musical notation
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, hō.
MIDI files:drum,flute,piano(default)
musical notation
Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,
Awasiyōk, Nogwenowōk.
MIDI files:drum,flute,piano(default)
If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated. If not, the mī´gis is “shot into his body” as he reclines against the sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the Midē´ present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of the initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however, the chief attendant Midē´ announces his readiness in the following manner: Mi´-o-shi´-gwa, wi-kwod´-gi-o-wŏg´ ga-mâ´-dzhi-a-ka´-dŭng bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´—“Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape from his present procedure and to advance to another course of action, to the exercise of the power of giving life by transferring the sacred mī´gis.
The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner described as pertains to the first degree of the Midē´wiwin.
Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right hand upper corner ofPl.XIXis reproduced a portionof a mnemonic song showing characters as thus drawn. The specimen was obtained at White Earth, and the entire song is presented onPl.XVI, C. A piece of bark obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy years ago, is shown on the right lower corner ofPl.XIX. The drawings are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The left hand specimen is from the last named locality, and of the same period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface.
plate described in text
Plate XIX. Sacred Birch Bark Records.
In a majority of songs the characters are drawn so as to be read from left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular circle.
The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining to the Midē´ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.; but it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact that several ideas are expressed in combination. Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army, in a paper entitled “Recently Discovered Algonkian Pictographs,” read before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following words:
It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē´ and other bark records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the pictorial alphabet to teach children “A was an archer,” etc., is not strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet is not only significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their memory as to degrees and details of ceremony.
A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published in Harper’s Magazine for instance, “Sally in our Alley,” where every stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza and the latter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft pretended in some cases to show, but what for actualunderstanding requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only profound linguistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries. In other instances the literation in the aboriginal language of the nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of ideography and symbolism.
plate described in text
Plate XX. Sacred Bark Scroll And Contents.
OnPl.XXare presented illustrations of several articles found in a Midē´ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red Lake over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Christianity and forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profession. The information given below was obtained from Midē´ priests at the above locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This character has suggested to several Midē´ priests that the owner might have been a Midē´-Jĕs´sakkīd´. This belief is supported by the actual practice pursued by this class of priests when marking their personal effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists.
The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded, consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood, painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s medicine—in this instance red ocher and powdered arbor vitæ leaves—and another powder of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity of ground medicinal plants.
The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-eaten condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally, impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred objects contained in Midē´ sacks of unknown ownership, as each priest adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons, chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams.
Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied aftersomething of European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illustrated on.Pl.XXI, Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and reverse. The specimen is made of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse side, besides the figures of man´-idōs, such as the Thunder bird, the serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag. This specimen was found among the effects of a Midē´ who died at Leech Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other relics already mentioned in another part of this paper.
In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given, especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same. Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. The notes are thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum and the steps of the dancers.
An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is presented in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midē´ priest upon his entrance into the Midē´wigân of the first degree. In this instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the individual, each Midē´ chanting notes of his own, according to his choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the taste or ability of the singer. The musical rendering of the words and phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each Midē´ priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner. Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the same style of notation.
The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key. Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants become more and more excited.
Midē´ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if deliveredby one sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the Midē´ priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for all songs, while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a final note lower still.
The statement has been made that one Midē´ is unable either to recite or sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic characters of a song belonging to another Midē´ unless specially instructed. The representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may signify the Bear man´idō as one of the guardians of the society; it may pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man´idō; exorcism of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may relate to the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure success for the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact phraseology, which is always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited to him by a Midē´ preceptor.
An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an Indian candidate for admission into the Mīdē´wiwin may already have prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed, he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of confidence. Under such circumstances the interpretation of a record is far from satisfactory, each character being explained simply objectively, the true import being intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named “Little Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his preceptor’s songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic songs are presented in illustration, and for comparison with such as have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian’s interpretation of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in further explanation.Pl.XXII, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song; the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right to left.
mnemonic song
Plate XXII.a. Mnemonic Song.
From whence I sit.
[The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies, in this instance, singing.]
The big tree in the center of the earth.
[It is not known whether or not this relates to the first destruction of the earth, when Mi´nabō´zho escaped by climbing a tree which continued to grow and to protrude above the surface of the flood. One Midē´ thought it related to a particular medicinal tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus represented as the chief of the earth.]
I will float down the fast running stream.
[Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by footprints instead of using the outline of a canoe. The etymology of the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as in the Delaware language one word for river signifies “water road,” when in accordance therewith “footprints” would be in perfect harmony with the general idea.]
The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I inhabit.
[The circular line above the Midē´ denotes obscurity, i.e., he is hidden from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to his enemies as the water monster.]
You who speak to me.
I have long horns.
[The Midē´ likens himself to the water monster, one of the malevolent serpent man´idōs who antagonize all good, as beliefs and practices of the Midē´wiwin.]
A rest or pause.
I, seeing, follow your example.
You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in grasping the stone.
[The Bear man´idō is represented as the type now assumed by the Midē´. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies are extracted.]
You, to whom I am speaking.
[A powerful Man´idō´, the panther, is in an inclosure and to him the Midē´ addresses his request.]
I am swimming—floating—down smoothly.
[The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the Midē´.]
Bars denoting a pause.
I have finished my drum.
[The Midē´ is shown holding a Midē´ drum which he is making for use in a ceremony.]
My body is like unto you.
[The mī´gis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midē´wiwin.]
Hear me, you who are talking to me!
[The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating persons who are talking to him from their respective places. The lines denoting speech—or hearing—pass through the speaker’s head to exclaim as above.]
See what I am taking.
[The Midē´ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his possessing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an advertisement.]
See me, whose head is out of water.
OnPl.XXII, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of birch bark owned by the preceptor of “Little Frenchman,” of the import of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the characters is based upon general information which he has received, and not upon any pertaining directly to the record. From general appearances the song seems to be a privaterecord pertaining to the Ghost Society, the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the Midē´wiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully referred to:
mnemonic song
Plate XXII.b. Mnemonic Song.
I am sitting with my pipe.
[Midē´ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory to his commencing the ceremony of exorcism.]
I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
[This evidently indicates the Owl Man´idō, which has been referred to in connection with the Red Lake Mide´ chart,Pl.III, No. 113. The Owl man´idō is there represented as passing from the Midē´wigân to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, and the drawings in that record and in this are sufficiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of this song had obtained his suggestion from the old Midē´ chart.]
It stands, that which I am going after.
[The Midē´, impersonating the Bear Man´idō, is seeking a medicinal tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he employs in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction the animal is taking.]
I, who fly.
[This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his talons some medical plants.]
Ki´-bi-nan´ pi-zan´. Ki´binan´ is what I use, it flies like an arrow.
[The Midē´’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the velocity of action of the remedy.]
I am coming to the earth.
[A Man´idō is represented upon a circle, and in the act of descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above, but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below, so as to unite and to complete the ring; the intention being, as suggested by several Midē´ priests, to denote great altitude above the earth, i.e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is designated by curved lines only.]
I am feeling for it.
[The Midē´ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden medicines.]
I am talking to it.
[The Midē´ is communing with the medicine Man´idō´ with the Midē´ sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl, as before noted in connection with the second character in this song.]
They are sitting round the interior in a row.
[This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midē´wigân, and also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart already alluded to and figured inPl.III, No. 112. The spirits or shadows, as the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in like manner.]
You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now full.
[The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having reference to certain periods at which some important ceremonies or events are to occur.]
I am going for my dish.
[The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish being shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are directed toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens himself to the Bear man´idō, one of the guardians of the Midēwiwin.]
I go through the medicine lodge.
[The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and south, it is stated that Midēwiwin is intended. This appears to be an instance of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic delineation.]
Let us commune with one another.
[The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man´idōs, with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice lines extend.]
On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midē´ priest, at Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same collection has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed by Midē´ in the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion and profession. Thesemnemonicsongs were exhibited to many Midē´ priests from various portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of obtaining some satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the several characters; but, although they were pronounced to be “Grand Medicine,” no suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of the name of the object or what it probably was meant to represent. The direction of their order was mentioned, because in most instances the initial character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of interest as exhibiting the superior character and cleverness of their execution.
song as described in text
Fig. 36.—Leech Lake Midē´ song.
The initial character onFig. 36appears to be at the right hand upper corner, and represents the Bear Man´idō. The third figure is that of the Midē´wiwin, with four man´idōs within it, probably the guardians of the four degrees. The owner of the song was a Midē´ of the second degree, as was stated in connection with his Midē´wi-gwas or “medicine chart,” illustrated on Plate III, C.
song as described in text
Fig. 37.—Leech Lake Midē´ song.
Fig. 37represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is impossible to state absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would be more in accordance with the common custom.
song as described in text
Fig. 38.—Leech Lake Midē´ song.
Fig. 38seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recognized as a hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midē´, it is lead from right to left, the human figure indicating the direction according to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are turned. The lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which probably indicate mī´gis spots, to denote the power of magic influence possessed by the recorder.
song as described in text
Fig. 39.—Leech Lake Midē´ song.
The characters onFig. 39are found to be arranged so as to read from the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line continuing to the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with the figure of a Midē´ with the mī´gis upon his breast. This is interesting on account of the boustrophic system of delineating the figures, and also because such instances are rarely found to occur.
While it is customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attainable. The Ojibwa Midē´ priests, take particular pride in their appearance when attending ceremonies of the Midē´ Society, and seldom fail to impress this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted similar medicine ceremonies after the custom of their Algonkian neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a sacrilegious digression from the ancient usages, and it frequently excites severe comment.
Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor’s fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a member, the Midē´ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moccasins, the first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or, what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored porcupine quills.
dancing garters
Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojibwa’s dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long, are attached so as to admit of being passed around the leg and tied in a bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns as they may be able to design or elaborate. OnPl.XXIIIare reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary interest, because of the symbolic signification of the colors and the primitive art design in one, and the substitution of colors and the introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with those of one of the degree posts, while the white is symbolical of the mī´gis shell. In the lower illustration is found a substitution of color for the preceding, accounted for by the Midē´ informants, who explained that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color desired could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the introduction of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the Ojibwa term the groundwork or type of their original style of ornamentation, i.e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work consistschiefly of curved lines, and this has gradually become modified through instruction from the Catholic sisters at various early mission establishments until now, when there has been brought about a common system of working upon cloth or velvet, in patterns, consisting of vines, leaves, and flowers, often exceedingly attractive though not aboriginal in the true sense of the word.
Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s stripes, and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces of claws, shells, or other objects.
Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred.
Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the wearer.
Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the representatives of the present generation have never been actively engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a feather shows the wearer to have been wounded by a bullet. The privilege of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed, the idea to be expressed being “a great number,” rather than a specific enumeration.
Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently the practice has fallen into desuetude.
According to a treaty now being made between the United States Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to the Government, and the members of the various bands will become citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal tieswill be broken and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned.
The chief Midē´ priests, being aware of the momentous consequences of such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the impracticability of much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called “pagan rites,” became willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants.
There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time before the Midē´wiwin will be only a tradition.
1.Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc., 1885, vol. 5, p. 130.
2.Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York Colonial Documents, pp. 1054, 1055.
3.New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2, pp. 47, 48.
4.London, 1689, p. 59, et seq.
5.Information respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, 1851, vol. 1, p. 319.
6.Ibid., p. 362.
7.Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.
8.Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.
9.Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71.
10.Op. cit., p. 25.
11.History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)], pp. 143,144.
12.Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.
13.Op. cit., p. 81.
14.Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.
15.History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1843?), pp. 145, 146.
16.Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [1843?], p. 155.
Transcriber’s Footnotes:
A.The chief priest then says to him, “Ō´mishga‘n”—“get up”—which he doesThe backward apostrophe inŌ´mishga‘noccurs nowhere else in the text; it may be phonetic (glottal stop?) or an error.
B.Gi´-gi-min´-ĕ-go´-min mi-dē´-wi-wĭn mi-dē´ man´-i-dō´ ’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâkThe apostrophe in’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâkoccurs nowhere else in the text; it may be phonetic (elision?) or an error.
Birch-bark records and songs of the Midē´wiwin
Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Algonkian tribes
Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials
Cuchan population
Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa dances
Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the Midewiwin
Dzhibai midewigân or “Ghost Lodge”
Gatschet, A. S., acknowledgments to
Ghost Lodge ceremonies
Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin of
Grand Medicine Society. See Midewiwin.
Hawk-leg fetish, description and figure
Hennepin, Louis,
cited on practices of Algonkian medicine men
cited on ceremonial use of Calumet by Algonkian tribes
“Hunter’s medicine” of Midewiwin
Hunting, Mide “medicine” practiced in
Jessakid class of Shamans, relative importance of
practices of
Jones, Peter, cited on medicine men of the Ojibwa
cited on witchcraft beliefs of Ojibwa Indians
cited on Ojibwa love charm or powder
Jugglery among Ojibwa Indians
Kitshi Manido, the principal Ojibwa deity
La Hontan, A. L. de D., cited on practices of Algonkian medicine men
Leech Lake record, how obtained
Love powder of Ojibwa Indians
Magical practices of Midewiwin
Mallery, Garrick, cited on Schoolcraft’s account of the Ojibwa hieroglyphs
cited on Indian jugglery
cited on character and use of Algonkian pictographs
Marquette, Jaques, cited on practices of Algonkian medicine men
cited on use of the cross in Indian ceremonials
Medical prescriptions of the Midewiwin
Medicine men, practices of, among Algonkian tribes
Midē class of Shamans, relative importance of
how elected
charts of, described
therapeutics of
Midē Society. See Midewiwin.
Midewigân, or Grand Medicine Lodge, described
Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa
purposes of
origin of
degrees in
records of
ceremonies of first degree
ceremony of initiation into
magical practices of
ceremonies of second degree
payments made to priests of
use of tobacco in ceremonials of
drums used in ceremonies of
ceremonies of third degree
ceremonies of fourth degree
initiation into, by substitution
pictography of
dress and ornaments used in dances of
future of
Migis (Indian charm or token), forms and uses of
Minabozho, an Ojibwa deity
Music of Midewiwin described
belief of, respecting spirits
Pictography of Midewiwin
Plants used for medical purposes by the Midewiwin
Red Lake Midē Chart described
Schoolcraft, H. R., cited on Wabeno
initiation into Midēwiwin
Shamans, classes of
Sikassige (Ojibwa Indian) furnishes account of origin of the Indians
Sikassige’s explanation of Mille Lacs chart
Songs used in ceremonies of the Midewiwin
mode of writing
mode of singing described
Sorcerers, practice of, among Algonkian tribes
Sweat lodge of Midewiwin, use of
Therapeutics of the Midéwiwin
Tobacco, use of, in ceremonies of the Midéwiwin
Wabeno class of Shamans, relative importance of
practices of
Warren, W. W., cited on Society of the Midē
cited on Indian traditions
Weather imploration of Midewiwin