facial decorations shown in color
Plate VI. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.
According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl.VI), each adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled, viz:
First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.
Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again one of green.
Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the colors.
Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars ofgreen across the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Midē´wiwin, but special reference to this will be given in connection with the ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, or Ghost Society.
plate described in text
Plate VIII. Ojibwa’s Record.
Larger Plate
OnPl.VIIIis presented a reduced copy of the Midē´ chart made by Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōnsh; and this last had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years before.
The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile, and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake, and Mille Lacs.
The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:
When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and sang, calling upon the other Man´idōstojoin him and to hear what he was going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about him is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân (No. 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while the ten—all but himself—upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the Midē´wigân (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō—the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred stone—this according to modern practices.
When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20) may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24, and 25) designate the village habitations.
In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No. 26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28) near the entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´ drum. Upon the followingmorning the Midē´ priests, with the candidate in advance (No. 30), approach and enter the Midē´wigân and the initiation begins. No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´, the Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mī´gis shell. The line (No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.
This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´idō.
When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants (No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No. 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from it.
When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47) he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´—the Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.
The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no—the Turtle—as he appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54). Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No. 55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower; the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´—the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots—to designate the sacred mī´gis—the lower half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white, and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. 60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting gifts to the society.
facial decorations shown in color
Plate VII. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.
The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl.VII), according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:
First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the ears across the tip of the nose.
Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids, temples, and the root of the nose.
Third degree.—The upper half of the face is painted green and the lower half red.
Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back. This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of persons.
Before proceeding further with the explanation of theMide´records it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the following words12caught his attention:
“Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.
A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory,***I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue.
After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:
“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and proceeded westward.
“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.
“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our forefathers, stillproceeding westward, lit not their fires till they reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the Me-da-we were practiced.
“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by our fathers for many generations.”
In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. Warren,13as follows:
There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in character to the one I have related that its introduction here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke through.
It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.
On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographicrepresentation of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.
figure described in text
Fig. 6.—Birch-bark record, from White Earth.
The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated inFig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.” Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō, but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.
Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in the exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.
Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and 5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it froma chart in the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and admirers.
figure described in text
Fig. 7.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.
figure described in text
Fig. 8.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.
Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are reproduced in Figs.7and8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.14At that time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs.7and8is reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:
No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, and receiver of the Midē´wiwin.
No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.
No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is resumed.
No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.
No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.
No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery.
No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the Midē´wiwin.
No. 8, a pause or rest.
No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the back of the skin.
No. 10, represents a woman.
No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.
No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth inFig. 7, and simply showing the heart inFig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants.
No. 13, inFig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no explanation was given.
Fig. 9is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 ofFigs. 7and8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time, performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.
To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge with which the candidate has also to do.
The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated “Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide,used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward.Fig. 10represents a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, whileFig. 11shows an interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.
midewigan interior
Fig. 11.—Interior of Midē´wigân.
About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.
This wig´iwam is dome-shapedmeasuresabout 10 feet in diameter and 6 feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is used—leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.
The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.
When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being usually appointed from among these four priests.
When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´ council.
The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquireinformation. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information, because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig. 12a) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12b) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great distance.
drums
Fig. 12.—Ojibwa drums.
Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to intensify the sound very considerably.
The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seekingdirection as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one.
The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle case.
In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and their properties extolled.
The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls.III,IV, andVIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (seeFig. 15) is explained on page215.
figure described in text
Fig. 15.—Shooting the mī´gis.
As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs, i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.
It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading Feather,” are reproduced inPl.XXII, AB, page 292.
From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual. The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl.IX,A,B,C. The initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl.IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi Man´idō that clear weather may be had for theday of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a faithful rendering of his creed.
Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.
mnemonic song
Plate IX.a.Mnemonic Song.
Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win.
I rock you, you that are a spirit.
[A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line indicate.]
Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´.
The sky I tell you.
[The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something therefrom.]
O-we-nen´; hwīn´.
Who is it, who?
The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.
Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´.
The man helping me.
A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.
Nu-wan´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´?
Have I told the truth to my son?
The bear going to theMidē´wiganand takes with him life to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
Rest.
Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´.
My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.
A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´.
I follow with my arms.
Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.
Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an.
Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of “medicine” in the earth.
[A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote direction.]
We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´?
From whence comes the rain?
The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.
Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan.
The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.
Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.
Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan.
Very seldom I make this request of you.
The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge of secrets of the earth.
In the following song (Pl.IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued.
mnemonic song
Plate IX.b.Mnemonic Song.
Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-an´?
When I am out of hearing, where am I?
The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the body.
We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan.
In my house, I see.
Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns denote superiority of the singer.
Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi.
When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.
The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same idea.
Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-an´.
The reason why I am happy.
Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances—singing.
Rest.
Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´.
The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam.
[Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.]
Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ.
The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.
The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.
Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-nan´.
I am holding this that I bring to you.
The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.
Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´.
I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends.
The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, i.e., the heart, the seat of life.
In the following song (Pl.IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.
mnemonic song
Plate IX.c.Mnemonic Song.
Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă.
I hear the spirit speaking to us.
The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.
Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yan.
I am going into the medicine lodge.
The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he is going through it, as in the initiation.
Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man.
I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.
O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.
O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt.
I am flying into my lodge.
Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of spirits or Man´idōs.
Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an.
The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects occur in scattered places.
Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´.
I have the medicine in my heart.
The singer’s body—i.e., heart—is filled with knowledge relating to sacred medicines from the earth.