date to account for the widespread popularity ofErthe upon Ertheall over England in 1450, and the fact that the two MSS. assign the poem to different authors, of whom Dunbar is manifestly impossible, and Mersar at least improbable, may be explained as an instance of that readiness of posterity to attach a known name to a work of unknown origin, of which other examples are not wanting. It is, however, of interest to find that the poem had made its way to Scotland by 1550 or thereabouts.

As regards dialect, the majority of the MSS. of theBversion show traces of Northern dialect, most of them preserving the Nth. plural in-isin the rimestouris,schowrys, &c. In verse 3 also the majority of the texts have the Nth.biggedorbiggid, but six (MSS. Billyng, Egerton, Rawl. P., Porkington, Balliol, and the Stratford text) use the Midl. or Sth.bildedorbilled. In verse 4 the rime requires the formwoldrather than the common Nth.wald, and even the Maitland MS. retainswoldfor the sake of the rime, whereas MS. Reidpeth substituteswald, sacrificing the rime.MSS. Thornton and Rawl. C. show distinct Nth. features, such as the verb-endings-is(pres. ind. 3 sg.),-and(pres. part.),-id,-it,-in(past part.), and MS. Rawl. C. has the Nth.whate gates at þu gaseriming withfase(foes). But few of the MSS. represent pure dialect-forms, and an investigation of the dialect of the texts is of little assistance towards determining that of the original poem. Such evidence as exists points, on the whole, to the North Midland district, and a widespread popularity in the North, which led to the later knowledge of the poem across the Border, but the popularity was evidently not confined to the North, and Southern as well as Northern forms may be traced in both early and late transcripts.

The Cambridge MS., as has been already stated, combines portions of both theAand theBversion with several independent stanzas. At first sight it might appear to represent a transitional stage in the development of theBfrom theAtype, but closer examination shows that this is not the case, and that the text is merely a later compilation from the two. The writer must have had some knowledge both of the longerAversion represented by MS. Harl. 913, and of the common seven-stanzaBtype, and seems to have tried to combine his recollections in one poem, halting between the four-lined and six-lined stanza, repeating himself here and there, and adding certain new verses of his own. There is no grouping into stanzas in the MS., but a division is easily made by the rimes, and these give mono-rimed stanzas of four lines chiefly, with one of six lines, and some fragmentary ones of two or three. In one case a stanza has been broken up and the two couplets inserted at different points (ll. 9-10, 27-28). As has been shown in the table of MSS. of theBversion, six verses of theBtype may be traced, while four verses show distinct correspondence withA, and eleven are independent of either. A comparison of the similar lines follows:—

(MS. Cambr.Ii. 4. 9) ll. 1-4.

(MS. Harl.4486.)BVersion.

Erthe vpon erthe is waxin & wrought,

Erthe takys on erthe a nobylay of nought;

Now erthe vpon erthe layes all his þought

How erthe vpon erthe sattys all at noght.

Erthe owte of erthe is wonderly wrowghte,

Erthe of the erthe hathe gete an abbey12of nawte,

Erthe apon erthe hath setteal his thowghte

How erthe apon erthe may be hye browte.

Erthe vpon erth wolde be a kyng,

But howe erth xal to erth thynkyth he no thyng.

When erthe says to erth: ‘My rent þou me bryng,’

Then has erth fro erthe a dolfull partyng.

Erthe apon erthe be he a kynge,

Butt how erth schalleto erthe thynkethehe nothynge.

When erthe byddeth erthe his rent home brynge,

Then schalleertheowte of erthe haue a pyteous13partynge.

Erthe vpon erth has hallys & towris;

Erthe says to erth: ‘This is alle owris.’

But quan erth vpon erth has byggyd his bowris

Than xal erth for the erth haue scharpe schowris.

Erthe apon erthe wynneth castelles& towres.

Then seytheerthe to erthe: ‘These bythealleowres.’

When erthe apon erthe hath byggedevp his bowres

Then schalleerthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.

If erth haue mys don, he getyth scharpe shours.

Erthe wrotys in erth as molys don in molde,

Erthe vpon erth glydys as golde,

As erthe leve in erthe euer moreschulde.

Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.

So goeth erthe apon erthe allegleteryngein golde,

Lyke as erthe into erthe neuergo scholde,

And ȝet schalleerthe into erthe rather then be wolde.

How erthe louys erth wondyr me thynke,

How erthe for erth wyll swete and swynke.

When erth is inerthe broght with-in the brynke

What as herth than of erthe but a fowle stynke.

Why erthe louetheerthe wonder me thynke,

Or why that erthe for erthe swete wylleor swynke,

Ffor whan erthe apon erthe is browte withyn þe brynke,

Then schalleerthe of the erthe haue a fowle stynke.

Erthe vpon erth mynd euermore þou make

How erthe xal to erth when deth wyll hymtake.

Loo erthe apon erthe consyderethow may

How erthe commyth to erthe naked all way.

(MS. Harl.913)AVersion.

Erth vpon erthe gos in the weye,

Prykys and prankys on a palfreye;

When erth has gotyn erth alle that he maye,

He schal haue but seven fote at his last daye.

Erþ is a palfrei to king andto quene,

Erþ is ar lang wei, þouw we lutil wene.

Whan erþ haþ erþ wiþ streinþ þus geten,

Alast he haþ is leinþ miseislich i-meten.

Ffor erth gos in erth walkand in vede,

And erthe rydys on erth on a fayr stede,

When he was gotynin erth erth to his mede,

Than is erth layde in erthe wormys to fede.

Whylke are the wormys the flesch brede?

God wote the wormys for to ryght rede.

Than xal not be lykyng vnto hym

Bu[t] an olde sely cloth to wynde erthe in,

When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,

The rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.

Erþ geþ on erþ wrikkend in weden,

Erþ toward erþ wormes to feden;

Erþ berriþ to erþ al is lif deden;

When erþ is inerþe, heo muntid þi meden.

When erþ is inerþe, þe rof is on þe chynne;

Þan schullen an hundred wormes wroten on þe skin.

Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,

When erth is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;

Erþ bilt castles, anderþe bilt toures;

Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.

Be ware, erth, for erthe, for sake of thi sowle.

Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold.

The additional verses in MS. Cambr. bear some slight resemblance to other additional lines found in MSS. of theBtype, and this is interesting as showing that the writer worked on the same lines in expanding his text, and was perhaps acquainted with some of the longerBtexts. On the other hand characteristic differences in the treatment of the theme would seem to support the view that these verses are really individual additions and not derived from any of the other texts. The lines in question are given below:—

God walkyd in erth as longe as he wolde,

He had not in this erth but honger& colde,

And in this erth also his body was solde,

Herein this erth, whan þat he was xxxti ȝereolde.

Now he þat erthe opon erthe ordande to go

Graunt þat erthe vpon erthe may govern hym so,

Þat when erthe vnto erthe shallebe taken to,

Þat þe saule of þis erthe suffre no wo.

God lytyd in erth, blyssed be that stounde!

He sauyd hijs herth withmany a scharpe wounde,

Ffor to sawe erth owght of hell grounde,

He deyd in erth vpon þe rode withmany a blody vounde.

Lord God that erthe tokist in erthe,

And suffredist paynes ful stille,

Late neuer erthe for the erthe

In dedly synne ne spille.

And God ros ovght of the est this erth for to spede,

And went into hell as was gret nede,

And toke erth from sorowe þis erth for to spede,

The ryght wey to heuen blys IesusCryst vs lede!

But that erthe in this erthe

Be doynge euer thi wille,

So that erthe for the erthe

Stye up to thi holi hille.(Cf. Harl. 4486, v. 8; Lamb. v. 12; Laud v. 12).

It is therefore evident that the Cambridge text shows knowledge of both theAand theBversions, but the text in its existing form must represent either a corrupt copy of the original with frequent dislocation of lines, or, what is perhaps more likely from the instances of repetition of the same words or ideas which occur, a clumsy compilation from the two made by some one who perhaps hadBbefore him and remembered portions ofAimperfectly.Such repetitions occur in verses 2 and 18, the latter repeating three of the rime-words of the former verse, as well as the phrasescharpe schowris; and again in verses 4 and 19, and in verses 6, 7, and 13. In any case the text must be regarded as later than theAandBversions, and not as forming a link between them. The dialect is Northern, but not uniformly so.

The question as to the source of the poemErthe upon Erthe, and the relationship of theAandBversions to the original, and to each other, is a difficult one. The existence of a parallel Latin version in one of the oldest MSS. is clearly an important point to be taken into consideration in any attempt at an investigation of the origin of the poem, and it will be well before proceeding further to form some conclusion as to the relation in which the English and Latin stanzas in MS. Harl. 913 stand to each other. The correspondence of the two versions is not strictly verbal, but it is evident that either the English or the Latin stanzas represent a rather free rendering of the verses which accompany them. In favour of a Latin origin it may be pointed out that the metrical form of the Latin stanzas is one frequently employed in Latin poems of the time, that the subject is a favourite monastic theme, and that the manner of the poem is in keeping with contemporary Anglo-Latin compositions, such as the well-knownCur mundus militat sub vana gloria. The natural tendency would be to attribute a poem of the kind to Latin origin, especially if, as in this case, a Latin version were forthcoming.

On the other hand, it may be pointed out that the Latin text is not known to exist in any other MS., and appears indeed to have no separate existence from the English stanzas which accompany it, whereas English texts of the poem without trace of a Latin rendering or original are very common.14The text was one frequently used in epitaphs, but no Latin epitaph of the kind is known to have existed, although Latin was commonly used in epitaphs at the time when the poem was most widely popular.

Further, word-plays of the kind found here upon the wordertheare certainly not common in Latin verse of the time, and the Latintext does not render the play as effectively as the English does, employing alternately the three termsterra,vesta,humus, in place of the Englisherthe, and failing to maintain these consistently. The play on the wordearth, which is the most essential feature of the poem, could not have been given with the same effect as in English either in Latin or in any mediaeval language.15

Thirdly, in support of an English origin it may be urged that close verbal connexion can be traced between the English text of both versions, but more especially of the earlier (A), and other poems dating from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, particularly the various Dialogues ofThe Soul and the Body:—

MS. Harl.913, l. 17 (A).

When erþ is in erþe, þe rof is on þe chynne.

MS. Cambr. Univ. Libr.Ii. 4. 9, l. 25 (C)

When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,Þe rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.

When erthe is in erth for wormys wyn,

Þe rof of his hows xal ly on his chyn.

Cf.Dialogues of Soul and Body, (Worcester fragment) 12th cent.

‘nu þu havest neowe hus inne beþrungen, lowe beoþ helewes.Þin rof liþ on þine breoste, ful . . . colde is þe ibedded.

‘nu þu havest neowe hus inne beþrungen, lowe beoþ helewes.

Þin rof liþ on þine breoste, ful . . . colde is þe ibedded.

(Bodl. Fragm.) 12th cent.

Þe rof bið ibyld þire broste ful neh.

(MS. Auchinleck) 13th cent.

Wiþ wormes is now ytaken þin in,Þi bour is bilt wel cold in clay,Þe rofshal take to16þi chin.

Wiþ wormes is now ytaken þin in,

Þi bour is bilt wel cold in clay,

Þe rofshal take to16þi chin.

(MS. Harl.2253) 14th cent.

When þe flor is at þy rug,Þe rof ys at þy neose.

When þe flor is at þy rug,

Þe rof ys at þy neose.

Cf.Death152 (13th cent.) in Morris,O. E. Misc., p. 168 (Jesus MS.).

Þi bur is sone ibuldÞat þu schalt wunyen inne,Þe rof& þe virste17Schal ligge on þine chynne.Nu þe schulen wurmesWunyen wiþinne.

Þi bur is sone ibuld

Þat þu schalt wunyen inne,

Þe rof& þe virste17

Schal ligge on þine chynne.

Nu þe schulen wurmes

Wunyen wiþinne.

MS. Harl.913, l. 66 (A).

Erþ bilt castles, & erþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.

Erþ bilt castles, & erþe bilt toures;

Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.

MS. Harl.4486 (B);so otherBtexts.

Erthe apon erthe wynnethecastelles & towres.Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythealle owres’.When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.

Erthe apon erthe wynnethecastelles & towres.

Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythealle owres’.

When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,

Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.

MS. Cambr.63 (C).

Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,When erþ is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;

Erthe bygyth hallys & erth bygith towres,

When erþ is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;

ibid.5-8

Erthe vpon erthe has hallys & towris&c.

Cf.Soul & Body Dialogues(MSS. Auchinleck, Digby, Vernon, Laud).

Whare be þine castels & þine tours,Þine chaumbres & þine heiȝe halle,.   .   .   .   .Wrecche, ful derk it is þi bourTo morn þou schalt þerin falle.

Whare be þine castels & þine tours,

Þine chaumbres & þine heiȝe halle,

.   .   .   .   .

Wrecche, ful derk it is þi bour

To morn þou schalt þerin falle.

(ibid.)

Halles heiȝe & bours briȝtY hadde y bilt & mirþes mo.

Halles heiȝe & bours briȝt

Y hadde y bilt & mirþes mo.

(MS. Harl.2253).

thi castles & thy toures.

Cf.Death29.

Ah seoþþen mony monBy-yet bures & halle,Forþi þe wrecche souleSchal into pyne falle.

Ah seoþþen mony mon

By-yet bures & halle,

Forþi þe wrecche soule

Schal into pyne falle.

MS. Harl.913. 42 (A).

Be þou þre niȝt in a þrouȝ, þi frendschip is ilor.18

Cf.Visio Philiberti(MS. Porkington).

When þou art dede þi frenschype is aslepe.

Cf.Soul & Body(MS. Auchinleck).

that alle þine frend beon fro þe fledde.

Cf.Death97.

Hwer beoð alle þine freondÞet fayre þe bi-hehteAnd fayre þe igrettenBi weyes and bi strete.Nu heo walleþ wreccheAlle þe forleteNolde heo non herestonkes19Nu þe imete.

Hwer beoð alle þine freond

Þet fayre þe bi-hehte

And fayre þe igretten

Bi weyes and bi strete.

Nu heo walleþ wrecche

Alle þe forlete

Nolde heo non herestonkes19

Nu þe imete.

MS. Cambr.l. 21 (C).

When erth has gotyn erthe alle that he mayeHe schal haue but seven fote at his laste daye.

When erth has gotyn erthe alle that he maye

He schal haue but seven fote at his laste daye.

Cf.Soul & Body(MSS. Auchinl.,Digby).

Now schaltow haue at al þi siþeBot seuen fet, vnneþe þat.

Now schaltow haue at al þi siþe

Bot seuen fet, vnneþe þat.

The play upon the wordearthrecurs in other English poems. Cf.A Song on the Times(MS. Harl. 913), early fourteenth century—

20Whan erthe hath erthe i-getteAnd of erthe so hath i-nouȝ,When he is therin i-stekke,Wo is him that was in wouȝ.

20Whan erthe hath erthe i-gette

And of erthe so hath i-nouȝ,

When he is therin i-stekke,

Wo is him that was in wouȝ.

where the idea and the two rime-words are the same as inMS. Harl.2253—

Erþe toe of erþe erþe wyþ woh,Erþe oþer erþe to þe erþe droh,Erþe leyde erþe in erþene þroh,Þo heuede erþe of erþe erþe ynoh.

Erþe toe of erþe erþe wyþ woh,

Erþe oþer erþe to þe erþe droh,

Erþe leyde erþe in erþene þroh,

Þo heuede erþe of erþe erþe ynoh.

It will be remembered that these two MSS. (Harl. 913 and 2253) are the two which preserve texts of theAversion, and the opening lines of theSong on the Timeswould appear to give further proof of a connexion between the twoAtexts.

Further, inMS. Lansdowne762 (v.Reliquiae AntiquaeI. 260), under the headingTerram terra tegat, occur these lines:—

First to the erthe I bequethe his parte,My wretched careyn is but fowle claye,Like than to like, erthe in erthe to laye;Sith it is, according by it I wolle abide,As for the first parte of my wille, that erthe erthe hide.

First to the erthe I bequethe his parte,

My wretched careyn is but fowle claye,

Like than to like, erthe in erthe to laye;

Sith it is, according by it I wolle abide,

As for the first parte of my wille, that erthe erthe hide.

In this case the English words are evidently based upon the Latin phrase, but this does not disprove an English origin for the poemErthe upon Erthe, since any verses of the kind must ultimately have been based on the idea that man is dust, and the idea itself must have been first presented and have become widely known through such Latin elegiac phrases asMemento homo quod cinis es et in cinerem reverteris, orDe terra plasmasti me, both of which so frequently accompanyErthe upon Erthe, or as the above citedTerram terra tegat. The verse inMS. Lansdownemight rather be considered as supplying further proof of the popular tendency to replace such phrases by English verses, expressing the same idea, but themselves English, not Latin in origin, and making the most of the possible word-play. Such word-plays were evidently popular between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. Cf. the well-known passage inPiers Plowman, c. xxi. 389.

So lyf shal lyf lete ther lyf hath lyf anyented,So that lyf quyte lyf, the olde lawe hit asketh.Ergo, soule shal soule quyte and synne to synne wende.

So lyf shal lyf lete ther lyf hath lyf anyented,

So that lyf quyte lyf, the olde lawe hit asketh.

Ergo, soule shal soule quyte and synne to synne wende.

In view of this evidence, I am inclined to think that the Latin version in MS. Harl. 913 is the translation, and the English the original, and that the oldest form ofErthe upon Erthewhich has been preserved is that found in the four lines in MS. Harl. 2253:—

Erþe toc of erþe erþe wyþ woh &c.

Short riddling stanzas of the kind, based upon the Latin phrases mentioned above, may have been popular in the thirteenth century, and this particular one was evidently known and used by the author of theSong on the Times.21The writer of the version preserved in MS. Harl. 913 seems to have been a more learned man, acquainted with poems like the Dialogues betweenthe Soul and the Body, who elaborated the four lines of MS. Harl. 2253, and perhaps other verses of the same kind, into a poem of seven six-lined stanzas, the additional couplet often introducing a new idea precisely as in the case of the similarly expanded verse-form in MS. Porkington. Either this man or a later transcriber appears to have added the Latin rendering which accompanies the poem, and to have further exercised himself in varying the word-play. Heuser22points out that the mistakes in the MS. would support the view that the English text is a copy of an original in another dialect, and it is possible that the Latin version belongs to this MS. alone, since a second poem in the same MS. is accompanied by an unfinished translation into Latin.

This theory as to the origin of the two texts of theAversion receives further support from the fact that it also accounts most satisfactorily for the development and popularity of theBversion. Apart from the play on the wordertheand the similarity of thetheme, there is only one point of close verbal connexion between the two versions. In MS. Harl. 913 (A) the sixth stanza runs as follows:—

Erþ gette on erþ gersom & gold,Erþ is þi moder, in erþ is þi mold.Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold;Er erþe go to erþe, bild þi long bold.Erþ bilt castles, and erþe bilt toures;Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.

Erþ gette on erþ gersom & gold,

Erþ is þi moder, in erþ is þi mold.

Erþ uppon erþ be þi soule hold;

Er erþe go to erþe, bild þi long bold.

Erþ bilt castles, and erþe bilt toures;

Whan erþ is on erþe, blak beþ þe boures.

In theBversion, the rimesgold:mold,toures:boures, regularly recur in the third and fourth stanzas, and line 5 of theAtext is preserved in slightly modified form in the first line of verse 3:— (MS. Harl. 4486, vv. 3 and 4)

Erthe apon erthe wynnethe castelles and towres.Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythe alle owres.’When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.So goethe erthe apon erthe alle gleterynge in golde,Lyke as erthe unto erthe neuer go scholde,And ȝet schalle erthe into erthe rather then he wolde.

Erthe apon erthe wynnethe castelles and towres.

Then seythe erthe to erthe: ‘These bythe alle owres.’

When erthe apon erthe hath byggede vp his bowres,

Then schalle erthe for the erthe suffre scharpe schowres.

Erthe gothe apon erthe as molde apon molde.

So goethe erthe apon erthe alle gleterynge in golde,

Lyke as erthe unto erthe neuer go scholde,

And ȝet schalle erthe into erthe rather then he wolde.

In the Cambridge text the rime-wordstowres:boursare introduced twice over, representing both the versions given above:—

Erthe bygyth hallys & erthe bygith towres,

When erth is layd in erth, blayke is his bours;

as in theAversion;

Erthe vpon erth has hallys & towris . . .

But quan erth vpon erth has bygyd his bowres,

as in theBversion.

The two stanzas of theBversion which contain these rime-words are the two which recur most frequently on tombstones and mural inscriptions, and it seems possible that they represent a second early form of theErthepoems. It is evident that the rime-wordsgold:mold,bowres:towres, depend upon an early tradition. Probably verses similar to the short stanza in MS. Harl. 2253, and containing these words, were in existence before the learned writer of the longerAtext in MS. Harl. 913 introduced them in his poem, and, becoming widely known, formed the nucleus of theBversion. Both theAand theBversions might therefore be held to depend upon popular stanzas of this kind,which gave rise about the end of the thirteenth century to the long poem of MS. Harl. 913, and during the fourteenth century to the original of theBversion, a poem in seven four-lined stanzas. The earlier version is connected more particularly with the Southwest Midland district; the later seems to have originated rather in the North or North Midlands, but it soon became known all over England, and is found in the South of Scotland shortly after 1500. Only one fifteenth-century writer, the author of the Cambridge text, shows direct knowledge of theAtext, but theBversion was evidently widely known, and a favourite theme for additions and modifications. On tombstones and mural inscriptions it survived up to the nineteenth century.

As has been already pointed out, the Middle English texts ofErthe upon Ertheoccur for the most part in the Commonplace Books of the day, often on the spare leaves at the beginning or end of the MS., as if the collector or some later owner had been struck by the poem and anxious to preserve it. That this interest was not confined to the fifteenth century is shown by the occurrence of the text in the Maitland and Reidpeth MSS. A still later instance of it occurs in the Pillerton Hersey Registers, dating from 1559 onwards, where the following verse has been scribbled on the last leaf, probably by some seventeenth-century clerk (cf. C. C. Stopes,Athenaeum, Sept. 19, 1908):—

Earth upon earth bould house and bowrs,Earth upon earth sayes all is ours.Earth upon earth when all is wroght,Earth upon earth sayes all is for nought.

Earth upon earth bould house and bowrs,

Earth upon earth sayes all is ours.

Earth upon earth when all is wroght,

Earth upon earth sayes all is for nought.

Here the first two lines represent a corrupt type of the same lines in verse 3 of theBversion, while the rimeswroght:noughtrecall verse 1.

Another interesting trace of a late popular version is mentioned in theGentleman’s Magazinefor March, 1824, where a certain Mr. J. Lawrence tells how he was invited, during a visit to Beaumont Hall, Essex, to see the following inscription, written and decorated by a cow-boy on an attic wall:—

Earth goes upon the earth, glittering like gold;Earth goes to the earth sooner than ’twould;Earth built upon the earth castles and towres;Earth said to the earth, ‘All shall be ours.’

Earth goes upon the earth, glittering like gold;

Earth goes to the earth sooner than ’twould;

Earth built upon the earth castles and towres;

Earth said to the earth, ‘All shall be ours.’

Here portions of verses 3 and 4 of theBversion have been combined as in the epitaphs at Melrose and Clerkenwell cited below, pointing either to a corrupt popular version of theBtext, or possibly to an earlier type23in which the rimesgold:mold, &c. were immediately associated with the rimestowres:bowresas inA(MS. Harl. 913, v. 6). The former assumption is the more probable, since the verse appears to be directly based upon stanzas 3 and 4 of the usualBversion.

The majority of the later instances of the text occur on tombstones or memorial tablets. The poem was peculiarly adapted for this purpose, based as it was on the very words of the Burial Service. Indeed, the short verses from which it is here assumed to have originated might well be supposed to have been written in the first place as epitaphs, if evidence of the use of English epitaphs in the thirteenth century24were forthcoming. As has been already stated, the seven verses of the normalBversion occurred in full among the mural paintings in the Chapel of the Holy Trinity at Stratford-on-Avon, belonging to the Guild of the Holy Cross, where they appear to have been used as a monumental inscription already in the latter part of the fifteenth century.

A well-known late instance of the text is the inscription on a tombstone in the parish churchyard which surrounds Melrose Abbey, mentioned by Scott. The stone is headed as follows:—

Memento Mori.Here lyes James Ramsay, portioner of Melrose, who diedJuly 15th, 1761.

On the back is the following verse:—

The Earth goeth on the EarthGlistring like gold,The Earth goeth to the EarthSooner than it wold;The Earth builds on the EarthCastles & Towers,The Earth says to the Earth:‘All shall be ours.’

The Earth goeth on the Earth

Glistring like gold,

The Earth goeth to the Earth

Sooner than it wold;

The Earth builds on the Earth

Castles & Towers,

The Earth says to the Earth:

‘All shall be ours.’

This was translated into German by Theodor Fontane (Poems, 4th edit., Berlin, 1892, p. 447). Cf. Fiedler,Mod. Lang. Review, April 1908.

Other inscriptions are as follows:—

On an old brass, quoted by W. Williams,Notes and Queries, I. vii. 577, and thought by him to belong to the Church of St. Helen’s, London25:—

‘Here lyeth yebodyes ofJames Pomley, yesonne of ouldDominick Pomley and Jane hiswyfe: yesaid James deceased ye7thday of Januarie Anno Domini 1592he beyng of yeage of 88 years, &yesayd Jane deceased ye— dayof — D —

Earth goeth upõ Earth as moulde upõ moulde;Earth goeth upõ Earth all glittering as golde,As though earth to yeearth never turne sholde;And yet shall earth to yeearth sooner than he wolde.

Earth goeth upõ Earth as moulde upõ moulde;

Earth goeth upõ Earth all glittering as golde,

As though earth to yeearth never turne sholde;

And yet shall earth to yeearth sooner than he wolde.

On a tomb at Edmonton of unknown date (possibly sixteenth century), mentioned by Weever (Ancient Funerall Monuments) in 1631, and by Pettigrew (Chronicles of the Tombs, p. 67) in 1857:—

Erth goyth upon erth as mold upon mold,Erth goyth upon erth al glisteryng in gold,As though erth to erth ner turne shold,And yet must erth to erth soner than he wolde.

Erth goyth upon erth as mold upon mold,

Erth goyth upon erth al glisteryng in gold,

As though erth to erth ner turne shold,

And yet must erth to erth soner than he wolde.

Formerly on a headstone in St. James’s Churchyard, Clerkenwell, deciphered about 1812, but already lost in 1851, probably owing to the dismantling of the churchyard. (Cf.Notes and Queries, III. i. 389):—

Earth walks on Earth like glittering gold;Earth says to Earth ‘We are but mold’.Earth builds on Earth castles & towers;Earth says to Earth, ‘All shall be ours!’

Earth walks on Earth like glittering gold;

Earth says to Earth ‘We are but mold’.

Earth builds on Earth castles & towers;

Earth says to Earth, ‘All shall be ours!’

Formerly on a tombstone at St. Martin’s, Ludgate, to FlorensCaldwell esq. of London & Ann Mary Wilde, his wife (Pettigrew, p. 67)26:—

Earth goes to Earth, as mold to mold;Earth treads on Earth, glittering in gold:Earth as to Earth returne ne’er shoulde;Earth shall to Earth goe e’er he wolde.Earth upon Earth consyder may;Earth goes to Earth naked away.Earth though on Earth be stowt & gayEarth shall from Earth passe poore away.Be mercifull & charitable,Relieve the poor as thou art able.A shrowd to the graveIs all thou shalt have.

Earth goes to Earth, as mold to mold;

Earth treads on Earth, glittering in gold:

Earth as to Earth returne ne’er shoulde;

Earth shall to Earth goe e’er he wolde.

Earth upon Earth consyder may;

Earth goes to Earth naked away.

Earth though on Earth be stowt & gay

Earth shall from Earth passe poore away.

Be mercifull & charitable,

Relieve the poor as thou art able.

A shrowd to the grave

Is all thou shalt have.

This interesting monument has unfortunately disappeared. Doubtless there are many other traces of the poem to be found, but it appears to have been rarely used on tombstones after 1700,27and earlier monuments, unless specially preserved, are rarely decipherable at the present day.

Erthe upon Erthecannot be said to possess great literary value in itself. The interest of the poem lies chiefly in its evident popularity, and in the insight it gives into the kind of literature which became popular in the Middle Ages. It belongs essentially to the same class as theSoul and BodyPoems, and theDance of Death. In the early days of its introduction into Western Europe, Christianity made great use in its appeal to the mass of the people of the fear of death and dread of the Judgement. The early monastic writers dwelt upon the idea of man’s mortality and decay, and the transitoriness of human rank and pleasure. Hence the frequency with which such themes as theDance of Deathwere treated in literature and in art. Closely allied with this idea of the fleeting nature of earthly things, and to some extent a result of it, was theconception of the separation of man’s bodily from his spiritual self which pervades all mediaeval post-Christian literature. In Old English times already, this sense of a sharp division between the two is embodied in No. xliv of the O.E.Riddles:—

28Ic wat indryhtne æþelum deorneȝiest in ȝeardum, þæm se grimma ne mæghunger sceððan ne se hata þurst,yldo ne adle [ne se enga deað],ȝif him arlice esne þenað,se þe agan sceal [his ȝeongorscipe]on þam siðfæte: hy gesunde æt hamfindaþ witode him wiste ⁊ blisse,cnosles unrim, care, ȝif se esnehis blaforde hyreð yflefrean on fore, ne wile forht wesanbroþer oþrum: him þæt bam sceðeð,þonne hy from bearme begen hweorfaðanre magan ellorfusemoddor ⁊ sweostor.

28Ic wat indryhtne æþelum deorne

ȝiest in ȝeardum, þæm se grimma ne mæg

hunger sceððan ne se hata þurst,

yldo ne adle [ne se enga deað],

ȝif him arlice esne þenað,

se þe agan sceal [his ȝeongorscipe]

on þam siðfæte: hy gesunde æt ham

findaþ witode him wiste ⁊ blisse,

cnosles unrim, care, ȝif se esne

his blaforde hyreð yfle

frean on fore, ne wile forht wesan

broþer oþrum: him þæt bam sceðeð,

þonne hy from bearme begen hweorfað

anre magan ellorfuse

moddor ⁊ sweostor.

This sets forth the same conception of the duality in man as is represented in the O.E.Speech of the Soul to the Body, and in the whole group ofSoul and Bodypoems, and the idea recurs constantly in other monastic texts, cf. Morris,O. E. Miscellany, iii (Sinners Beware), p. 83:—

þe feondes heom forþ ledeþ

Boþe lychom and saule.

Þe saule seyþ to þe lychome,

Accursed wurþe þi nome,

Þin heaued and þin heorte.

Þu vs hauest iwroht þes schome,

And alle þene eche grome

Vs schall euer smerte.

MS. Harl.2253, fol. 106, vo, l. 7: þe fleysh stont aȝeyn þe gost.

These two fundamental ideas of the transitoriness and henceworthlessness of man’s earthly part, and the cleavage between it and his spiritual part, lie at the root of much of the mediaeval literature, and represent the two not incompatible extremes to which the monastic ideal of life, from its very one-sidedness, was capable of leading: on the one hand a certain morbid materialism, on the other an ascetic mysticism. Nor can it be denied that the mediaeval mind took a certain grim pleasure in dwelling upon the more grotesque aspect of these things. The O.E. poet found the same enjoyment in describing his ‘Ȝifer’—

29se wyrm, þe þa ȝeaȝlas beoðnædle scearpran: se genydeð toærest eallra on þam eorðsciæfe,

29se wyrm, þe þa ȝeaȝlas beoð

nædle scearpran: se genydeð to

ærest eallra on þam eorðsciæfe,

as the painters of theDance of Deathin the drawing of their skeletons and emblems of mortality, or the Gothic carver in his gargoyles. Perhaps, too, some satisfaction in dwelling upon the hollowness of earthly joys, and the bitter fate of those who took their fill of them, was not lacking to a few of those who had turned their backs upon them.

Erthe upon Ertheis perhaps more especially concerned with the first of the two conceptions mentioned above, man’s mortality, but, as has already been shown, a close connexion exists between it and theSoul and Bodypoems, and though the idea of the duality in man is not mentioned, it is certainly present. The poem is more popular in form than either theDance of Deathor the variousSoul and BodyDialogues, perhaps because of its purely English origin, and seems to represent a later and more popular product of the ideas which gave rise to the other two groups. Its short mono-rimed stanza, its jingling internal rime, and its half-riddling, half-punning character, appear to have especially commended it to popular favour, and it is significant that it became most widely-known in its simpler forms.

In preparing the text of this edition, all the available MSS. have been consulted, the only two not examined being William Billyng’s MS. and the Brighton MS., which were formerly in the possession of private owners, and have eluded all search for them. As exhaustive a search as was possible has been made for other texts of the poem, but it has often escaped cataloguing, and it is probable that other copies of theBversion, at least, exist.

The punctuation, inverted commas, and regular use of initial capitals in the text are the Editor’s. The MSS. vary in their use of capitals, the same MS. being often inconsistent with itself, while the Cambridge text frequently employs them for unimportant words in the middle of the line, as p. 33, l. 45, Ar, &c. Capitals have been added in the case of all proper names. Letters and words which are obscure or illegible in the MS., or which appear to have been accidentally omitted, are enclosed in square brackets, and a hyphen has been inserted where the MS. separates a prefix or particle from the rest of the word. The MS. writings ff, þ, ȝ, v for u and vice versa, have been retained in the text, andɫɫ,ŧħ, expanded to lle, the, but it was not thought advisable to expand m~, n~, to me, ne, nor other letters such as d, r, g, when written with a final flourish. Fifteenth-century scribes appear to have used such flourishes at the end of the word rather as a matter of habit than with any particular meaning, and the forms to which expansion of them would lead, such asone,onneforon, are frequently most improbable. It was therefore thought better to ignore such flourishes, or to indicate the persistent use of them by a footnote.

As the conclusions arrived at in the Introduction with regard to the relationship of the English and Latin versions in MS. Harl. 913, and the verbal connexion with theSoul and BodyDialogues, agree, to some extent, with those indicated by Heuser,Die Kildare-Gedichte, pp. 176-80, it is only reasonable to state that the greater part of the work upon the subject had been done, and a projected article upon it written in reply to Professor Fiedler’s in theModern Language Review, before I had any knowledge of Heuser’s text, and that my conclusions had been formed independently of his, though his have helped to strengthen and confirm them. Moreover I owe his worka very real debt, since I first learned from it of the existence of the Cambridge Text, which has been a most important link in the building up of the general theory as to the connexion between the different versions of the poem.

In conclusion, it is a pleasure to express thanks for kind and courteous assistance to the authorities of the British Museum, the Public Record Office, the Bodleian, Cambridge University Library and Lincoln Cathedral Library; to the librarian of Lambeth Palace Library, to whom I am indebted for the collation of the Lambeth text; to the authorities of Magdalene College, Cambridge, for permission to copy and print the Maitland text; to Lord Harlech for the loan of the Porkington MS.; to Professor Fiedler for permission to use the Brighton text; to Professor Priebsch, who pointed out the text in MS. Harl. 4486; to Miss Helen Sandison, of Bryn Mawr College, U.S.A., for the discovery of the text in the Appendix and for two of the Analogues, and to Professor Skeat for valuable advice and suggestions. In particular this text owes much to my Father, Sir James Murray of theOxford Dictionary, who has read the proofs, and in the midst of his own arduous work has always been ready with help and advice, to my friend Miss K. S. Block, Lecturer in English at the Royal Holloway College, and, above all, to Dr. Furnivall, in whom all scholars and students of English mourn to-day the loss of a great pioneer, and an ever-ready friend and adviser.

Oxford,

July1910.

Since this was sent to press two other copies of theBversion have come to light at Cambridge, and have by kind permission been inserted on pp. 47, 48 as Appendix II:—

(B19) MS. Trinity College R. 3. 21, fol. 33, vo, a copy of the normalBversion in seven stanzas.(B20) MS. Trinity College B. 15. 39, fol. 170, which contains nine stanzas of the expanded text preserved in MSS. Lambeth and Laud, and appears to represent a distinct copy of the original of these two (see Introd. p. xix).

(B19) MS. Trinity College R. 3. 21, fol. 33, vo, a copy of the normalBversion in seven stanzas.

(B20) MS. Trinity College B. 15. 39, fol. 170, which contains nine stanzas of the expanded text preserved in MSS. Lambeth and Laud, and appears to represent a distinct copy of the original of these two (see Introd. p. xix).

1.A second Latin version of anErthepoem, together with the same poem in Anglo-French, and in Middle English, occurs on the back of a Roll in the Public Record Office, dating from the time of Edward II (Exr. K. R. Proceedings, Bdle. 1; old No. 845/21), and in a 19th cent. transcript of this in MS. Brit. Mus. Addit. 25478; it is given in the Appendix. Both the Latin and the French appear to be translations or paraphrases of the English, with an additional verse or two.2.The English text in the Appendix consists of nine four-lined stanzas, and is distinct from either of the two current versions of the poem. It appears to have been suggested by the opening lines ofA, and may be regarded as a single sub-type ofA, not affecting the main line of argument of the Introduction. (See Appendix, p. 46.)3.This is repeated on each page of Bateman’s text, and is, perhaps, his own design.4.See Bateman’s Preface.5.Probably not the author but the copier of the MS.: see Notes.6.All the stanzas of theBversion are four-lined except MS. Porkington.7.v. Wanley’s Catalogue.8.My attention was called to this MS. by the kindness of Prof. Priebech.9.MS. Laud Misc. is not written throughout in metrical lines, but the divisions of the stanzas, and, in most cases, of the lines, are clearly indicated.10.The first leaf of this text has been torn out and the verses in brackets are only conjectural.11.MS. Laud represents, in the main, the same version as MS. Lamb., but the variant readings preclude the idea of its being a copy of Lamb., unless the scribe deliberately tried to modify his original on the lines of Harl. 4486 and Rawl. P. The changes in the text (ll. 26, 27, 47: see Notes) show that it cannot be the original of Lamb. It appears to be a transcript from the same original made about the same date, or a little earlier than the Lambeth text.12.Cf. MS. Brightonnobley.13.Cf. MS. Seldendelful.14.The Latin and Anglo-French texts in the Appendix are evidently renderings of the English poem which accompanies them.15.This is clearly seen in the Latin and French versions in the Appendix where the Latin text usesterra in terra, and the Frenchterre en terre.16.Vernon MS.to resten on, Digby,shal rest right at.17.Cotton MS.þe rof þe firste.18.Cf. Frendles ys þe dede (Proverbs of Hendyng, l. 288).19.= heres þonkes,of their own free will.20.Compare with this the text in the Appendix which begins:Whanne eorthe hath eorthe wiþ wrong igete—and in the French version:Quant terre auera en terre large terre gayne.21.See the Appendix, p. 46.22.Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonn, 1904).23.See p. xxxiv above.24.The earliest known epitaphs in English date from the fourteenth century.25.There is no record of this brass at the church of St. Helen’s, Bishopsgate.26.Dated 1590 by Ernest R. Suffling,Epitaphia(1909), p. 382.27.A late instance of its use is given by Ch. Box (Elegies and Epitaphs, Glouc. 1892) as found by him on the tomb of a bricklayer, who died in 1837, aged 90:—Earth walks upon Earth like glittering gold,Earth says to Earth, ‘We are but mould’;Earth builds upon Earth castles and towers,Earth says to Earth, ‘All is ours’!28.Printed from Grein-Wülcker,Bibliothek der ags. Poesie, iii. 212.—(I know of a most noble guest in the dwellings, hidden from men, whom fierce hunger cannot torment, nor burning thirst, nor age, nor sickness [nor close-pressing death], if the servant who shall [bear him company] in his course serves him honourably: they, prospering, shall find abundance and bliss, countless joys, allotted to them at home, but (they shall find) sorrow, if the servant obeys his lord and master ill upon their journey, and will not show him reverence, the one brother to the other: that shall afflict them both, when they two depart, hastening hence, from the bosom of their common kinswoman, mother and sister.)29.Grein-Wülcker, iii. 105.—(The worm whose jaws are sharper than needles, who first of all the worms in the grave forces his way to him.)

1.A second Latin version of anErthepoem, together with the same poem in Anglo-French, and in Middle English, occurs on the back of a Roll in the Public Record Office, dating from the time of Edward II (Exr. K. R. Proceedings, Bdle. 1; old No. 845/21), and in a 19th cent. transcript of this in MS. Brit. Mus. Addit. 25478; it is given in the Appendix. Both the Latin and the French appear to be translations or paraphrases of the English, with an additional verse or two.

2.The English text in the Appendix consists of nine four-lined stanzas, and is distinct from either of the two current versions of the poem. It appears to have been suggested by the opening lines ofA, and may be regarded as a single sub-type ofA, not affecting the main line of argument of the Introduction. (See Appendix, p. 46.)

3.This is repeated on each page of Bateman’s text, and is, perhaps, his own design.

4.See Bateman’s Preface.

5.Probably not the author but the copier of the MS.: see Notes.

6.All the stanzas of theBversion are four-lined except MS. Porkington.

7.v. Wanley’s Catalogue.

8.My attention was called to this MS. by the kindness of Prof. Priebech.

9.MS. Laud Misc. is not written throughout in metrical lines, but the divisions of the stanzas, and, in most cases, of the lines, are clearly indicated.

10.The first leaf of this text has been torn out and the verses in brackets are only conjectural.

11.MS. Laud represents, in the main, the same version as MS. Lamb., but the variant readings preclude the idea of its being a copy of Lamb., unless the scribe deliberately tried to modify his original on the lines of Harl. 4486 and Rawl. P. The changes in the text (ll. 26, 27, 47: see Notes) show that it cannot be the original of Lamb. It appears to be a transcript from the same original made about the same date, or a little earlier than the Lambeth text.

12.Cf. MS. Brightonnobley.

13.Cf. MS. Seldendelful.

14.The Latin and Anglo-French texts in the Appendix are evidently renderings of the English poem which accompanies them.

15.This is clearly seen in the Latin and French versions in the Appendix where the Latin text usesterra in terra, and the Frenchterre en terre.

16.Vernon MS.to resten on, Digby,shal rest right at.

17.Cotton MS.þe rof þe firste.

18.Cf. Frendles ys þe dede (Proverbs of Hendyng, l. 288).

19.= heres þonkes,of their own free will.

20.Compare with this the text in the Appendix which begins:

Whanne eorthe hath eorthe wiþ wrong igete—

and in the French version:

Quant terre auera en terre large terre gayne.

21.See the Appendix, p. 46.

22.Die Kildare-Gedichte(Bonn, 1904).

23.See p. xxxiv above.

24.The earliest known epitaphs in English date from the fourteenth century.

25.There is no record of this brass at the church of St. Helen’s, Bishopsgate.

26.Dated 1590 by Ernest R. Suffling,Epitaphia(1909), p. 382.

27.A late instance of its use is given by Ch. Box (Elegies and Epitaphs, Glouc. 1892) as found by him on the tomb of a bricklayer, who died in 1837, aged 90:—

Earth walks upon Earth like glittering gold,Earth says to Earth, ‘We are but mould’;Earth builds upon Earth castles and towers,Earth says to Earth, ‘All is ours’!

Earth walks upon Earth like glittering gold,

Earth says to Earth, ‘We are but mould’;

Earth builds upon Earth castles and towers,

Earth says to Earth, ‘All is ours’!

28.Printed from Grein-Wülcker,Bibliothek der ags. Poesie, iii. 212.—(I know of a most noble guest in the dwellings, hidden from men, whom fierce hunger cannot torment, nor burning thirst, nor age, nor sickness [nor close-pressing death], if the servant who shall [bear him company] in his course serves him honourably: they, prospering, shall find abundance and bliss, countless joys, allotted to them at home, but (they shall find) sorrow, if the servant obeys his lord and master ill upon their journey, and will not show him reverence, the one brother to the other: that shall afflict them both, when they two depart, hastening hence, from the bosom of their common kinswoman, mother and sister.)

29.Grein-Wülcker, iii. 105.—(The worm whose jaws are sharper than needles, who first of all the worms in the grave forces his way to him.)

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