CHAPTER IX

[Contents]CHAPTER IXBALTIC PROVINCESTo understand the difficulties of the situation in the north Baltic region, it will be necessary to describe it somewhat in detail. In the tenth century the Russian coast on the Baltic belonged to the Polotsk principality, to Pskoff and to Novgorod. The western part, that which had the Dvina River for its artery, belonged to the Polotsk princes; north and east of that were the Pskoff possessions, and last of all those of Novgorod.The Polotsk coast was inhabited by tribes known collectively as Kors and Livs. Later on, their territory was called by the Germans Korland and Livland. The part belonging to Pskoff was occupied by Chud, or Fin tribes. The Russians gave no collective name to these regions, but called each group by its own name; a good proof that they were left in great part to themselves.Though all those tribes paid tribute to Pskoff, Polotsk or Novgorod, they were not disturbed in their mode of living. During almost a century and a half the Russian princes built no forts or strongholds in that country. From Polotsk to the sea there were but few places. Gersiké and Kuikenos were the capitals of those lands which belonged to Polotsk. At the beginning of the eleventh century, the Polotsk region was ruled by Prince Vsevolod, whose wife was a Lithuanian. In Kuikenos was Prince Vyacheslav. The country was left mainly to the care of its inhabitants. They paid tribute and kept landing-places and portages. After the manner of primitive people, they had many disputes among themselves, but in those disputes the Russian princes meddled little; their main interest was to receive tribute, and have an open road to the sea. Christianity was spreading gradually, though no great effort was made to change the primitive religion.At the beginning of the twelfth century, Bremen merchants[207]visited the Baltic coast of Russia and established small landing-places and villages. One of these was called Dalen, another Holm, a third Ikskul. The latter was on the Dvina about twenty-five miles from its mouth, and was simply the native village of Ikeskola; here the Germans built a small fort with a warehouse. They knew well that this coast belonged to Russia, and was a part of the Polotsk principality, and their thought was how to get possession of it.To Vladimir, Prince of Polotsk, came one day a man of God, an old monk, Meinhardt by name. He had, he said, devoted all his life to God, and, being in the Polotsk country, wished to work for God there. He thought it his duty to bow down before Vladimir, who held all that region of the Dvina, and to beg permission to preach the word of God among the pagan tribes of the Baltic coast. Vladimir received him kindly and gave the desired permission.Ten years passed. Suddenly it was announced throughout the Polotsk principality that the Kors and Livs were attacking the Germans. In the course of those ten years wonderful things had happened. When the monk Meinhardt went from Prince Vladimir to Ikeskola with a greeting from the prince, the people listened to his words willingly; he was himself astonished at the success of his preaching. His flock increased rapidly. People came from far and near to be baptized; they came by families and then by whole villages. He built a church in Ikeskola and one also in Holm.But, strangely enough, this monk knew how to build fortresses. Besides being a spiritual leader, he was a warrior of much skill. During his first winter in the country, 1186–1187, Ikeskola was attacked by a neighboring tribe. Meinhardt armed his spiritual children with clubs and axes, and set out against the enemy. He made an ambush and gained a great victory. After that, conversion went on still more rapidly. The monk meanwhile persuaded the people to build a stone fortress. He brought in German masons and mechanics, and the following summer he built two large castles with towers, in fact regular fortresses, at Ikeskola and Holm.Besides merchants and mechanics, warriors began to appear in the country, and Meinhardt invited in Latin monks to assist[208]him in his spiritual labors. He sent one of these monks, Dietrich, to convert people in the neighborhood of Aa River. This man was acquainted with medicinal plants and could heal the sick; but he was greatly disliked. The people were suspicious of him. Finally he was seized and condemned to be burned alive, but his life was spared through soothsaying. Before burning him, the people placed a spear on the ground and led a horse up to it; the horse crossed it with the “foot of life.” The people would not believe, they demanded a second trial; the result was the same. They freed the monk, and thereafter Meinhardt kept him near his person,—not as a preacher, but as an adviser.Of the most important elders of his church, Meinhardt formed a body-guard. Among those men he chose certain ones who were to act as spies and inform him of every secret. These he distinguished above others, and rewarded. He sent them to persuade the people, and by degrees the most stubborn yielded.Meanwhile German commerce flourished. From Holm, or Kirchholm, as Meinhardt called the place after his church was built, and Ikeskola new villages were founded. Taking the name of the Livs, the whole country was now called by the Latinized term Livonia, and the churches were mentioned as “the Church of Livonia.” It might seem that this work was one that could never be undone. But all at once there was a tempest—a wild revolt throughout the whole country. A thing unheard of, a spectacle unique in Christianity was presented to the eyes of the “Apostle of Livonia,” as disciples called Meinhardt, when those same people who had received baptism from him sprang into the Dvina, washed themselves clean of his apostolic touch, dived in the water “to purify their persons.” “Behold!” shouted they to him. “We have cleansed ourselves from German baptism.” And looking at the waves of the river rushing toward the sea, they added: “Be off from us, far away. Go to the place whence thou hast come.” In this manner the whole country gave back its baptism to the German monk.Meinhardt began to threaten. He would sail away; he would find a legion of defenders of Christ and bring them back on countless ships. Then they would see how God punished apostates, they would see the awful power of Christ’s vicar on earth, by whom he, Meinhardt, had been deputed. This threat alarmed the people;[209]they became tearful and begged him not to leave them. Instead of going himself, he sent Dietrich.Why did the people rise? “Because they differed little from beasts, were wild and rude. There had been great religious excitement, and this uprising was simply a reaction.” This is the explanation of certain historians, but a further statement should be added: The monk had begun to enforce obedience to the Archbishop of Bremen, and to demand tithes for “the church.” The “Apostle of Livonia” was a faithful servant of the Archbishop of Bremen. He was made Bishop of Livonia in subjection to Bremen in 1188, and died in 1196.The monk Berthold, an abbot of the Cistercian Order, appointed to fill Meinhardt’s place, heard that the people were considering whether to burn him in the church or drown him in the river. He shut himself up in Kirchholm, but he had warriors clad in steel from head to foot, with heavy swords at their sides, and sitting on mighty horses, such as the people had never seen till that day. These were the “Knights.” People sent to ask why this man of God had brought those warriors into the country. “To punish apostates,” was the answer.The bishop now prepared for a serious uprising. He left Holm and encamped at the mouth of the river Rigje. People began to gather from far and near, crowds of half-naked men, armed with sharp sticks, clubs and axes. The more they increased, crowd after crowd, the more they gathered courage. The knights let the natives assemble in the greatest possible number—they did not hasten to begin the battle, but when at last they did rush forward, they had not long to struggle for victory. It was impossible to stop the onrush of the conquerors. The bishop, Berthold, in pursuing the people, was carried away by excitement. He lost control of his spirited horse and became separated from his men. The Livs immediately surrounded him, and chopped him into small bits.The triumph on the German side was complete, and they made a terrible use of it. It might be said that the warriors of the cross became executioners. The people begged for mercy, and promised to submit to baptism again, and to receive into the villages the priests who had been driven out. But in vain did they plead. All were sentenced to death. Separate divisions of knights passed[210]through the country, and in every village dealt out dreadful punishment to “apostates.”The youthful Livonian church was thus reëstablished. Then the Western crusaders, considering their holy work finished, and their sins absolved, reëmbarked and sailed away home. But all at once, and most unexpectedly, there was a new outburst of rage and indignation through the whole country. The natives rushed at the “vile strangers,” killing or beating them, and looting their homes. They intended to act in like manner with all foreigners, but the merchants gave them great presents, and bought their good-will. Those who had been re-baptized sprang a second time into the river, and a second time washed themselves clean of the German religion.When this news reached Bremen and Rome, they decided to delay no longer, but acquire Livonia in permanence. To do this they needed a military brotherhood warring for Christ.The Germans appeared now in a triple character: as a military order to strike down opposition; as merchants to extend trade; as a church to bring all to the faith. As their leader stood forth Albert von Apeldern Bukshevden, and to aid in subjecting Livonia the Pope gave him permission to found a new knightly order, the members of which would spend their lives in extending the Livonian church. Albert visited the chief German cities, enlisted knights, and collected contributions for his great “patriotic work.” His knights wore a white mantle on which was a red cross and a red sword. In Russia they were called “Bearers of the Sword.” They took the name willingly, and called themselves “Brothers of the Sword.”Albert’s first work was to build a fortress at the mouth of the river, and then began the city of Riga at the village Rigje. In two years there was a fortress and a cathedral. The people received him unwillingly. Being a keen politician, he opened negotiations with the natives, and, when their elders went to him to conclude peace, he seized them and threatened to send them to Germany. This threat brought the elders to terms, and Albert obtained of their sons thirty as hostages. These were sent to Bremen to be educated.Soon a dispute arose between Albert, the sovereign Bishop of Livonia, and the Order, which wished on its part to rule the conquered[211]country. It was finally settled by the Pope, who divided the land into three parts. One third was to go to the bishop; one third to the metropolitan of the city of Riga, and one third to the Order. But the Order would not live in the same city with the bishop, so they erected a castle,—Wenden. This castle and the city which grew up around it became the capital of the Order. Here lived the “Grand Master,” as the Germans entitled him. In every direction castles of barons and knights sprang up like mushrooms. In proportion as the people were conquered and converted, they were turned into slaves and forced to build strongholds for their masters. The material reward for saving souls was all the land and all the people.Albert put to death unsparingly those who refused to be baptized. In villages where the people tried to free themselves of their enslavers, the Germans killed whole crowds of prisoners—in some cases the entire male population—and consumed the village with fire. In other places, where they went into servitude meekly, they were taken on campaigns against regions not yet subjected. The bishop favored quarrels between tribes, and by skilful management used one tribe to subdue another. Thus also did he rouse tribes against Russia; inspire them not to pay tribute to Pskoff or Novgorod, and promise to liberate them with German assistance. He even helped them in their raids against the Russians.Why did Polotsk princes permit intruders to seize their ancient possessions? Were no efforts made to drive them out? There were. Prince Vsevolod, assisted by Lithuanians, advanced to attack Riga, but when he saw from a distance the tower and walls of the city he turned back. Afterward Vladimir went from Polotsk to Ikeskola. The Germans, taken by surprise, carried out gifts to him, and he left without interfering with the city. He went to Holm, but that city could not be taken by surprise. Reinforcements hurried up from Riga, and Vladimir left, merely taking tribute. Albert, the wily bishop, expressed no astonishment that the Polotsk prince had come. On the contrary, he explained that the tribute paid by the tribes to Polotsk was in his eyes a sacred matter. In the future, he would himself undertake to forward it to Polotsk. Vladimir discovered that his rights had not been assailed and would not be. As to the Germans baptizing the Kors,[212]Livs and Chuds, it was done by his permission given to Meinhardt.In 1206, Albert, now archbishop, felt the need of further explanations, hence he sent an embassy to Vladimir. At that time a general uprising was feared. One of the elders, Ako, was rousing the whole country against the German intruders. It was reported that the Polotsk prince was coming to assist the oppressed people. In fact many elders of the tribes had begged Vladimir to aid them. There was a great movement in Polotsk, and the prince was making ready for a campaign, when the embassy arrived. At the head of the embassy was Theodoric, with gifts and pleasant words. Vladimir decided to receive the envoys, but only in presence of the elders, who had come with complaints against the archbishop. The reception, which began with gifts, came near ending in a hand to hand encounter. When Vladimir asked why they came, the abbot answered, “To strengthen peace and friendship.” The elders, on hearing this statement, raised such a terrible outcry that the prince hastened to end the reception, requesting the envoys to await his decision.Theodoric immediately sent a letter of warning to Albert, and Riga began at once to prepare for defense; the Grand Master and knights were occupied day and night. Vladimir heard of this, and lost all hope of seizing Riga by surprise. After consulting with his warriors, he decided to invite the bishop to Polotsk to examine with him the complaints made by the elders. He dismissed the Riga embassy, and with them sent his own embassy. When they reached Kuikenos the Polotsk embassy stopped; only one member of it went with the abbot to declare the wish of the prince to Albert.While the envoys were waiting Albert’s reply, they summoned all who had complaints to make to meet at Kuikenos. The elders who had been in Polotsk were already there, and many people came from both sides of the river. The envoys were waiting impatiently for the bishop, when he sent this haughty answer to their invitation. “Envoys do not summon ruling personages to whom they are sent, but appear themselves with obeisance.” The people who had assembled turned now to the Polotsk envoys, asking what they were to do. The envoys could give no advice. Thinking there was no further help from Polotsk, the unfortunate[213]adherents of Ako attacked Holm, where they were cut down like sheep. A few of the insurgents were left alive to form a spectacle in Riga, whither they were driven in chains to be executed. The archbishop had not considered it necessary to be present at this battle. After mass, while the abbot was still in the cathedral, a knight brought him Ako’s bloody head as a token of victory.The bishop found it needful to visit Europe often. He had to go to Rome; he had to make explanations to the Bremen archbishop; he had to see his friend, the Danish king, who was looking for his share of profit by conversion; he had also to select German colonists and craftsmen. While hewasabsent on one of these journeys, the people rose up to avenge Ako. They went again to Vladimir, who consulted with his warriors. “Delay not,” said they; “the blood of these people will fall on us.” A campaign was decided upon, but the new campaign was more unsuccessful than the first and brought more woe on the ill-fated people. Vladimir found Riga strongly fortified. He tried to take Holm, but failed. Suddenly news came from Riga that a great fleet was approaching. When Vladimir heard of this, he withdrew from Holm. The fleet was that of the Danish king, who had stopped at Riga, but only to sail farther. Vladimir, by his weakness, had again brought destruction on the people. The conversion of the Kors and Livs was now completed to the remotest corner of the country. All begged for mercy, all promised to accept baptism and the priests. The kind and faithful pastor pacified his bishopric, until no dissenting voice was heard.The bishop raised no question with Vladimir. He acted as though no attack had been made. But he opened negotiations on another subject. He pointed out that the Lithuanians were robbers, and quarrelsome, and proposed an alliance between himself and Vladimir. In 1210 he sent an envoy, Rudolph, to Polotsk on this business. In Polotsk they failed, it seems, to understand that the alliance was not so precious to Albert as the recognition by treaty that the two contracting parties had equal rights to carry on and conclude such a treaty, a recognition, as it were, of his own sovereignty. On one side it was arranged that the Livs should pay the Polotsk prince an annual tribute, or the Riga archbishop would pay it for them; on the other side, Vladimir[214]permitted free trade on the Dvina River. Thus did Albert settle with the capital city of Polotsk, and with its ruling prince.As for the petty princes of Gersiké and Kuikenos, they were treated more unceremoniously. Wenden Castle stood on the high bank of the river Aa, and commanded the whole region. This castle was the residence of the Grand Master. Vyachko, Prince of Kuikenos, the unfortunate neighbor of such barons and counts, did not deceive himself. He knew that his fate was an evil one. The knight, Von Lenewerden, broke into Kuikenos, occupied the place with his men, declared the inhabitants prisoners, and put Vyachko in irons. On hearing of this, the archbishop summoned both Vyachko and Von Lenewerden to Riga, and reconciled them. He restored Vyachko’s property, and persuaded him, as protection for the future, to have a German guard in his town. Soon after a band formed of Lithuanians and Kors, occupied in sea robbery, attacked Riga on a sudden. That day Riga hardly saved itself. The assailants fought desperately. The Riga men, wearied almost beyond endurance, considered their destruction as certain; but aid came unexpectedly, and the assailants departed. They made a great fire on the seacoast, threw their dead into it, and sailed away from Riga.At every report of trouble in Riga, the people of the country were encouraged to rise against their enslavers. Vyachko now rebelled. He sent to Vladimir, the Polotsk prince, asking him to take advantage of the trouble, and of the absence of the archbishop. Meanwhile he destroyed the garrison brought into his city. When the archbishop returned and learned of this act of “his assistant,” as he considered Vyachko, he moved with the whole Order against “the rebel.” They took everything that could be taken, and then burned the city. Thus did Vyachko part with Kuikenos, his birthplace. The people escaped to swamps and forests. Higher up the river was Gersiké. Albert had long threatened Vsevolod, its petty prince, and accused him of friendship for Lithuanians, saying that instead of guarding Riga from Lithuanians, he made it easy for them to cross the Dvina. The archbishop now thought it important that he should take possession of Gersiké and thus in the eyes of the Livs become their defender against Lithuanians. The hostility between these people and the Lithuanians, who were related to them by race, seemed unappeasable.[215]Albert surprised Gersiké. Vsevolod succeeded in crossing the river and hiding in the forest, but his wife and family were captured; everything of value was taken, and the town burned. The archbishop was magnanimous; he sent to Vsevolod, saying that if he wished peace and his family he must come to Riga. Vsevolod went immediately. He called Albert father, and asked for his family. “I will restore them,” said the archbishop, “but art thou willing to give thy principality forever to the Riga Cathedral?” Vsevolod thought that the archbishop meant to rob him, but when Albert explained that he would give his possessions back as a gift to him, with his wife and children, Vsevolod agreed to everything. Thus did Germans settle with the petty princes.Their success with Polotsk was more than incredible.When the archbishop had concluded his treaty with Vladimir of Polotsk, he strove to form just such relations with Pskoff and Novgorod. His policy was diplomatic and cautious. He roused the tribes subject to Novgorod by the report that the Germans had come to free them from tribute. But after Pskoff and Novgorod warriors went through the country beyond Odempe, and even as far as the sea, all action stopped and the tribes settled back into obedience.Albert now complained more and more to Pskoff and Novgorod of robber attacks upon commerce from “unruly” subjects of Russia. He said that it was indispensable in self-defense to put down Tolova and Torma. If he could keep the country in his power, he could collect and send the tribute to Pskoff and Novgorod.Vladimir, the Pskoff prince, liked Riga and the Germans so well that he had given his daughter to Dietrich, a brother of Albert, but for this friendship the Pskoff people dismissed him. He then went to Riga, where Albert received him gladly, and gave him land.When Vladimir of Polotsk saw that Pskoff and Novgorod would make no treaty with the archbishop, he was greatly concerned. He was uncertain how it was best to act against his insolent neighbor, but at last he decided to write to him touching various questions. Albert replied that he had nothing against a friendly meeting, but where could they meet? He could not expect the Polotsk prince to come to him, nor could he go to Polotsk. Kuikenos[216]now belonged to the lands of the Order. There still remained ruined Gersiké. And in that city, in 1213, they had a notable meeting.The Prince of Polotsk had much to discuss with the master of Livonia. Albert, however, would not touch upon anything that Vladimir really wanted, and turned stubbornly to the question of how they were to act toward a common enemy. He proposed that they act as allies, and pointed out the great good to come from this coöperation. He said that the treaty already concluded was too narrow; it required broadening. Vladimir was a simple man and expressed his thought to the wily archbishop with artless words. On a sudden he said to him: “Wilt thou at last stop baptizing my Kors and Livs; wilt thou leave my people in peace? They are mine absolutely, not thine. If I wish to baptize them, I will do so, if not let them remain unbaptized.” The archbishop was astounded. Appealing to the command of God: “Go ye and teach all nations, baptizing them,” he asked the Polotsk prince which command should be honored, that of God, or of man. The simple and good-natured Vladimir replied: “That of God,” and said no more about baptism.“Tribute is another thing,” continued Albert. “God himself established that all who are under authority shall pay tribute to their rulers. Render unto Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s.” Recently this tribute had been stopped, but the archbishop declared that he was not to blame. The Livonians were now begging him to free them from the yoke of Russia. This was not pleasant for Vladimir to hear. He began with angry words to threaten. He would burn Riga; he would not let his land be trampled by foreign intruders; he would level their cities to the earth. The meeting came very near ending in a battle, and nothing was accomplished.After Vladimir’s return to Polotsk, he grew very sad. His warriors said not a word, but he heard the reproach: “Think what thou hast done in giving the Germans such power. What answer canst thou render to God for their crimes?” The people were silent, but the prince saw that they were thinking day and night of how they could avoid falling into the power of the foreigner. In this sorrow Vladimir continued, till at last every one was roused and made happy by the great success of Novgorod.[217]About the time that Mystislav the Gallant came back to Novgorod in 1214, the insolence of the tribes incited by the archbishop had become unendurable. Mystislav at once led his warriors into that country, and went twice from side to side through the whole region. When he had finished the people bowed down to him, and began as before to send tribute to Novgorod. In 1216 Mystislav left Novgorod, but an example had been given, and Vladimir of Polotsk recovered his courage. Soon there was at Polotsk an immense congregation of warriors,—many Russians and a multitude of Livs. The army was ready to move, but as Vladimir was about to embark he stumbled in stepping from the shore to the boat, fell into the water, and died suddenly. That ended the expedition.Saved from Polotsk, the knights did not escape defeat from Novgorod. They had subjected again the places won by Mystislav, but Novgorod recovered them.With the death of Vladimir of Polotsk, that principality ceased, as one might say, to exist. In that region Russians and Lithuanians had so assimilated that they were difficult to distinguish.Vladimir was without a successor. After his death, where the German domain ended, the Lithuanian began. There was now an independent Livonia, and the Germans were seeking to include that region where they had built the castle of Fellin, a region which the Danes admired as the Revel coast. This was the Estland, or the Esthonia of Rome.After Mystislav the Gallant had shaken the power of the Vladimir principality by the battle of Lipetsk, and vanished forever from Novgorod, there was an interval of quiet, beginning with 1218, which greatly favored the Germans in their efforts to obtain Esthonia. But the Danish king was equally anxious to get possession of this country, or, according to his biographer, he wanted to purify his conscience from sin and show his devotion to the Riga Mother of God; therefore he disembarked on the coast of Livonia a numerous army.The Danes and the Riga Germans now did their best to excel each other at baptizing. Villages and settlements trembled at the appearance of the “cross-bearers.” Wherever there was a battle the conquerors became executioners, and in retaliation, whenever a soldier of the cross fell into the hands of the natives, they burned[218]him alive as an offering to their god; sometimes they flayed a cross out of the flesh of his back before burning him.From the castle of Fellin and along the Revel coast regions, the country had gibbets thickly planted over it. From dread of the terrible sword and gibbet of the intruder, the people were anxious for baptism. The Riga Germans had many priests, the Danes only a few; but when the Danes lacked priests they used lay baptism. They collected the people in a crowd, and baptized them all together. It happened frequently that when the German knights came, people fell on their knees and cried: “We are baptized already.” There were cases where the two crowds of missionaries met, and one took its converts from the other by force of arms. The hatred of the baptizers for each other became so great that the archbishop went to Rome to complain of the Danes, but he found there envoys from the Danish king on a similar errand. The Pope confirmed the Revel coast to the Danish king; afterward, however, the whole land went to Riga.The Kors and Livs had not been able to save themselves under the protection of Polotsk, neither were these tribes protected by Novgorod. In five or six years, that is between 1218 and 1224, their evil fate was settled. During that period princes changed several times in Novgorod; and the Pskoff men gravely considered in their meetings the question of making an alliance with Riga. Complaint against Novgorod was general. “Our Novgorod brothers,” said they, “come to take tribute of rebellious tribes and then go home quickly; when they are gone we suffer doubly on their account. A bad peace with Germans is better than such brotherly assistance.”At this period Lithuanians were troubled greatly by refugees of their own stock, who had been driven out of Prussia. These people, urged by the Livonian knights, made raids against Novgorod. Warring continually with its new enemy, Novgorod was not able to properly defend its possessions on the coast, and so asked aid of Yuri of Vladimir. Yuri sent Sviatoslav, his brother, with troops. There was a battle at Wenden, the knights were defeated, and the castle was besieged, but the Grand Master succeeded in bringing in reinforcements, and the Russians, satisfied with their booty, withdrew.The Letts, who were obedient to the Germans and under their[219]lead, now threatened Pskoff. The whole country about there, called Esthonia by the Germans, consisted of warring fragments now under German, and now under Russian command. Odempe, Izborsk, and Yurieff passed from hand to hand. The people suffered from the Russians because they yielded to the Germans, and from the Germans because they went back to the Russians.It would be impossible to count all the campaigns and raids of that troubled time.The archbishop was hated for his cruelty. Populations whom he came to convert were filled with terror by his presence; they submitted to baptism, but they washed it away quickly when he was gone.To their assistance came the Novgorod prince, Yaroslav, son of Big Nest. When on his way to Riga, envoys came to him from the Sea-Fins, from the island of Izel, and begged him to defend them from the Danes. The country from Izborsk and Yurieff toward Fellin seemed free of the enemy. It remained to drive the Danes from the Revel coast, strengthen Revel and build a stone fortress there. When Yaroslav approached Fellin, a fearful sight met his eyes; traces of the terrible knights were everywhere; villages had been burned; in places the earth was red with blood; there were gibbets with bodies swinging from them. The knights had retaken Fellin, and the Russian garrison had been slaughtered. Yaroslav and his forces went through the country to the sea, approached Kolivan and besieged the castle of Revel for nearly a month. The Danes defended the place valiantly. At that stage, Yaroslav took counsel of the Novgorod men, and decided to abandon the siege for a large tribute in gold. The Pskoff people considered this ending of the campaign inglorious, and blamed their “brothers of Novgorod” for their selfish conduct. But even this campaign did not shake the faith of the people in their Russian defenders.Yurieff and the country around struggled against the knights till completely exhausted. While waiting for promised reinforcements from Novgorod, a few Russian champions and native people fought with the whole force of Livonian knights. This party of brave men was led by the most insignificant prince of all Russia, that Prince Vyachko, from whom the archbishop had taken his native place, Kuikenos. His name, however, had[220]acquired great notoriety among the Germans, for he was their most irreconcilable enemy. From Kuikenos, Vyachko had gone to Yurieff, and there he gave the Germans no peace. He strengthened the place, and made savage raids on all sides. At last the archbishop decided, cost what it might, to take Yurieff, that hateful den where all the “malefactors and traitors” had assembled, as well as many of the bitterest enemies of the church in Livonia, and where they were commanded by that prince who, from the beginning, had been the root of all evil.The archbishop himself took part in this campaign, bringing with him a multitude of knights from various parts of Germany. The Knights of Livonia assisted with all their strength. The place was surrounded and besieged. In addition to the usual engines of war, the Germans had a movable tower as high as the walls of the city. Under cover of this tower, they began to dig a tunnel. Meanwhile they entered intonegotiationswith Vyachko, offering him a free escape with all the Russians, horses and arms, if he would surrender the fortress and with it the natives who had found shelter within its walls. Vyachko gave an answer which the archbishop called shameless and insolent, and in Russian style.After the refusal of terms, the siege continued with redoubled force. The knights complained of the great loss inflicted upon them by the garrison of the fortress, which day after day, made desperate sallies. At last, fearing that relief might come to the besieged, the Germans determined to storm the place. Next morning at daybreak, a fierce assault was made, but it was repulsed. Later on the besieged made an opening in the wall just opposite the tower, and hurled out blazing stuff to burn down the structure. The besiegers rushed to extinguish the fire, and in the general excitement and uproar certain knights made their way through the opening in the wall. Once inside, they spared no one; a terrible struggle ensued. Meanwhile the place was fired by its defenders, who had sworn to perish to the last man in case of defeat. The Germans captured but one man, who later on was sent to Novgorod, with a message that Yurieff was taken.When this messenger arrived, and announced that help was not needed, that all had perished, there was great sadness in the city, for the warriors were on the eve of marching to relieve the besieged.[221]Not long after this, Pskoff, still fighting with Novgorod, made a friendly alliance and treaty with Riga. This happened when Novgorod men were continually sending away Prince Yaroslav and recalling him. It is not to be wondered at that while there was such internal dissension and disagreement between Novgorod men themselves, and between Novgorod and Pskoff, the Germans succeeded in Esthonia. Whatever the peace terms were between Pskoff and Riga, the Germans had become an acknowledged and independent power on the Baltic coast of Russia.Yaroslav, about this time, went to Pereyaslavl on the Alta, and Yuri of Vladimir, who had married the daughter of Chermny, gave Novgorod to his brother-in-law, Michael. Thereupon Yaroslav, opposing Yuri, drove Michael from Novgorod, and conquered Chernigoff.Remembering how he had been driven from Pereyaslavl by Chermny, Yaroslav occupied that region which once had belonged to him. Remembering also how on a time he had been invited to reign in Galitch, he extended his views beyond Kief to Carpathian Russia. But a slight failure in the South caused him to return to Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest, not taking his eye for a moment, however, from Novgorod. Working now against Yuri, he strove to incite him to quarrel with his nephews, Vassilko and Vsevolod, sons of Constantine, the first of whom was Prince of Rostoff, the second Prince of Yaroslav on the Volga.Ten years had passed since the death of Big Nest in 1212,—years filled with strife, disorder and conflict. A second ten years had begun. That which had troubled Russia in the past threatened in the future, with the end not in sight. And so it continued until a thunderbolt fell, as it were from the sky, “a punishment for the sins of many generations, and for all the injustice and lawlessness committed from one generation to another. The anger which was preparing on high,” as the chronicler says, “and was delayed by the long suffering of God, burst forth at last.”And now comes the period of vast and radical changes in Russia.These changes were caused indirectly by the Polovtsi in 1224, who, fearing greatly the dauntless Mongols, who were attacking them, appealed to the Christian princes. “They have seized our country,” said the Polovtsi. “To-morrow they will seize yours.” Mystislav the Gallant, taking advantage of this opportunity to[222]crush a possible future enemy, persuaded other princes of Southern Russia to join him in aiding the Polovtsi. Basti, Khan of these idolatrous Polovtsi, embraced Orthodoxy to cement the alliance with the Russians, and the army moved forward without delay. Upon reaching the lower Dnieper, the Russians, under Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel, Prince of Volynia, Mystislav, Grand Prince of Kief, Oleg of Kursk, Mystislav of Chernigoff, Vladimir of Smolensk, and Vsevolod, for a short time Prince of Novgorod, were met by envoys from the Mongols, who tried to persuade them to abandon the cause of the Polovtsi, saying: “The Mongols have nothing against the Russians. It is the pagans whom we wish to destroy. We are as the Russians in that we worship the one God. Profit by our offer, and avenge yourselves upon the enemy who has warred against you in the past.” The envoys were seized and put to death immediately, and the Russians continued their march.At the Kalka, a small stream flowing into the Sea of Azoff, they encountered the Mongol forces, led by two great commanders, Subotai and Chepé. Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel of Volynia, and Oleg of Kursk, wishing to win for themselves all the glory of the victory, rushed forward without the aid of the Prince of Kief, and even without warning him of their intention. The Polovtsi advanced also but when the critical moment of the struggle came, they were seized with panic, and fell back upon their Russian allies, thus throwing them into terrible disorder. The defeat was overwhelming; hardly a tenth of the men under those rash leaders escaped, six princes and seventy distinguished voevodas were killed. Mystislav of Kief, abandoned by the army, tried to defend himself in his hastily fortified camp on the banks of the Kalka. The Mongols offered him his life and the lives of his sons-in-law if he would surrender and pay them a ransom for himself and his personal following. Knowing well that he could not successfully contend with the victors, he surrendered. But the Mongols did not regard their promise; they massacred Mystislav’s men, and putting the three princes under heavy planks, they sat upon those planks and feasted while the unfortunate Russians died in the greatest agony.After this victory, the Mongols returned to the East, vanished, and were not seen again for thirteen years.Mystislav died four years after that disastrous battle on the[223]Kalka, and sad was the end of his glory. He began a war on Volynia by reason of a calumny that his son-in-law, Daniel, was trying to deprive him of Galitch,—nay more, there was a direct accusation that Daniel intended to kill him. These accusations were brought against Daniel by Bailski. Later on, Mystislav repented and became friendly with Daniel. He gave rich presents to his daughter Anna, the wife of Daniel, and gave Daniel his best horse, Aklaz. No steed on earth, as he thought, was the equal of that one, for had he not brought him alive from the terrible slaughter on the Kalka. Nevertheless Mystislav betrothed his youngest daughter to the son of Andrei of Hungary, and gave his son-in-law Peremysl at the advice of boyars in Galitch, chief among whom was Sudislav “the traitor,” as people still called him. In bringing Mystislav to give his daughter to the king’s son, these men believed that Galitch would fall to Hungary a second time, and their efforts were directed toward that object very earnestly. All at once a report spread that Mystislav the Gallant had decided to go to the lower country and give Galitch to his father-in-law, Kotyan, a Polovtsi khan. This report was monstrous, and invented doubtless by tricksters, still Galitch men were so greatly alarmed because of it, that many left the country and went to Hungary.The prince contradicted this lie before all the people. He sent Timofei, his confessor, to the fugitives; he persuaded them to return, but soon after the king himself came into Galitch with a numerous army, and insisted that Galitch be given to his son immediately. Mystislav prepared now for battle. This last battle fought by the hero was as decisive and brilliant as any which preceded it. The king’s army was crushed. The king himself fled with maddened mind and shattered body. There was a rumor that this disaster had been foretold him. “Thou wilt not live, if thou see Galitch,” were the reputed words of a wizard whom King Andrei asked to soothsay as he was leaving Hungary.Mystislav’s allies, Daniel and Vassilko, who fought against Leshko, and did not let the Poles help King Andrei, brought their regiments to Galitch and strove to make Mystislav pursue the defeated army. Mystislav was unwilling to do this; Sudislav and the boyars, not wishing the ruin of the king, in whom lay their great hope, opposed with all their power; and the war with Hungary ended in nothing.[224]Mystislav, weary of the utter faithlessness of the boyars, resolved to leave Galitch. This resolution delighted the boyars; but they warned him immediately that the hatred of the country toward him reached also to Daniel, hence they advised him to give Galitch to the king’s son as a dowry for his daughter. This advice they strengthened by the following words: “If thou give Galitch to the king’s son as dowry for thy daughter, thou canst withdraw it later on, should the wish come, but if thou yield now to Daniel, Galitch will never be thine again.” Mystislav made no answer, but he did as they advised. He married his daughter to the king’s son and then gave them Galitch, thus acting as a traitor toward Russia. He withdrew after that, and lived on the Ros in Podolia.Daniel, though deceived and disappointed most cruelly, did not utter a word of complaint. He remained true to Mystislav, and grew stronger and stronger in Volynia. Mystislav the Silent who admired Daniel greatly, left him the province of Lutsk, but Daniel had to use force to obtain this inheritance, for not only Bailski but Yaroslav, the nephew of Mystislav the Silent, raised arms against him. Knowing Mystislav the Gallant’s affection for these princes Daniel sent his own trusty friend to explain the situation to his father-in-law, who was glad to communicate directly with Daniel, from whom he had allowed himself to be separated by false and intriguing boyars. Explanations made, Mystislav sent a secret message to Daniel: “My son,” said he, “I sinned in not giving thee Galitch. The boyars deceived me through Sudislav the Traitor. Go with God’s assistance against them. I will summon the Polovtsi to aid thee, and do thou move with thy own men. God give thee Galitch, and I will stay here.”In this way the old man hoped to repair his shortcomings, but he died soon after in Torchesk. Aware that death was approaching he begged to see Daniel; he wished to commit all his house to him, since he had perfect trust in his honesty. The crafty boyars, however, prevented this meeting, and Mystislav the Gallant died in lonely Torchesk, without seeing his son-in-law. Of his end it is only known that when he fell ill, in 1228, he retired to a monastery and assumed the monk’s habit. He left all Podolia to Daniel, but for this inheritance a general war broke out quickly in Volynia, Galitch, Kief and Chernigoff, involving all Southern Russia in bloodshed.[225]

[Contents]CHAPTER IXBALTIC PROVINCESTo understand the difficulties of the situation in the north Baltic region, it will be necessary to describe it somewhat in detail. In the tenth century the Russian coast on the Baltic belonged to the Polotsk principality, to Pskoff and to Novgorod. The western part, that which had the Dvina River for its artery, belonged to the Polotsk princes; north and east of that were the Pskoff possessions, and last of all those of Novgorod.The Polotsk coast was inhabited by tribes known collectively as Kors and Livs. Later on, their territory was called by the Germans Korland and Livland. The part belonging to Pskoff was occupied by Chud, or Fin tribes. The Russians gave no collective name to these regions, but called each group by its own name; a good proof that they were left in great part to themselves.Though all those tribes paid tribute to Pskoff, Polotsk or Novgorod, they were not disturbed in their mode of living. During almost a century and a half the Russian princes built no forts or strongholds in that country. From Polotsk to the sea there were but few places. Gersiké and Kuikenos were the capitals of those lands which belonged to Polotsk. At the beginning of the eleventh century, the Polotsk region was ruled by Prince Vsevolod, whose wife was a Lithuanian. In Kuikenos was Prince Vyacheslav. The country was left mainly to the care of its inhabitants. They paid tribute and kept landing-places and portages. After the manner of primitive people, they had many disputes among themselves, but in those disputes the Russian princes meddled little; their main interest was to receive tribute, and have an open road to the sea. Christianity was spreading gradually, though no great effort was made to change the primitive religion.At the beginning of the twelfth century, Bremen merchants[207]visited the Baltic coast of Russia and established small landing-places and villages. One of these was called Dalen, another Holm, a third Ikskul. The latter was on the Dvina about twenty-five miles from its mouth, and was simply the native village of Ikeskola; here the Germans built a small fort with a warehouse. They knew well that this coast belonged to Russia, and was a part of the Polotsk principality, and their thought was how to get possession of it.To Vladimir, Prince of Polotsk, came one day a man of God, an old monk, Meinhardt by name. He had, he said, devoted all his life to God, and, being in the Polotsk country, wished to work for God there. He thought it his duty to bow down before Vladimir, who held all that region of the Dvina, and to beg permission to preach the word of God among the pagan tribes of the Baltic coast. Vladimir received him kindly and gave the desired permission.Ten years passed. Suddenly it was announced throughout the Polotsk principality that the Kors and Livs were attacking the Germans. In the course of those ten years wonderful things had happened. When the monk Meinhardt went from Prince Vladimir to Ikeskola with a greeting from the prince, the people listened to his words willingly; he was himself astonished at the success of his preaching. His flock increased rapidly. People came from far and near to be baptized; they came by families and then by whole villages. He built a church in Ikeskola and one also in Holm.But, strangely enough, this monk knew how to build fortresses. Besides being a spiritual leader, he was a warrior of much skill. During his first winter in the country, 1186–1187, Ikeskola was attacked by a neighboring tribe. Meinhardt armed his spiritual children with clubs and axes, and set out against the enemy. He made an ambush and gained a great victory. After that, conversion went on still more rapidly. The monk meanwhile persuaded the people to build a stone fortress. He brought in German masons and mechanics, and the following summer he built two large castles with towers, in fact regular fortresses, at Ikeskola and Holm.Besides merchants and mechanics, warriors began to appear in the country, and Meinhardt invited in Latin monks to assist[208]him in his spiritual labors. He sent one of these monks, Dietrich, to convert people in the neighborhood of Aa River. This man was acquainted with medicinal plants and could heal the sick; but he was greatly disliked. The people were suspicious of him. Finally he was seized and condemned to be burned alive, but his life was spared through soothsaying. Before burning him, the people placed a spear on the ground and led a horse up to it; the horse crossed it with the “foot of life.” The people would not believe, they demanded a second trial; the result was the same. They freed the monk, and thereafter Meinhardt kept him near his person,—not as a preacher, but as an adviser.Of the most important elders of his church, Meinhardt formed a body-guard. Among those men he chose certain ones who were to act as spies and inform him of every secret. These he distinguished above others, and rewarded. He sent them to persuade the people, and by degrees the most stubborn yielded.Meanwhile German commerce flourished. From Holm, or Kirchholm, as Meinhardt called the place after his church was built, and Ikeskola new villages were founded. Taking the name of the Livs, the whole country was now called by the Latinized term Livonia, and the churches were mentioned as “the Church of Livonia.” It might seem that this work was one that could never be undone. But all at once there was a tempest—a wild revolt throughout the whole country. A thing unheard of, a spectacle unique in Christianity was presented to the eyes of the “Apostle of Livonia,” as disciples called Meinhardt, when those same people who had received baptism from him sprang into the Dvina, washed themselves clean of his apostolic touch, dived in the water “to purify their persons.” “Behold!” shouted they to him. “We have cleansed ourselves from German baptism.” And looking at the waves of the river rushing toward the sea, they added: “Be off from us, far away. Go to the place whence thou hast come.” In this manner the whole country gave back its baptism to the German monk.Meinhardt began to threaten. He would sail away; he would find a legion of defenders of Christ and bring them back on countless ships. Then they would see how God punished apostates, they would see the awful power of Christ’s vicar on earth, by whom he, Meinhardt, had been deputed. This threat alarmed the people;[209]they became tearful and begged him not to leave them. Instead of going himself, he sent Dietrich.Why did the people rise? “Because they differed little from beasts, were wild and rude. There had been great religious excitement, and this uprising was simply a reaction.” This is the explanation of certain historians, but a further statement should be added: The monk had begun to enforce obedience to the Archbishop of Bremen, and to demand tithes for “the church.” The “Apostle of Livonia” was a faithful servant of the Archbishop of Bremen. He was made Bishop of Livonia in subjection to Bremen in 1188, and died in 1196.The monk Berthold, an abbot of the Cistercian Order, appointed to fill Meinhardt’s place, heard that the people were considering whether to burn him in the church or drown him in the river. He shut himself up in Kirchholm, but he had warriors clad in steel from head to foot, with heavy swords at their sides, and sitting on mighty horses, such as the people had never seen till that day. These were the “Knights.” People sent to ask why this man of God had brought those warriors into the country. “To punish apostates,” was the answer.The bishop now prepared for a serious uprising. He left Holm and encamped at the mouth of the river Rigje. People began to gather from far and near, crowds of half-naked men, armed with sharp sticks, clubs and axes. The more they increased, crowd after crowd, the more they gathered courage. The knights let the natives assemble in the greatest possible number—they did not hasten to begin the battle, but when at last they did rush forward, they had not long to struggle for victory. It was impossible to stop the onrush of the conquerors. The bishop, Berthold, in pursuing the people, was carried away by excitement. He lost control of his spirited horse and became separated from his men. The Livs immediately surrounded him, and chopped him into small bits.The triumph on the German side was complete, and they made a terrible use of it. It might be said that the warriors of the cross became executioners. The people begged for mercy, and promised to submit to baptism again, and to receive into the villages the priests who had been driven out. But in vain did they plead. All were sentenced to death. Separate divisions of knights passed[210]through the country, and in every village dealt out dreadful punishment to “apostates.”The youthful Livonian church was thus reëstablished. Then the Western crusaders, considering their holy work finished, and their sins absolved, reëmbarked and sailed away home. But all at once, and most unexpectedly, there was a new outburst of rage and indignation through the whole country. The natives rushed at the “vile strangers,” killing or beating them, and looting their homes. They intended to act in like manner with all foreigners, but the merchants gave them great presents, and bought their good-will. Those who had been re-baptized sprang a second time into the river, and a second time washed themselves clean of the German religion.When this news reached Bremen and Rome, they decided to delay no longer, but acquire Livonia in permanence. To do this they needed a military brotherhood warring for Christ.The Germans appeared now in a triple character: as a military order to strike down opposition; as merchants to extend trade; as a church to bring all to the faith. As their leader stood forth Albert von Apeldern Bukshevden, and to aid in subjecting Livonia the Pope gave him permission to found a new knightly order, the members of which would spend their lives in extending the Livonian church. Albert visited the chief German cities, enlisted knights, and collected contributions for his great “patriotic work.” His knights wore a white mantle on which was a red cross and a red sword. In Russia they were called “Bearers of the Sword.” They took the name willingly, and called themselves “Brothers of the Sword.”Albert’s first work was to build a fortress at the mouth of the river, and then began the city of Riga at the village Rigje. In two years there was a fortress and a cathedral. The people received him unwillingly. Being a keen politician, he opened negotiations with the natives, and, when their elders went to him to conclude peace, he seized them and threatened to send them to Germany. This threat brought the elders to terms, and Albert obtained of their sons thirty as hostages. These were sent to Bremen to be educated.Soon a dispute arose between Albert, the sovereign Bishop of Livonia, and the Order, which wished on its part to rule the conquered[211]country. It was finally settled by the Pope, who divided the land into three parts. One third was to go to the bishop; one third to the metropolitan of the city of Riga, and one third to the Order. But the Order would not live in the same city with the bishop, so they erected a castle,—Wenden. This castle and the city which grew up around it became the capital of the Order. Here lived the “Grand Master,” as the Germans entitled him. In every direction castles of barons and knights sprang up like mushrooms. In proportion as the people were conquered and converted, they were turned into slaves and forced to build strongholds for their masters. The material reward for saving souls was all the land and all the people.Albert put to death unsparingly those who refused to be baptized. In villages where the people tried to free themselves of their enslavers, the Germans killed whole crowds of prisoners—in some cases the entire male population—and consumed the village with fire. In other places, where they went into servitude meekly, they were taken on campaigns against regions not yet subjected. The bishop favored quarrels between tribes, and by skilful management used one tribe to subdue another. Thus also did he rouse tribes against Russia; inspire them not to pay tribute to Pskoff or Novgorod, and promise to liberate them with German assistance. He even helped them in their raids against the Russians.Why did Polotsk princes permit intruders to seize their ancient possessions? Were no efforts made to drive them out? There were. Prince Vsevolod, assisted by Lithuanians, advanced to attack Riga, but when he saw from a distance the tower and walls of the city he turned back. Afterward Vladimir went from Polotsk to Ikeskola. The Germans, taken by surprise, carried out gifts to him, and he left without interfering with the city. He went to Holm, but that city could not be taken by surprise. Reinforcements hurried up from Riga, and Vladimir left, merely taking tribute. Albert, the wily bishop, expressed no astonishment that the Polotsk prince had come. On the contrary, he explained that the tribute paid by the tribes to Polotsk was in his eyes a sacred matter. In the future, he would himself undertake to forward it to Polotsk. Vladimir discovered that his rights had not been assailed and would not be. As to the Germans baptizing the Kors,[212]Livs and Chuds, it was done by his permission given to Meinhardt.In 1206, Albert, now archbishop, felt the need of further explanations, hence he sent an embassy to Vladimir. At that time a general uprising was feared. One of the elders, Ako, was rousing the whole country against the German intruders. It was reported that the Polotsk prince was coming to assist the oppressed people. In fact many elders of the tribes had begged Vladimir to aid them. There was a great movement in Polotsk, and the prince was making ready for a campaign, when the embassy arrived. At the head of the embassy was Theodoric, with gifts and pleasant words. Vladimir decided to receive the envoys, but only in presence of the elders, who had come with complaints against the archbishop. The reception, which began with gifts, came near ending in a hand to hand encounter. When Vladimir asked why they came, the abbot answered, “To strengthen peace and friendship.” The elders, on hearing this statement, raised such a terrible outcry that the prince hastened to end the reception, requesting the envoys to await his decision.Theodoric immediately sent a letter of warning to Albert, and Riga began at once to prepare for defense; the Grand Master and knights were occupied day and night. Vladimir heard of this, and lost all hope of seizing Riga by surprise. After consulting with his warriors, he decided to invite the bishop to Polotsk to examine with him the complaints made by the elders. He dismissed the Riga embassy, and with them sent his own embassy. When they reached Kuikenos the Polotsk embassy stopped; only one member of it went with the abbot to declare the wish of the prince to Albert.While the envoys were waiting Albert’s reply, they summoned all who had complaints to make to meet at Kuikenos. The elders who had been in Polotsk were already there, and many people came from both sides of the river. The envoys were waiting impatiently for the bishop, when he sent this haughty answer to their invitation. “Envoys do not summon ruling personages to whom they are sent, but appear themselves with obeisance.” The people who had assembled turned now to the Polotsk envoys, asking what they were to do. The envoys could give no advice. Thinking there was no further help from Polotsk, the unfortunate[213]adherents of Ako attacked Holm, where they were cut down like sheep. A few of the insurgents were left alive to form a spectacle in Riga, whither they were driven in chains to be executed. The archbishop had not considered it necessary to be present at this battle. After mass, while the abbot was still in the cathedral, a knight brought him Ako’s bloody head as a token of victory.The bishop found it needful to visit Europe often. He had to go to Rome; he had to make explanations to the Bremen archbishop; he had to see his friend, the Danish king, who was looking for his share of profit by conversion; he had also to select German colonists and craftsmen. While hewasabsent on one of these journeys, the people rose up to avenge Ako. They went again to Vladimir, who consulted with his warriors. “Delay not,” said they; “the blood of these people will fall on us.” A campaign was decided upon, but the new campaign was more unsuccessful than the first and brought more woe on the ill-fated people. Vladimir found Riga strongly fortified. He tried to take Holm, but failed. Suddenly news came from Riga that a great fleet was approaching. When Vladimir heard of this, he withdrew from Holm. The fleet was that of the Danish king, who had stopped at Riga, but only to sail farther. Vladimir, by his weakness, had again brought destruction on the people. The conversion of the Kors and Livs was now completed to the remotest corner of the country. All begged for mercy, all promised to accept baptism and the priests. The kind and faithful pastor pacified his bishopric, until no dissenting voice was heard.The bishop raised no question with Vladimir. He acted as though no attack had been made. But he opened negotiations on another subject. He pointed out that the Lithuanians were robbers, and quarrelsome, and proposed an alliance between himself and Vladimir. In 1210 he sent an envoy, Rudolph, to Polotsk on this business. In Polotsk they failed, it seems, to understand that the alliance was not so precious to Albert as the recognition by treaty that the two contracting parties had equal rights to carry on and conclude such a treaty, a recognition, as it were, of his own sovereignty. On one side it was arranged that the Livs should pay the Polotsk prince an annual tribute, or the Riga archbishop would pay it for them; on the other side, Vladimir[214]permitted free trade on the Dvina River. Thus did Albert settle with the capital city of Polotsk, and with its ruling prince.As for the petty princes of Gersiké and Kuikenos, they were treated more unceremoniously. Wenden Castle stood on the high bank of the river Aa, and commanded the whole region. This castle was the residence of the Grand Master. Vyachko, Prince of Kuikenos, the unfortunate neighbor of such barons and counts, did not deceive himself. He knew that his fate was an evil one. The knight, Von Lenewerden, broke into Kuikenos, occupied the place with his men, declared the inhabitants prisoners, and put Vyachko in irons. On hearing of this, the archbishop summoned both Vyachko and Von Lenewerden to Riga, and reconciled them. He restored Vyachko’s property, and persuaded him, as protection for the future, to have a German guard in his town. Soon after a band formed of Lithuanians and Kors, occupied in sea robbery, attacked Riga on a sudden. That day Riga hardly saved itself. The assailants fought desperately. The Riga men, wearied almost beyond endurance, considered their destruction as certain; but aid came unexpectedly, and the assailants departed. They made a great fire on the seacoast, threw their dead into it, and sailed away from Riga.At every report of trouble in Riga, the people of the country were encouraged to rise against their enslavers. Vyachko now rebelled. He sent to Vladimir, the Polotsk prince, asking him to take advantage of the trouble, and of the absence of the archbishop. Meanwhile he destroyed the garrison brought into his city. When the archbishop returned and learned of this act of “his assistant,” as he considered Vyachko, he moved with the whole Order against “the rebel.” They took everything that could be taken, and then burned the city. Thus did Vyachko part with Kuikenos, his birthplace. The people escaped to swamps and forests. Higher up the river was Gersiké. Albert had long threatened Vsevolod, its petty prince, and accused him of friendship for Lithuanians, saying that instead of guarding Riga from Lithuanians, he made it easy for them to cross the Dvina. The archbishop now thought it important that he should take possession of Gersiké and thus in the eyes of the Livs become their defender against Lithuanians. The hostility between these people and the Lithuanians, who were related to them by race, seemed unappeasable.[215]Albert surprised Gersiké. Vsevolod succeeded in crossing the river and hiding in the forest, but his wife and family were captured; everything of value was taken, and the town burned. The archbishop was magnanimous; he sent to Vsevolod, saying that if he wished peace and his family he must come to Riga. Vsevolod went immediately. He called Albert father, and asked for his family. “I will restore them,” said the archbishop, “but art thou willing to give thy principality forever to the Riga Cathedral?” Vsevolod thought that the archbishop meant to rob him, but when Albert explained that he would give his possessions back as a gift to him, with his wife and children, Vsevolod agreed to everything. Thus did Germans settle with the petty princes.Their success with Polotsk was more than incredible.When the archbishop had concluded his treaty with Vladimir of Polotsk, he strove to form just such relations with Pskoff and Novgorod. His policy was diplomatic and cautious. He roused the tribes subject to Novgorod by the report that the Germans had come to free them from tribute. But after Pskoff and Novgorod warriors went through the country beyond Odempe, and even as far as the sea, all action stopped and the tribes settled back into obedience.Albert now complained more and more to Pskoff and Novgorod of robber attacks upon commerce from “unruly” subjects of Russia. He said that it was indispensable in self-defense to put down Tolova and Torma. If he could keep the country in his power, he could collect and send the tribute to Pskoff and Novgorod.Vladimir, the Pskoff prince, liked Riga and the Germans so well that he had given his daughter to Dietrich, a brother of Albert, but for this friendship the Pskoff people dismissed him. He then went to Riga, where Albert received him gladly, and gave him land.When Vladimir of Polotsk saw that Pskoff and Novgorod would make no treaty with the archbishop, he was greatly concerned. He was uncertain how it was best to act against his insolent neighbor, but at last he decided to write to him touching various questions. Albert replied that he had nothing against a friendly meeting, but where could they meet? He could not expect the Polotsk prince to come to him, nor could he go to Polotsk. Kuikenos[216]now belonged to the lands of the Order. There still remained ruined Gersiké. And in that city, in 1213, they had a notable meeting.The Prince of Polotsk had much to discuss with the master of Livonia. Albert, however, would not touch upon anything that Vladimir really wanted, and turned stubbornly to the question of how they were to act toward a common enemy. He proposed that they act as allies, and pointed out the great good to come from this coöperation. He said that the treaty already concluded was too narrow; it required broadening. Vladimir was a simple man and expressed his thought to the wily archbishop with artless words. On a sudden he said to him: “Wilt thou at last stop baptizing my Kors and Livs; wilt thou leave my people in peace? They are mine absolutely, not thine. If I wish to baptize them, I will do so, if not let them remain unbaptized.” The archbishop was astounded. Appealing to the command of God: “Go ye and teach all nations, baptizing them,” he asked the Polotsk prince which command should be honored, that of God, or of man. The simple and good-natured Vladimir replied: “That of God,” and said no more about baptism.“Tribute is another thing,” continued Albert. “God himself established that all who are under authority shall pay tribute to their rulers. Render unto Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s.” Recently this tribute had been stopped, but the archbishop declared that he was not to blame. The Livonians were now begging him to free them from the yoke of Russia. This was not pleasant for Vladimir to hear. He began with angry words to threaten. He would burn Riga; he would not let his land be trampled by foreign intruders; he would level their cities to the earth. The meeting came very near ending in a battle, and nothing was accomplished.After Vladimir’s return to Polotsk, he grew very sad. His warriors said not a word, but he heard the reproach: “Think what thou hast done in giving the Germans such power. What answer canst thou render to God for their crimes?” The people were silent, but the prince saw that they were thinking day and night of how they could avoid falling into the power of the foreigner. In this sorrow Vladimir continued, till at last every one was roused and made happy by the great success of Novgorod.[217]About the time that Mystislav the Gallant came back to Novgorod in 1214, the insolence of the tribes incited by the archbishop had become unendurable. Mystislav at once led his warriors into that country, and went twice from side to side through the whole region. When he had finished the people bowed down to him, and began as before to send tribute to Novgorod. In 1216 Mystislav left Novgorod, but an example had been given, and Vladimir of Polotsk recovered his courage. Soon there was at Polotsk an immense congregation of warriors,—many Russians and a multitude of Livs. The army was ready to move, but as Vladimir was about to embark he stumbled in stepping from the shore to the boat, fell into the water, and died suddenly. That ended the expedition.Saved from Polotsk, the knights did not escape defeat from Novgorod. They had subjected again the places won by Mystislav, but Novgorod recovered them.With the death of Vladimir of Polotsk, that principality ceased, as one might say, to exist. In that region Russians and Lithuanians had so assimilated that they were difficult to distinguish.Vladimir was without a successor. After his death, where the German domain ended, the Lithuanian began. There was now an independent Livonia, and the Germans were seeking to include that region where they had built the castle of Fellin, a region which the Danes admired as the Revel coast. This was the Estland, or the Esthonia of Rome.After Mystislav the Gallant had shaken the power of the Vladimir principality by the battle of Lipetsk, and vanished forever from Novgorod, there was an interval of quiet, beginning with 1218, which greatly favored the Germans in their efforts to obtain Esthonia. But the Danish king was equally anxious to get possession of this country, or, according to his biographer, he wanted to purify his conscience from sin and show his devotion to the Riga Mother of God; therefore he disembarked on the coast of Livonia a numerous army.The Danes and the Riga Germans now did their best to excel each other at baptizing. Villages and settlements trembled at the appearance of the “cross-bearers.” Wherever there was a battle the conquerors became executioners, and in retaliation, whenever a soldier of the cross fell into the hands of the natives, they burned[218]him alive as an offering to their god; sometimes they flayed a cross out of the flesh of his back before burning him.From the castle of Fellin and along the Revel coast regions, the country had gibbets thickly planted over it. From dread of the terrible sword and gibbet of the intruder, the people were anxious for baptism. The Riga Germans had many priests, the Danes only a few; but when the Danes lacked priests they used lay baptism. They collected the people in a crowd, and baptized them all together. It happened frequently that when the German knights came, people fell on their knees and cried: “We are baptized already.” There were cases where the two crowds of missionaries met, and one took its converts from the other by force of arms. The hatred of the baptizers for each other became so great that the archbishop went to Rome to complain of the Danes, but he found there envoys from the Danish king on a similar errand. The Pope confirmed the Revel coast to the Danish king; afterward, however, the whole land went to Riga.The Kors and Livs had not been able to save themselves under the protection of Polotsk, neither were these tribes protected by Novgorod. In five or six years, that is between 1218 and 1224, their evil fate was settled. During that period princes changed several times in Novgorod; and the Pskoff men gravely considered in their meetings the question of making an alliance with Riga. Complaint against Novgorod was general. “Our Novgorod brothers,” said they, “come to take tribute of rebellious tribes and then go home quickly; when they are gone we suffer doubly on their account. A bad peace with Germans is better than such brotherly assistance.”At this period Lithuanians were troubled greatly by refugees of their own stock, who had been driven out of Prussia. These people, urged by the Livonian knights, made raids against Novgorod. Warring continually with its new enemy, Novgorod was not able to properly defend its possessions on the coast, and so asked aid of Yuri of Vladimir. Yuri sent Sviatoslav, his brother, with troops. There was a battle at Wenden, the knights were defeated, and the castle was besieged, but the Grand Master succeeded in bringing in reinforcements, and the Russians, satisfied with their booty, withdrew.The Letts, who were obedient to the Germans and under their[219]lead, now threatened Pskoff. The whole country about there, called Esthonia by the Germans, consisted of warring fragments now under German, and now under Russian command. Odempe, Izborsk, and Yurieff passed from hand to hand. The people suffered from the Russians because they yielded to the Germans, and from the Germans because they went back to the Russians.It would be impossible to count all the campaigns and raids of that troubled time.The archbishop was hated for his cruelty. Populations whom he came to convert were filled with terror by his presence; they submitted to baptism, but they washed it away quickly when he was gone.To their assistance came the Novgorod prince, Yaroslav, son of Big Nest. When on his way to Riga, envoys came to him from the Sea-Fins, from the island of Izel, and begged him to defend them from the Danes. The country from Izborsk and Yurieff toward Fellin seemed free of the enemy. It remained to drive the Danes from the Revel coast, strengthen Revel and build a stone fortress there. When Yaroslav approached Fellin, a fearful sight met his eyes; traces of the terrible knights were everywhere; villages had been burned; in places the earth was red with blood; there were gibbets with bodies swinging from them. The knights had retaken Fellin, and the Russian garrison had been slaughtered. Yaroslav and his forces went through the country to the sea, approached Kolivan and besieged the castle of Revel for nearly a month. The Danes defended the place valiantly. At that stage, Yaroslav took counsel of the Novgorod men, and decided to abandon the siege for a large tribute in gold. The Pskoff people considered this ending of the campaign inglorious, and blamed their “brothers of Novgorod” for their selfish conduct. But even this campaign did not shake the faith of the people in their Russian defenders.Yurieff and the country around struggled against the knights till completely exhausted. While waiting for promised reinforcements from Novgorod, a few Russian champions and native people fought with the whole force of Livonian knights. This party of brave men was led by the most insignificant prince of all Russia, that Prince Vyachko, from whom the archbishop had taken his native place, Kuikenos. His name, however, had[220]acquired great notoriety among the Germans, for he was their most irreconcilable enemy. From Kuikenos, Vyachko had gone to Yurieff, and there he gave the Germans no peace. He strengthened the place, and made savage raids on all sides. At last the archbishop decided, cost what it might, to take Yurieff, that hateful den where all the “malefactors and traitors” had assembled, as well as many of the bitterest enemies of the church in Livonia, and where they were commanded by that prince who, from the beginning, had been the root of all evil.The archbishop himself took part in this campaign, bringing with him a multitude of knights from various parts of Germany. The Knights of Livonia assisted with all their strength. The place was surrounded and besieged. In addition to the usual engines of war, the Germans had a movable tower as high as the walls of the city. Under cover of this tower, they began to dig a tunnel. Meanwhile they entered intonegotiationswith Vyachko, offering him a free escape with all the Russians, horses and arms, if he would surrender the fortress and with it the natives who had found shelter within its walls. Vyachko gave an answer which the archbishop called shameless and insolent, and in Russian style.After the refusal of terms, the siege continued with redoubled force. The knights complained of the great loss inflicted upon them by the garrison of the fortress, which day after day, made desperate sallies. At last, fearing that relief might come to the besieged, the Germans determined to storm the place. Next morning at daybreak, a fierce assault was made, but it was repulsed. Later on the besieged made an opening in the wall just opposite the tower, and hurled out blazing stuff to burn down the structure. The besiegers rushed to extinguish the fire, and in the general excitement and uproar certain knights made their way through the opening in the wall. Once inside, they spared no one; a terrible struggle ensued. Meanwhile the place was fired by its defenders, who had sworn to perish to the last man in case of defeat. The Germans captured but one man, who later on was sent to Novgorod, with a message that Yurieff was taken.When this messenger arrived, and announced that help was not needed, that all had perished, there was great sadness in the city, for the warriors were on the eve of marching to relieve the besieged.[221]Not long after this, Pskoff, still fighting with Novgorod, made a friendly alliance and treaty with Riga. This happened when Novgorod men were continually sending away Prince Yaroslav and recalling him. It is not to be wondered at that while there was such internal dissension and disagreement between Novgorod men themselves, and between Novgorod and Pskoff, the Germans succeeded in Esthonia. Whatever the peace terms were between Pskoff and Riga, the Germans had become an acknowledged and independent power on the Baltic coast of Russia.Yaroslav, about this time, went to Pereyaslavl on the Alta, and Yuri of Vladimir, who had married the daughter of Chermny, gave Novgorod to his brother-in-law, Michael. Thereupon Yaroslav, opposing Yuri, drove Michael from Novgorod, and conquered Chernigoff.Remembering how he had been driven from Pereyaslavl by Chermny, Yaroslav occupied that region which once had belonged to him. Remembering also how on a time he had been invited to reign in Galitch, he extended his views beyond Kief to Carpathian Russia. But a slight failure in the South caused him to return to Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest, not taking his eye for a moment, however, from Novgorod. Working now against Yuri, he strove to incite him to quarrel with his nephews, Vassilko and Vsevolod, sons of Constantine, the first of whom was Prince of Rostoff, the second Prince of Yaroslav on the Volga.Ten years had passed since the death of Big Nest in 1212,—years filled with strife, disorder and conflict. A second ten years had begun. That which had troubled Russia in the past threatened in the future, with the end not in sight. And so it continued until a thunderbolt fell, as it were from the sky, “a punishment for the sins of many generations, and for all the injustice and lawlessness committed from one generation to another. The anger which was preparing on high,” as the chronicler says, “and was delayed by the long suffering of God, burst forth at last.”And now comes the period of vast and radical changes in Russia.These changes were caused indirectly by the Polovtsi in 1224, who, fearing greatly the dauntless Mongols, who were attacking them, appealed to the Christian princes. “They have seized our country,” said the Polovtsi. “To-morrow they will seize yours.” Mystislav the Gallant, taking advantage of this opportunity to[222]crush a possible future enemy, persuaded other princes of Southern Russia to join him in aiding the Polovtsi. Basti, Khan of these idolatrous Polovtsi, embraced Orthodoxy to cement the alliance with the Russians, and the army moved forward without delay. Upon reaching the lower Dnieper, the Russians, under Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel, Prince of Volynia, Mystislav, Grand Prince of Kief, Oleg of Kursk, Mystislav of Chernigoff, Vladimir of Smolensk, and Vsevolod, for a short time Prince of Novgorod, were met by envoys from the Mongols, who tried to persuade them to abandon the cause of the Polovtsi, saying: “The Mongols have nothing against the Russians. It is the pagans whom we wish to destroy. We are as the Russians in that we worship the one God. Profit by our offer, and avenge yourselves upon the enemy who has warred against you in the past.” The envoys were seized and put to death immediately, and the Russians continued their march.At the Kalka, a small stream flowing into the Sea of Azoff, they encountered the Mongol forces, led by two great commanders, Subotai and Chepé. Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel of Volynia, and Oleg of Kursk, wishing to win for themselves all the glory of the victory, rushed forward without the aid of the Prince of Kief, and even without warning him of their intention. The Polovtsi advanced also but when the critical moment of the struggle came, they were seized with panic, and fell back upon their Russian allies, thus throwing them into terrible disorder. The defeat was overwhelming; hardly a tenth of the men under those rash leaders escaped, six princes and seventy distinguished voevodas were killed. Mystislav of Kief, abandoned by the army, tried to defend himself in his hastily fortified camp on the banks of the Kalka. The Mongols offered him his life and the lives of his sons-in-law if he would surrender and pay them a ransom for himself and his personal following. Knowing well that he could not successfully contend with the victors, he surrendered. But the Mongols did not regard their promise; they massacred Mystislav’s men, and putting the three princes under heavy planks, they sat upon those planks and feasted while the unfortunate Russians died in the greatest agony.After this victory, the Mongols returned to the East, vanished, and were not seen again for thirteen years.Mystislav died four years after that disastrous battle on the[223]Kalka, and sad was the end of his glory. He began a war on Volynia by reason of a calumny that his son-in-law, Daniel, was trying to deprive him of Galitch,—nay more, there was a direct accusation that Daniel intended to kill him. These accusations were brought against Daniel by Bailski. Later on, Mystislav repented and became friendly with Daniel. He gave rich presents to his daughter Anna, the wife of Daniel, and gave Daniel his best horse, Aklaz. No steed on earth, as he thought, was the equal of that one, for had he not brought him alive from the terrible slaughter on the Kalka. Nevertheless Mystislav betrothed his youngest daughter to the son of Andrei of Hungary, and gave his son-in-law Peremysl at the advice of boyars in Galitch, chief among whom was Sudislav “the traitor,” as people still called him. In bringing Mystislav to give his daughter to the king’s son, these men believed that Galitch would fall to Hungary a second time, and their efforts were directed toward that object very earnestly. All at once a report spread that Mystislav the Gallant had decided to go to the lower country and give Galitch to his father-in-law, Kotyan, a Polovtsi khan. This report was monstrous, and invented doubtless by tricksters, still Galitch men were so greatly alarmed because of it, that many left the country and went to Hungary.The prince contradicted this lie before all the people. He sent Timofei, his confessor, to the fugitives; he persuaded them to return, but soon after the king himself came into Galitch with a numerous army, and insisted that Galitch be given to his son immediately. Mystislav prepared now for battle. This last battle fought by the hero was as decisive and brilliant as any which preceded it. The king’s army was crushed. The king himself fled with maddened mind and shattered body. There was a rumor that this disaster had been foretold him. “Thou wilt not live, if thou see Galitch,” were the reputed words of a wizard whom King Andrei asked to soothsay as he was leaving Hungary.Mystislav’s allies, Daniel and Vassilko, who fought against Leshko, and did not let the Poles help King Andrei, brought their regiments to Galitch and strove to make Mystislav pursue the defeated army. Mystislav was unwilling to do this; Sudislav and the boyars, not wishing the ruin of the king, in whom lay their great hope, opposed with all their power; and the war with Hungary ended in nothing.[224]Mystislav, weary of the utter faithlessness of the boyars, resolved to leave Galitch. This resolution delighted the boyars; but they warned him immediately that the hatred of the country toward him reached also to Daniel, hence they advised him to give Galitch to the king’s son as a dowry for his daughter. This advice they strengthened by the following words: “If thou give Galitch to the king’s son as dowry for thy daughter, thou canst withdraw it later on, should the wish come, but if thou yield now to Daniel, Galitch will never be thine again.” Mystislav made no answer, but he did as they advised. He married his daughter to the king’s son and then gave them Galitch, thus acting as a traitor toward Russia. He withdrew after that, and lived on the Ros in Podolia.Daniel, though deceived and disappointed most cruelly, did not utter a word of complaint. He remained true to Mystislav, and grew stronger and stronger in Volynia. Mystislav the Silent who admired Daniel greatly, left him the province of Lutsk, but Daniel had to use force to obtain this inheritance, for not only Bailski but Yaroslav, the nephew of Mystislav the Silent, raised arms against him. Knowing Mystislav the Gallant’s affection for these princes Daniel sent his own trusty friend to explain the situation to his father-in-law, who was glad to communicate directly with Daniel, from whom he had allowed himself to be separated by false and intriguing boyars. Explanations made, Mystislav sent a secret message to Daniel: “My son,” said he, “I sinned in not giving thee Galitch. The boyars deceived me through Sudislav the Traitor. Go with God’s assistance against them. I will summon the Polovtsi to aid thee, and do thou move with thy own men. God give thee Galitch, and I will stay here.”In this way the old man hoped to repair his shortcomings, but he died soon after in Torchesk. Aware that death was approaching he begged to see Daniel; he wished to commit all his house to him, since he had perfect trust in his honesty. The crafty boyars, however, prevented this meeting, and Mystislav the Gallant died in lonely Torchesk, without seeing his son-in-law. Of his end it is only known that when he fell ill, in 1228, he retired to a monastery and assumed the monk’s habit. He left all Podolia to Daniel, but for this inheritance a general war broke out quickly in Volynia, Galitch, Kief and Chernigoff, involving all Southern Russia in bloodshed.[225]

CHAPTER IXBALTIC PROVINCES

To understand the difficulties of the situation in the north Baltic region, it will be necessary to describe it somewhat in detail. In the tenth century the Russian coast on the Baltic belonged to the Polotsk principality, to Pskoff and to Novgorod. The western part, that which had the Dvina River for its artery, belonged to the Polotsk princes; north and east of that were the Pskoff possessions, and last of all those of Novgorod.The Polotsk coast was inhabited by tribes known collectively as Kors and Livs. Later on, their territory was called by the Germans Korland and Livland. The part belonging to Pskoff was occupied by Chud, or Fin tribes. The Russians gave no collective name to these regions, but called each group by its own name; a good proof that they were left in great part to themselves.Though all those tribes paid tribute to Pskoff, Polotsk or Novgorod, they were not disturbed in their mode of living. During almost a century and a half the Russian princes built no forts or strongholds in that country. From Polotsk to the sea there were but few places. Gersiké and Kuikenos were the capitals of those lands which belonged to Polotsk. At the beginning of the eleventh century, the Polotsk region was ruled by Prince Vsevolod, whose wife was a Lithuanian. In Kuikenos was Prince Vyacheslav. The country was left mainly to the care of its inhabitants. They paid tribute and kept landing-places and portages. After the manner of primitive people, they had many disputes among themselves, but in those disputes the Russian princes meddled little; their main interest was to receive tribute, and have an open road to the sea. Christianity was spreading gradually, though no great effort was made to change the primitive religion.At the beginning of the twelfth century, Bremen merchants[207]visited the Baltic coast of Russia and established small landing-places and villages. One of these was called Dalen, another Holm, a third Ikskul. The latter was on the Dvina about twenty-five miles from its mouth, and was simply the native village of Ikeskola; here the Germans built a small fort with a warehouse. They knew well that this coast belonged to Russia, and was a part of the Polotsk principality, and their thought was how to get possession of it.To Vladimir, Prince of Polotsk, came one day a man of God, an old monk, Meinhardt by name. He had, he said, devoted all his life to God, and, being in the Polotsk country, wished to work for God there. He thought it his duty to bow down before Vladimir, who held all that region of the Dvina, and to beg permission to preach the word of God among the pagan tribes of the Baltic coast. Vladimir received him kindly and gave the desired permission.Ten years passed. Suddenly it was announced throughout the Polotsk principality that the Kors and Livs were attacking the Germans. In the course of those ten years wonderful things had happened. When the monk Meinhardt went from Prince Vladimir to Ikeskola with a greeting from the prince, the people listened to his words willingly; he was himself astonished at the success of his preaching. His flock increased rapidly. People came from far and near to be baptized; they came by families and then by whole villages. He built a church in Ikeskola and one also in Holm.But, strangely enough, this monk knew how to build fortresses. Besides being a spiritual leader, he was a warrior of much skill. During his first winter in the country, 1186–1187, Ikeskola was attacked by a neighboring tribe. Meinhardt armed his spiritual children with clubs and axes, and set out against the enemy. He made an ambush and gained a great victory. After that, conversion went on still more rapidly. The monk meanwhile persuaded the people to build a stone fortress. He brought in German masons and mechanics, and the following summer he built two large castles with towers, in fact regular fortresses, at Ikeskola and Holm.Besides merchants and mechanics, warriors began to appear in the country, and Meinhardt invited in Latin monks to assist[208]him in his spiritual labors. He sent one of these monks, Dietrich, to convert people in the neighborhood of Aa River. This man was acquainted with medicinal plants and could heal the sick; but he was greatly disliked. The people were suspicious of him. Finally he was seized and condemned to be burned alive, but his life was spared through soothsaying. Before burning him, the people placed a spear on the ground and led a horse up to it; the horse crossed it with the “foot of life.” The people would not believe, they demanded a second trial; the result was the same. They freed the monk, and thereafter Meinhardt kept him near his person,—not as a preacher, but as an adviser.Of the most important elders of his church, Meinhardt formed a body-guard. Among those men he chose certain ones who were to act as spies and inform him of every secret. These he distinguished above others, and rewarded. He sent them to persuade the people, and by degrees the most stubborn yielded.Meanwhile German commerce flourished. From Holm, or Kirchholm, as Meinhardt called the place after his church was built, and Ikeskola new villages were founded. Taking the name of the Livs, the whole country was now called by the Latinized term Livonia, and the churches were mentioned as “the Church of Livonia.” It might seem that this work was one that could never be undone. But all at once there was a tempest—a wild revolt throughout the whole country. A thing unheard of, a spectacle unique in Christianity was presented to the eyes of the “Apostle of Livonia,” as disciples called Meinhardt, when those same people who had received baptism from him sprang into the Dvina, washed themselves clean of his apostolic touch, dived in the water “to purify their persons.” “Behold!” shouted they to him. “We have cleansed ourselves from German baptism.” And looking at the waves of the river rushing toward the sea, they added: “Be off from us, far away. Go to the place whence thou hast come.” In this manner the whole country gave back its baptism to the German monk.Meinhardt began to threaten. He would sail away; he would find a legion of defenders of Christ and bring them back on countless ships. Then they would see how God punished apostates, they would see the awful power of Christ’s vicar on earth, by whom he, Meinhardt, had been deputed. This threat alarmed the people;[209]they became tearful and begged him not to leave them. Instead of going himself, he sent Dietrich.Why did the people rise? “Because they differed little from beasts, were wild and rude. There had been great religious excitement, and this uprising was simply a reaction.” This is the explanation of certain historians, but a further statement should be added: The monk had begun to enforce obedience to the Archbishop of Bremen, and to demand tithes for “the church.” The “Apostle of Livonia” was a faithful servant of the Archbishop of Bremen. He was made Bishop of Livonia in subjection to Bremen in 1188, and died in 1196.The monk Berthold, an abbot of the Cistercian Order, appointed to fill Meinhardt’s place, heard that the people were considering whether to burn him in the church or drown him in the river. He shut himself up in Kirchholm, but he had warriors clad in steel from head to foot, with heavy swords at their sides, and sitting on mighty horses, such as the people had never seen till that day. These were the “Knights.” People sent to ask why this man of God had brought those warriors into the country. “To punish apostates,” was the answer.The bishop now prepared for a serious uprising. He left Holm and encamped at the mouth of the river Rigje. People began to gather from far and near, crowds of half-naked men, armed with sharp sticks, clubs and axes. The more they increased, crowd after crowd, the more they gathered courage. The knights let the natives assemble in the greatest possible number—they did not hasten to begin the battle, but when at last they did rush forward, they had not long to struggle for victory. It was impossible to stop the onrush of the conquerors. The bishop, Berthold, in pursuing the people, was carried away by excitement. He lost control of his spirited horse and became separated from his men. The Livs immediately surrounded him, and chopped him into small bits.The triumph on the German side was complete, and they made a terrible use of it. It might be said that the warriors of the cross became executioners. The people begged for mercy, and promised to submit to baptism again, and to receive into the villages the priests who had been driven out. But in vain did they plead. All were sentenced to death. Separate divisions of knights passed[210]through the country, and in every village dealt out dreadful punishment to “apostates.”The youthful Livonian church was thus reëstablished. Then the Western crusaders, considering their holy work finished, and their sins absolved, reëmbarked and sailed away home. But all at once, and most unexpectedly, there was a new outburst of rage and indignation through the whole country. The natives rushed at the “vile strangers,” killing or beating them, and looting their homes. They intended to act in like manner with all foreigners, but the merchants gave them great presents, and bought their good-will. Those who had been re-baptized sprang a second time into the river, and a second time washed themselves clean of the German religion.When this news reached Bremen and Rome, they decided to delay no longer, but acquire Livonia in permanence. To do this they needed a military brotherhood warring for Christ.The Germans appeared now in a triple character: as a military order to strike down opposition; as merchants to extend trade; as a church to bring all to the faith. As their leader stood forth Albert von Apeldern Bukshevden, and to aid in subjecting Livonia the Pope gave him permission to found a new knightly order, the members of which would spend their lives in extending the Livonian church. Albert visited the chief German cities, enlisted knights, and collected contributions for his great “patriotic work.” His knights wore a white mantle on which was a red cross and a red sword. In Russia they were called “Bearers of the Sword.” They took the name willingly, and called themselves “Brothers of the Sword.”Albert’s first work was to build a fortress at the mouth of the river, and then began the city of Riga at the village Rigje. In two years there was a fortress and a cathedral. The people received him unwillingly. Being a keen politician, he opened negotiations with the natives, and, when their elders went to him to conclude peace, he seized them and threatened to send them to Germany. This threat brought the elders to terms, and Albert obtained of their sons thirty as hostages. These were sent to Bremen to be educated.Soon a dispute arose between Albert, the sovereign Bishop of Livonia, and the Order, which wished on its part to rule the conquered[211]country. It was finally settled by the Pope, who divided the land into three parts. One third was to go to the bishop; one third to the metropolitan of the city of Riga, and one third to the Order. But the Order would not live in the same city with the bishop, so they erected a castle,—Wenden. This castle and the city which grew up around it became the capital of the Order. Here lived the “Grand Master,” as the Germans entitled him. In every direction castles of barons and knights sprang up like mushrooms. In proportion as the people were conquered and converted, they were turned into slaves and forced to build strongholds for their masters. The material reward for saving souls was all the land and all the people.Albert put to death unsparingly those who refused to be baptized. In villages where the people tried to free themselves of their enslavers, the Germans killed whole crowds of prisoners—in some cases the entire male population—and consumed the village with fire. In other places, where they went into servitude meekly, they were taken on campaigns against regions not yet subjected. The bishop favored quarrels between tribes, and by skilful management used one tribe to subdue another. Thus also did he rouse tribes against Russia; inspire them not to pay tribute to Pskoff or Novgorod, and promise to liberate them with German assistance. He even helped them in their raids against the Russians.Why did Polotsk princes permit intruders to seize their ancient possessions? Were no efforts made to drive them out? There were. Prince Vsevolod, assisted by Lithuanians, advanced to attack Riga, but when he saw from a distance the tower and walls of the city he turned back. Afterward Vladimir went from Polotsk to Ikeskola. The Germans, taken by surprise, carried out gifts to him, and he left without interfering with the city. He went to Holm, but that city could not be taken by surprise. Reinforcements hurried up from Riga, and Vladimir left, merely taking tribute. Albert, the wily bishop, expressed no astonishment that the Polotsk prince had come. On the contrary, he explained that the tribute paid by the tribes to Polotsk was in his eyes a sacred matter. In the future, he would himself undertake to forward it to Polotsk. Vladimir discovered that his rights had not been assailed and would not be. As to the Germans baptizing the Kors,[212]Livs and Chuds, it was done by his permission given to Meinhardt.In 1206, Albert, now archbishop, felt the need of further explanations, hence he sent an embassy to Vladimir. At that time a general uprising was feared. One of the elders, Ako, was rousing the whole country against the German intruders. It was reported that the Polotsk prince was coming to assist the oppressed people. In fact many elders of the tribes had begged Vladimir to aid them. There was a great movement in Polotsk, and the prince was making ready for a campaign, when the embassy arrived. At the head of the embassy was Theodoric, with gifts and pleasant words. Vladimir decided to receive the envoys, but only in presence of the elders, who had come with complaints against the archbishop. The reception, which began with gifts, came near ending in a hand to hand encounter. When Vladimir asked why they came, the abbot answered, “To strengthen peace and friendship.” The elders, on hearing this statement, raised such a terrible outcry that the prince hastened to end the reception, requesting the envoys to await his decision.Theodoric immediately sent a letter of warning to Albert, and Riga began at once to prepare for defense; the Grand Master and knights were occupied day and night. Vladimir heard of this, and lost all hope of seizing Riga by surprise. After consulting with his warriors, he decided to invite the bishop to Polotsk to examine with him the complaints made by the elders. He dismissed the Riga embassy, and with them sent his own embassy. When they reached Kuikenos the Polotsk embassy stopped; only one member of it went with the abbot to declare the wish of the prince to Albert.While the envoys were waiting Albert’s reply, they summoned all who had complaints to make to meet at Kuikenos. The elders who had been in Polotsk were already there, and many people came from both sides of the river. The envoys were waiting impatiently for the bishop, when he sent this haughty answer to their invitation. “Envoys do not summon ruling personages to whom they are sent, but appear themselves with obeisance.” The people who had assembled turned now to the Polotsk envoys, asking what they were to do. The envoys could give no advice. Thinking there was no further help from Polotsk, the unfortunate[213]adherents of Ako attacked Holm, where they were cut down like sheep. A few of the insurgents were left alive to form a spectacle in Riga, whither they were driven in chains to be executed. The archbishop had not considered it necessary to be present at this battle. After mass, while the abbot was still in the cathedral, a knight brought him Ako’s bloody head as a token of victory.The bishop found it needful to visit Europe often. He had to go to Rome; he had to make explanations to the Bremen archbishop; he had to see his friend, the Danish king, who was looking for his share of profit by conversion; he had also to select German colonists and craftsmen. While hewasabsent on one of these journeys, the people rose up to avenge Ako. They went again to Vladimir, who consulted with his warriors. “Delay not,” said they; “the blood of these people will fall on us.” A campaign was decided upon, but the new campaign was more unsuccessful than the first and brought more woe on the ill-fated people. Vladimir found Riga strongly fortified. He tried to take Holm, but failed. Suddenly news came from Riga that a great fleet was approaching. When Vladimir heard of this, he withdrew from Holm. The fleet was that of the Danish king, who had stopped at Riga, but only to sail farther. Vladimir, by his weakness, had again brought destruction on the people. The conversion of the Kors and Livs was now completed to the remotest corner of the country. All begged for mercy, all promised to accept baptism and the priests. The kind and faithful pastor pacified his bishopric, until no dissenting voice was heard.The bishop raised no question with Vladimir. He acted as though no attack had been made. But he opened negotiations on another subject. He pointed out that the Lithuanians were robbers, and quarrelsome, and proposed an alliance between himself and Vladimir. In 1210 he sent an envoy, Rudolph, to Polotsk on this business. In Polotsk they failed, it seems, to understand that the alliance was not so precious to Albert as the recognition by treaty that the two contracting parties had equal rights to carry on and conclude such a treaty, a recognition, as it were, of his own sovereignty. On one side it was arranged that the Livs should pay the Polotsk prince an annual tribute, or the Riga archbishop would pay it for them; on the other side, Vladimir[214]permitted free trade on the Dvina River. Thus did Albert settle with the capital city of Polotsk, and with its ruling prince.As for the petty princes of Gersiké and Kuikenos, they were treated more unceremoniously. Wenden Castle stood on the high bank of the river Aa, and commanded the whole region. This castle was the residence of the Grand Master. Vyachko, Prince of Kuikenos, the unfortunate neighbor of such barons and counts, did not deceive himself. He knew that his fate was an evil one. The knight, Von Lenewerden, broke into Kuikenos, occupied the place with his men, declared the inhabitants prisoners, and put Vyachko in irons. On hearing of this, the archbishop summoned both Vyachko and Von Lenewerden to Riga, and reconciled them. He restored Vyachko’s property, and persuaded him, as protection for the future, to have a German guard in his town. Soon after a band formed of Lithuanians and Kors, occupied in sea robbery, attacked Riga on a sudden. That day Riga hardly saved itself. The assailants fought desperately. The Riga men, wearied almost beyond endurance, considered their destruction as certain; but aid came unexpectedly, and the assailants departed. They made a great fire on the seacoast, threw their dead into it, and sailed away from Riga.At every report of trouble in Riga, the people of the country were encouraged to rise against their enslavers. Vyachko now rebelled. He sent to Vladimir, the Polotsk prince, asking him to take advantage of the trouble, and of the absence of the archbishop. Meanwhile he destroyed the garrison brought into his city. When the archbishop returned and learned of this act of “his assistant,” as he considered Vyachko, he moved with the whole Order against “the rebel.” They took everything that could be taken, and then burned the city. Thus did Vyachko part with Kuikenos, his birthplace. The people escaped to swamps and forests. Higher up the river was Gersiké. Albert had long threatened Vsevolod, its petty prince, and accused him of friendship for Lithuanians, saying that instead of guarding Riga from Lithuanians, he made it easy for them to cross the Dvina. The archbishop now thought it important that he should take possession of Gersiké and thus in the eyes of the Livs become their defender against Lithuanians. The hostility between these people and the Lithuanians, who were related to them by race, seemed unappeasable.[215]Albert surprised Gersiké. Vsevolod succeeded in crossing the river and hiding in the forest, but his wife and family were captured; everything of value was taken, and the town burned. The archbishop was magnanimous; he sent to Vsevolod, saying that if he wished peace and his family he must come to Riga. Vsevolod went immediately. He called Albert father, and asked for his family. “I will restore them,” said the archbishop, “but art thou willing to give thy principality forever to the Riga Cathedral?” Vsevolod thought that the archbishop meant to rob him, but when Albert explained that he would give his possessions back as a gift to him, with his wife and children, Vsevolod agreed to everything. Thus did Germans settle with the petty princes.Their success with Polotsk was more than incredible.When the archbishop had concluded his treaty with Vladimir of Polotsk, he strove to form just such relations with Pskoff and Novgorod. His policy was diplomatic and cautious. He roused the tribes subject to Novgorod by the report that the Germans had come to free them from tribute. But after Pskoff and Novgorod warriors went through the country beyond Odempe, and even as far as the sea, all action stopped and the tribes settled back into obedience.Albert now complained more and more to Pskoff and Novgorod of robber attacks upon commerce from “unruly” subjects of Russia. He said that it was indispensable in self-defense to put down Tolova and Torma. If he could keep the country in his power, he could collect and send the tribute to Pskoff and Novgorod.Vladimir, the Pskoff prince, liked Riga and the Germans so well that he had given his daughter to Dietrich, a brother of Albert, but for this friendship the Pskoff people dismissed him. He then went to Riga, where Albert received him gladly, and gave him land.When Vladimir of Polotsk saw that Pskoff and Novgorod would make no treaty with the archbishop, he was greatly concerned. He was uncertain how it was best to act against his insolent neighbor, but at last he decided to write to him touching various questions. Albert replied that he had nothing against a friendly meeting, but where could they meet? He could not expect the Polotsk prince to come to him, nor could he go to Polotsk. Kuikenos[216]now belonged to the lands of the Order. There still remained ruined Gersiké. And in that city, in 1213, they had a notable meeting.The Prince of Polotsk had much to discuss with the master of Livonia. Albert, however, would not touch upon anything that Vladimir really wanted, and turned stubbornly to the question of how they were to act toward a common enemy. He proposed that they act as allies, and pointed out the great good to come from this coöperation. He said that the treaty already concluded was too narrow; it required broadening. Vladimir was a simple man and expressed his thought to the wily archbishop with artless words. On a sudden he said to him: “Wilt thou at last stop baptizing my Kors and Livs; wilt thou leave my people in peace? They are mine absolutely, not thine. If I wish to baptize them, I will do so, if not let them remain unbaptized.” The archbishop was astounded. Appealing to the command of God: “Go ye and teach all nations, baptizing them,” he asked the Polotsk prince which command should be honored, that of God, or of man. The simple and good-natured Vladimir replied: “That of God,” and said no more about baptism.“Tribute is another thing,” continued Albert. “God himself established that all who are under authority shall pay tribute to their rulers. Render unto Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s.” Recently this tribute had been stopped, but the archbishop declared that he was not to blame. The Livonians were now begging him to free them from the yoke of Russia. This was not pleasant for Vladimir to hear. He began with angry words to threaten. He would burn Riga; he would not let his land be trampled by foreign intruders; he would level their cities to the earth. The meeting came very near ending in a battle, and nothing was accomplished.After Vladimir’s return to Polotsk, he grew very sad. His warriors said not a word, but he heard the reproach: “Think what thou hast done in giving the Germans such power. What answer canst thou render to God for their crimes?” The people were silent, but the prince saw that they were thinking day and night of how they could avoid falling into the power of the foreigner. In this sorrow Vladimir continued, till at last every one was roused and made happy by the great success of Novgorod.[217]About the time that Mystislav the Gallant came back to Novgorod in 1214, the insolence of the tribes incited by the archbishop had become unendurable. Mystislav at once led his warriors into that country, and went twice from side to side through the whole region. When he had finished the people bowed down to him, and began as before to send tribute to Novgorod. In 1216 Mystislav left Novgorod, but an example had been given, and Vladimir of Polotsk recovered his courage. Soon there was at Polotsk an immense congregation of warriors,—many Russians and a multitude of Livs. The army was ready to move, but as Vladimir was about to embark he stumbled in stepping from the shore to the boat, fell into the water, and died suddenly. That ended the expedition.Saved from Polotsk, the knights did not escape defeat from Novgorod. They had subjected again the places won by Mystislav, but Novgorod recovered them.With the death of Vladimir of Polotsk, that principality ceased, as one might say, to exist. In that region Russians and Lithuanians had so assimilated that they were difficult to distinguish.Vladimir was without a successor. After his death, where the German domain ended, the Lithuanian began. There was now an independent Livonia, and the Germans were seeking to include that region where they had built the castle of Fellin, a region which the Danes admired as the Revel coast. This was the Estland, or the Esthonia of Rome.After Mystislav the Gallant had shaken the power of the Vladimir principality by the battle of Lipetsk, and vanished forever from Novgorod, there was an interval of quiet, beginning with 1218, which greatly favored the Germans in their efforts to obtain Esthonia. But the Danish king was equally anxious to get possession of this country, or, according to his biographer, he wanted to purify his conscience from sin and show his devotion to the Riga Mother of God; therefore he disembarked on the coast of Livonia a numerous army.The Danes and the Riga Germans now did their best to excel each other at baptizing. Villages and settlements trembled at the appearance of the “cross-bearers.” Wherever there was a battle the conquerors became executioners, and in retaliation, whenever a soldier of the cross fell into the hands of the natives, they burned[218]him alive as an offering to their god; sometimes they flayed a cross out of the flesh of his back before burning him.From the castle of Fellin and along the Revel coast regions, the country had gibbets thickly planted over it. From dread of the terrible sword and gibbet of the intruder, the people were anxious for baptism. The Riga Germans had many priests, the Danes only a few; but when the Danes lacked priests they used lay baptism. They collected the people in a crowd, and baptized them all together. It happened frequently that when the German knights came, people fell on their knees and cried: “We are baptized already.” There were cases where the two crowds of missionaries met, and one took its converts from the other by force of arms. The hatred of the baptizers for each other became so great that the archbishop went to Rome to complain of the Danes, but he found there envoys from the Danish king on a similar errand. The Pope confirmed the Revel coast to the Danish king; afterward, however, the whole land went to Riga.The Kors and Livs had not been able to save themselves under the protection of Polotsk, neither were these tribes protected by Novgorod. In five or six years, that is between 1218 and 1224, their evil fate was settled. During that period princes changed several times in Novgorod; and the Pskoff men gravely considered in their meetings the question of making an alliance with Riga. Complaint against Novgorod was general. “Our Novgorod brothers,” said they, “come to take tribute of rebellious tribes and then go home quickly; when they are gone we suffer doubly on their account. A bad peace with Germans is better than such brotherly assistance.”At this period Lithuanians were troubled greatly by refugees of their own stock, who had been driven out of Prussia. These people, urged by the Livonian knights, made raids against Novgorod. Warring continually with its new enemy, Novgorod was not able to properly defend its possessions on the coast, and so asked aid of Yuri of Vladimir. Yuri sent Sviatoslav, his brother, with troops. There was a battle at Wenden, the knights were defeated, and the castle was besieged, but the Grand Master succeeded in bringing in reinforcements, and the Russians, satisfied with their booty, withdrew.The Letts, who were obedient to the Germans and under their[219]lead, now threatened Pskoff. The whole country about there, called Esthonia by the Germans, consisted of warring fragments now under German, and now under Russian command. Odempe, Izborsk, and Yurieff passed from hand to hand. The people suffered from the Russians because they yielded to the Germans, and from the Germans because they went back to the Russians.It would be impossible to count all the campaigns and raids of that troubled time.The archbishop was hated for his cruelty. Populations whom he came to convert were filled with terror by his presence; they submitted to baptism, but they washed it away quickly when he was gone.To their assistance came the Novgorod prince, Yaroslav, son of Big Nest. When on his way to Riga, envoys came to him from the Sea-Fins, from the island of Izel, and begged him to defend them from the Danes. The country from Izborsk and Yurieff toward Fellin seemed free of the enemy. It remained to drive the Danes from the Revel coast, strengthen Revel and build a stone fortress there. When Yaroslav approached Fellin, a fearful sight met his eyes; traces of the terrible knights were everywhere; villages had been burned; in places the earth was red with blood; there were gibbets with bodies swinging from them. The knights had retaken Fellin, and the Russian garrison had been slaughtered. Yaroslav and his forces went through the country to the sea, approached Kolivan and besieged the castle of Revel for nearly a month. The Danes defended the place valiantly. At that stage, Yaroslav took counsel of the Novgorod men, and decided to abandon the siege for a large tribute in gold. The Pskoff people considered this ending of the campaign inglorious, and blamed their “brothers of Novgorod” for their selfish conduct. But even this campaign did not shake the faith of the people in their Russian defenders.Yurieff and the country around struggled against the knights till completely exhausted. While waiting for promised reinforcements from Novgorod, a few Russian champions and native people fought with the whole force of Livonian knights. This party of brave men was led by the most insignificant prince of all Russia, that Prince Vyachko, from whom the archbishop had taken his native place, Kuikenos. His name, however, had[220]acquired great notoriety among the Germans, for he was their most irreconcilable enemy. From Kuikenos, Vyachko had gone to Yurieff, and there he gave the Germans no peace. He strengthened the place, and made savage raids on all sides. At last the archbishop decided, cost what it might, to take Yurieff, that hateful den where all the “malefactors and traitors” had assembled, as well as many of the bitterest enemies of the church in Livonia, and where they were commanded by that prince who, from the beginning, had been the root of all evil.The archbishop himself took part in this campaign, bringing with him a multitude of knights from various parts of Germany. The Knights of Livonia assisted with all their strength. The place was surrounded and besieged. In addition to the usual engines of war, the Germans had a movable tower as high as the walls of the city. Under cover of this tower, they began to dig a tunnel. Meanwhile they entered intonegotiationswith Vyachko, offering him a free escape with all the Russians, horses and arms, if he would surrender the fortress and with it the natives who had found shelter within its walls. Vyachko gave an answer which the archbishop called shameless and insolent, and in Russian style.After the refusal of terms, the siege continued with redoubled force. The knights complained of the great loss inflicted upon them by the garrison of the fortress, which day after day, made desperate sallies. At last, fearing that relief might come to the besieged, the Germans determined to storm the place. Next morning at daybreak, a fierce assault was made, but it was repulsed. Later on the besieged made an opening in the wall just opposite the tower, and hurled out blazing stuff to burn down the structure. The besiegers rushed to extinguish the fire, and in the general excitement and uproar certain knights made their way through the opening in the wall. Once inside, they spared no one; a terrible struggle ensued. Meanwhile the place was fired by its defenders, who had sworn to perish to the last man in case of defeat. The Germans captured but one man, who later on was sent to Novgorod, with a message that Yurieff was taken.When this messenger arrived, and announced that help was not needed, that all had perished, there was great sadness in the city, for the warriors were on the eve of marching to relieve the besieged.[221]Not long after this, Pskoff, still fighting with Novgorod, made a friendly alliance and treaty with Riga. This happened when Novgorod men were continually sending away Prince Yaroslav and recalling him. It is not to be wondered at that while there was such internal dissension and disagreement between Novgorod men themselves, and between Novgorod and Pskoff, the Germans succeeded in Esthonia. Whatever the peace terms were between Pskoff and Riga, the Germans had become an acknowledged and independent power on the Baltic coast of Russia.Yaroslav, about this time, went to Pereyaslavl on the Alta, and Yuri of Vladimir, who had married the daughter of Chermny, gave Novgorod to his brother-in-law, Michael. Thereupon Yaroslav, opposing Yuri, drove Michael from Novgorod, and conquered Chernigoff.Remembering how he had been driven from Pereyaslavl by Chermny, Yaroslav occupied that region which once had belonged to him. Remembering also how on a time he had been invited to reign in Galitch, he extended his views beyond Kief to Carpathian Russia. But a slight failure in the South caused him to return to Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest, not taking his eye for a moment, however, from Novgorod. Working now against Yuri, he strove to incite him to quarrel with his nephews, Vassilko and Vsevolod, sons of Constantine, the first of whom was Prince of Rostoff, the second Prince of Yaroslav on the Volga.Ten years had passed since the death of Big Nest in 1212,—years filled with strife, disorder and conflict. A second ten years had begun. That which had troubled Russia in the past threatened in the future, with the end not in sight. And so it continued until a thunderbolt fell, as it were from the sky, “a punishment for the sins of many generations, and for all the injustice and lawlessness committed from one generation to another. The anger which was preparing on high,” as the chronicler says, “and was delayed by the long suffering of God, burst forth at last.”And now comes the period of vast and radical changes in Russia.These changes were caused indirectly by the Polovtsi in 1224, who, fearing greatly the dauntless Mongols, who were attacking them, appealed to the Christian princes. “They have seized our country,” said the Polovtsi. “To-morrow they will seize yours.” Mystislav the Gallant, taking advantage of this opportunity to[222]crush a possible future enemy, persuaded other princes of Southern Russia to join him in aiding the Polovtsi. Basti, Khan of these idolatrous Polovtsi, embraced Orthodoxy to cement the alliance with the Russians, and the army moved forward without delay. Upon reaching the lower Dnieper, the Russians, under Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel, Prince of Volynia, Mystislav, Grand Prince of Kief, Oleg of Kursk, Mystislav of Chernigoff, Vladimir of Smolensk, and Vsevolod, for a short time Prince of Novgorod, were met by envoys from the Mongols, who tried to persuade them to abandon the cause of the Polovtsi, saying: “The Mongols have nothing against the Russians. It is the pagans whom we wish to destroy. We are as the Russians in that we worship the one God. Profit by our offer, and avenge yourselves upon the enemy who has warred against you in the past.” The envoys were seized and put to death immediately, and the Russians continued their march.At the Kalka, a small stream flowing into the Sea of Azoff, they encountered the Mongol forces, led by two great commanders, Subotai and Chepé. Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel of Volynia, and Oleg of Kursk, wishing to win for themselves all the glory of the victory, rushed forward without the aid of the Prince of Kief, and even without warning him of their intention. The Polovtsi advanced also but when the critical moment of the struggle came, they were seized with panic, and fell back upon their Russian allies, thus throwing them into terrible disorder. The defeat was overwhelming; hardly a tenth of the men under those rash leaders escaped, six princes and seventy distinguished voevodas were killed. Mystislav of Kief, abandoned by the army, tried to defend himself in his hastily fortified camp on the banks of the Kalka. The Mongols offered him his life and the lives of his sons-in-law if he would surrender and pay them a ransom for himself and his personal following. Knowing well that he could not successfully contend with the victors, he surrendered. But the Mongols did not regard their promise; they massacred Mystislav’s men, and putting the three princes under heavy planks, they sat upon those planks and feasted while the unfortunate Russians died in the greatest agony.After this victory, the Mongols returned to the East, vanished, and were not seen again for thirteen years.Mystislav died four years after that disastrous battle on the[223]Kalka, and sad was the end of his glory. He began a war on Volynia by reason of a calumny that his son-in-law, Daniel, was trying to deprive him of Galitch,—nay more, there was a direct accusation that Daniel intended to kill him. These accusations were brought against Daniel by Bailski. Later on, Mystislav repented and became friendly with Daniel. He gave rich presents to his daughter Anna, the wife of Daniel, and gave Daniel his best horse, Aklaz. No steed on earth, as he thought, was the equal of that one, for had he not brought him alive from the terrible slaughter on the Kalka. Nevertheless Mystislav betrothed his youngest daughter to the son of Andrei of Hungary, and gave his son-in-law Peremysl at the advice of boyars in Galitch, chief among whom was Sudislav “the traitor,” as people still called him. In bringing Mystislav to give his daughter to the king’s son, these men believed that Galitch would fall to Hungary a second time, and their efforts were directed toward that object very earnestly. All at once a report spread that Mystislav the Gallant had decided to go to the lower country and give Galitch to his father-in-law, Kotyan, a Polovtsi khan. This report was monstrous, and invented doubtless by tricksters, still Galitch men were so greatly alarmed because of it, that many left the country and went to Hungary.The prince contradicted this lie before all the people. He sent Timofei, his confessor, to the fugitives; he persuaded them to return, but soon after the king himself came into Galitch with a numerous army, and insisted that Galitch be given to his son immediately. Mystislav prepared now for battle. This last battle fought by the hero was as decisive and brilliant as any which preceded it. The king’s army was crushed. The king himself fled with maddened mind and shattered body. There was a rumor that this disaster had been foretold him. “Thou wilt not live, if thou see Galitch,” were the reputed words of a wizard whom King Andrei asked to soothsay as he was leaving Hungary.Mystislav’s allies, Daniel and Vassilko, who fought against Leshko, and did not let the Poles help King Andrei, brought their regiments to Galitch and strove to make Mystislav pursue the defeated army. Mystislav was unwilling to do this; Sudislav and the boyars, not wishing the ruin of the king, in whom lay their great hope, opposed with all their power; and the war with Hungary ended in nothing.[224]Mystislav, weary of the utter faithlessness of the boyars, resolved to leave Galitch. This resolution delighted the boyars; but they warned him immediately that the hatred of the country toward him reached also to Daniel, hence they advised him to give Galitch to the king’s son as a dowry for his daughter. This advice they strengthened by the following words: “If thou give Galitch to the king’s son as dowry for thy daughter, thou canst withdraw it later on, should the wish come, but if thou yield now to Daniel, Galitch will never be thine again.” Mystislav made no answer, but he did as they advised. He married his daughter to the king’s son and then gave them Galitch, thus acting as a traitor toward Russia. He withdrew after that, and lived on the Ros in Podolia.Daniel, though deceived and disappointed most cruelly, did not utter a word of complaint. He remained true to Mystislav, and grew stronger and stronger in Volynia. Mystislav the Silent who admired Daniel greatly, left him the province of Lutsk, but Daniel had to use force to obtain this inheritance, for not only Bailski but Yaroslav, the nephew of Mystislav the Silent, raised arms against him. Knowing Mystislav the Gallant’s affection for these princes Daniel sent his own trusty friend to explain the situation to his father-in-law, who was glad to communicate directly with Daniel, from whom he had allowed himself to be separated by false and intriguing boyars. Explanations made, Mystislav sent a secret message to Daniel: “My son,” said he, “I sinned in not giving thee Galitch. The boyars deceived me through Sudislav the Traitor. Go with God’s assistance against them. I will summon the Polovtsi to aid thee, and do thou move with thy own men. God give thee Galitch, and I will stay here.”In this way the old man hoped to repair his shortcomings, but he died soon after in Torchesk. Aware that death was approaching he begged to see Daniel; he wished to commit all his house to him, since he had perfect trust in his honesty. The crafty boyars, however, prevented this meeting, and Mystislav the Gallant died in lonely Torchesk, without seeing his son-in-law. Of his end it is only known that when he fell ill, in 1228, he retired to a monastery and assumed the monk’s habit. He left all Podolia to Daniel, but for this inheritance a general war broke out quickly in Volynia, Galitch, Kief and Chernigoff, involving all Southern Russia in bloodshed.[225]

To understand the difficulties of the situation in the north Baltic region, it will be necessary to describe it somewhat in detail. In the tenth century the Russian coast on the Baltic belonged to the Polotsk principality, to Pskoff and to Novgorod. The western part, that which had the Dvina River for its artery, belonged to the Polotsk princes; north and east of that were the Pskoff possessions, and last of all those of Novgorod.

The Polotsk coast was inhabited by tribes known collectively as Kors and Livs. Later on, their territory was called by the Germans Korland and Livland. The part belonging to Pskoff was occupied by Chud, or Fin tribes. The Russians gave no collective name to these regions, but called each group by its own name; a good proof that they were left in great part to themselves.

Though all those tribes paid tribute to Pskoff, Polotsk or Novgorod, they were not disturbed in their mode of living. During almost a century and a half the Russian princes built no forts or strongholds in that country. From Polotsk to the sea there were but few places. Gersiké and Kuikenos were the capitals of those lands which belonged to Polotsk. At the beginning of the eleventh century, the Polotsk region was ruled by Prince Vsevolod, whose wife was a Lithuanian. In Kuikenos was Prince Vyacheslav. The country was left mainly to the care of its inhabitants. They paid tribute and kept landing-places and portages. After the manner of primitive people, they had many disputes among themselves, but in those disputes the Russian princes meddled little; their main interest was to receive tribute, and have an open road to the sea. Christianity was spreading gradually, though no great effort was made to change the primitive religion.

At the beginning of the twelfth century, Bremen merchants[207]visited the Baltic coast of Russia and established small landing-places and villages. One of these was called Dalen, another Holm, a third Ikskul. The latter was on the Dvina about twenty-five miles from its mouth, and was simply the native village of Ikeskola; here the Germans built a small fort with a warehouse. They knew well that this coast belonged to Russia, and was a part of the Polotsk principality, and their thought was how to get possession of it.

To Vladimir, Prince of Polotsk, came one day a man of God, an old monk, Meinhardt by name. He had, he said, devoted all his life to God, and, being in the Polotsk country, wished to work for God there. He thought it his duty to bow down before Vladimir, who held all that region of the Dvina, and to beg permission to preach the word of God among the pagan tribes of the Baltic coast. Vladimir received him kindly and gave the desired permission.

Ten years passed. Suddenly it was announced throughout the Polotsk principality that the Kors and Livs were attacking the Germans. In the course of those ten years wonderful things had happened. When the monk Meinhardt went from Prince Vladimir to Ikeskola with a greeting from the prince, the people listened to his words willingly; he was himself astonished at the success of his preaching. His flock increased rapidly. People came from far and near to be baptized; they came by families and then by whole villages. He built a church in Ikeskola and one also in Holm.

But, strangely enough, this monk knew how to build fortresses. Besides being a spiritual leader, he was a warrior of much skill. During his first winter in the country, 1186–1187, Ikeskola was attacked by a neighboring tribe. Meinhardt armed his spiritual children with clubs and axes, and set out against the enemy. He made an ambush and gained a great victory. After that, conversion went on still more rapidly. The monk meanwhile persuaded the people to build a stone fortress. He brought in German masons and mechanics, and the following summer he built two large castles with towers, in fact regular fortresses, at Ikeskola and Holm.

Besides merchants and mechanics, warriors began to appear in the country, and Meinhardt invited in Latin monks to assist[208]him in his spiritual labors. He sent one of these monks, Dietrich, to convert people in the neighborhood of Aa River. This man was acquainted with medicinal plants and could heal the sick; but he was greatly disliked. The people were suspicious of him. Finally he was seized and condemned to be burned alive, but his life was spared through soothsaying. Before burning him, the people placed a spear on the ground and led a horse up to it; the horse crossed it with the “foot of life.” The people would not believe, they demanded a second trial; the result was the same. They freed the monk, and thereafter Meinhardt kept him near his person,—not as a preacher, but as an adviser.

Of the most important elders of his church, Meinhardt formed a body-guard. Among those men he chose certain ones who were to act as spies and inform him of every secret. These he distinguished above others, and rewarded. He sent them to persuade the people, and by degrees the most stubborn yielded.

Meanwhile German commerce flourished. From Holm, or Kirchholm, as Meinhardt called the place after his church was built, and Ikeskola new villages were founded. Taking the name of the Livs, the whole country was now called by the Latinized term Livonia, and the churches were mentioned as “the Church of Livonia.” It might seem that this work was one that could never be undone. But all at once there was a tempest—a wild revolt throughout the whole country. A thing unheard of, a spectacle unique in Christianity was presented to the eyes of the “Apostle of Livonia,” as disciples called Meinhardt, when those same people who had received baptism from him sprang into the Dvina, washed themselves clean of his apostolic touch, dived in the water “to purify their persons.” “Behold!” shouted they to him. “We have cleansed ourselves from German baptism.” And looking at the waves of the river rushing toward the sea, they added: “Be off from us, far away. Go to the place whence thou hast come.” In this manner the whole country gave back its baptism to the German monk.

Meinhardt began to threaten. He would sail away; he would find a legion of defenders of Christ and bring them back on countless ships. Then they would see how God punished apostates, they would see the awful power of Christ’s vicar on earth, by whom he, Meinhardt, had been deputed. This threat alarmed the people;[209]they became tearful and begged him not to leave them. Instead of going himself, he sent Dietrich.

Why did the people rise? “Because they differed little from beasts, were wild and rude. There had been great religious excitement, and this uprising was simply a reaction.” This is the explanation of certain historians, but a further statement should be added: The monk had begun to enforce obedience to the Archbishop of Bremen, and to demand tithes for “the church.” The “Apostle of Livonia” was a faithful servant of the Archbishop of Bremen. He was made Bishop of Livonia in subjection to Bremen in 1188, and died in 1196.

The monk Berthold, an abbot of the Cistercian Order, appointed to fill Meinhardt’s place, heard that the people were considering whether to burn him in the church or drown him in the river. He shut himself up in Kirchholm, but he had warriors clad in steel from head to foot, with heavy swords at their sides, and sitting on mighty horses, such as the people had never seen till that day. These were the “Knights.” People sent to ask why this man of God had brought those warriors into the country. “To punish apostates,” was the answer.

The bishop now prepared for a serious uprising. He left Holm and encamped at the mouth of the river Rigje. People began to gather from far and near, crowds of half-naked men, armed with sharp sticks, clubs and axes. The more they increased, crowd after crowd, the more they gathered courage. The knights let the natives assemble in the greatest possible number—they did not hasten to begin the battle, but when at last they did rush forward, they had not long to struggle for victory. It was impossible to stop the onrush of the conquerors. The bishop, Berthold, in pursuing the people, was carried away by excitement. He lost control of his spirited horse and became separated from his men. The Livs immediately surrounded him, and chopped him into small bits.

The triumph on the German side was complete, and they made a terrible use of it. It might be said that the warriors of the cross became executioners. The people begged for mercy, and promised to submit to baptism again, and to receive into the villages the priests who had been driven out. But in vain did they plead. All were sentenced to death. Separate divisions of knights passed[210]through the country, and in every village dealt out dreadful punishment to “apostates.”

The youthful Livonian church was thus reëstablished. Then the Western crusaders, considering their holy work finished, and their sins absolved, reëmbarked and sailed away home. But all at once, and most unexpectedly, there was a new outburst of rage and indignation through the whole country. The natives rushed at the “vile strangers,” killing or beating them, and looting their homes. They intended to act in like manner with all foreigners, but the merchants gave them great presents, and bought their good-will. Those who had been re-baptized sprang a second time into the river, and a second time washed themselves clean of the German religion.

When this news reached Bremen and Rome, they decided to delay no longer, but acquire Livonia in permanence. To do this they needed a military brotherhood warring for Christ.

The Germans appeared now in a triple character: as a military order to strike down opposition; as merchants to extend trade; as a church to bring all to the faith. As their leader stood forth Albert von Apeldern Bukshevden, and to aid in subjecting Livonia the Pope gave him permission to found a new knightly order, the members of which would spend their lives in extending the Livonian church. Albert visited the chief German cities, enlisted knights, and collected contributions for his great “patriotic work.” His knights wore a white mantle on which was a red cross and a red sword. In Russia they were called “Bearers of the Sword.” They took the name willingly, and called themselves “Brothers of the Sword.”

Albert’s first work was to build a fortress at the mouth of the river, and then began the city of Riga at the village Rigje. In two years there was a fortress and a cathedral. The people received him unwillingly. Being a keen politician, he opened negotiations with the natives, and, when their elders went to him to conclude peace, he seized them and threatened to send them to Germany. This threat brought the elders to terms, and Albert obtained of their sons thirty as hostages. These were sent to Bremen to be educated.

Soon a dispute arose between Albert, the sovereign Bishop of Livonia, and the Order, which wished on its part to rule the conquered[211]country. It was finally settled by the Pope, who divided the land into three parts. One third was to go to the bishop; one third to the metropolitan of the city of Riga, and one third to the Order. But the Order would not live in the same city with the bishop, so they erected a castle,—Wenden. This castle and the city which grew up around it became the capital of the Order. Here lived the “Grand Master,” as the Germans entitled him. In every direction castles of barons and knights sprang up like mushrooms. In proportion as the people were conquered and converted, they were turned into slaves and forced to build strongholds for their masters. The material reward for saving souls was all the land and all the people.

Albert put to death unsparingly those who refused to be baptized. In villages where the people tried to free themselves of their enslavers, the Germans killed whole crowds of prisoners—in some cases the entire male population—and consumed the village with fire. In other places, where they went into servitude meekly, they were taken on campaigns against regions not yet subjected. The bishop favored quarrels between tribes, and by skilful management used one tribe to subdue another. Thus also did he rouse tribes against Russia; inspire them not to pay tribute to Pskoff or Novgorod, and promise to liberate them with German assistance. He even helped them in their raids against the Russians.

Why did Polotsk princes permit intruders to seize their ancient possessions? Were no efforts made to drive them out? There were. Prince Vsevolod, assisted by Lithuanians, advanced to attack Riga, but when he saw from a distance the tower and walls of the city he turned back. Afterward Vladimir went from Polotsk to Ikeskola. The Germans, taken by surprise, carried out gifts to him, and he left without interfering with the city. He went to Holm, but that city could not be taken by surprise. Reinforcements hurried up from Riga, and Vladimir left, merely taking tribute. Albert, the wily bishop, expressed no astonishment that the Polotsk prince had come. On the contrary, he explained that the tribute paid by the tribes to Polotsk was in his eyes a sacred matter. In the future, he would himself undertake to forward it to Polotsk. Vladimir discovered that his rights had not been assailed and would not be. As to the Germans baptizing the Kors,[212]Livs and Chuds, it was done by his permission given to Meinhardt.

In 1206, Albert, now archbishop, felt the need of further explanations, hence he sent an embassy to Vladimir. At that time a general uprising was feared. One of the elders, Ako, was rousing the whole country against the German intruders. It was reported that the Polotsk prince was coming to assist the oppressed people. In fact many elders of the tribes had begged Vladimir to aid them. There was a great movement in Polotsk, and the prince was making ready for a campaign, when the embassy arrived. At the head of the embassy was Theodoric, with gifts and pleasant words. Vladimir decided to receive the envoys, but only in presence of the elders, who had come with complaints against the archbishop. The reception, which began with gifts, came near ending in a hand to hand encounter. When Vladimir asked why they came, the abbot answered, “To strengthen peace and friendship.” The elders, on hearing this statement, raised such a terrible outcry that the prince hastened to end the reception, requesting the envoys to await his decision.

Theodoric immediately sent a letter of warning to Albert, and Riga began at once to prepare for defense; the Grand Master and knights were occupied day and night. Vladimir heard of this, and lost all hope of seizing Riga by surprise. After consulting with his warriors, he decided to invite the bishop to Polotsk to examine with him the complaints made by the elders. He dismissed the Riga embassy, and with them sent his own embassy. When they reached Kuikenos the Polotsk embassy stopped; only one member of it went with the abbot to declare the wish of the prince to Albert.

While the envoys were waiting Albert’s reply, they summoned all who had complaints to make to meet at Kuikenos. The elders who had been in Polotsk were already there, and many people came from both sides of the river. The envoys were waiting impatiently for the bishop, when he sent this haughty answer to their invitation. “Envoys do not summon ruling personages to whom they are sent, but appear themselves with obeisance.” The people who had assembled turned now to the Polotsk envoys, asking what they were to do. The envoys could give no advice. Thinking there was no further help from Polotsk, the unfortunate[213]adherents of Ako attacked Holm, where they were cut down like sheep. A few of the insurgents were left alive to form a spectacle in Riga, whither they were driven in chains to be executed. The archbishop had not considered it necessary to be present at this battle. After mass, while the abbot was still in the cathedral, a knight brought him Ako’s bloody head as a token of victory.

The bishop found it needful to visit Europe often. He had to go to Rome; he had to make explanations to the Bremen archbishop; he had to see his friend, the Danish king, who was looking for his share of profit by conversion; he had also to select German colonists and craftsmen. While hewasabsent on one of these journeys, the people rose up to avenge Ako. They went again to Vladimir, who consulted with his warriors. “Delay not,” said they; “the blood of these people will fall on us.” A campaign was decided upon, but the new campaign was more unsuccessful than the first and brought more woe on the ill-fated people. Vladimir found Riga strongly fortified. He tried to take Holm, but failed. Suddenly news came from Riga that a great fleet was approaching. When Vladimir heard of this, he withdrew from Holm. The fleet was that of the Danish king, who had stopped at Riga, but only to sail farther. Vladimir, by his weakness, had again brought destruction on the people. The conversion of the Kors and Livs was now completed to the remotest corner of the country. All begged for mercy, all promised to accept baptism and the priests. The kind and faithful pastor pacified his bishopric, until no dissenting voice was heard.

The bishop raised no question with Vladimir. He acted as though no attack had been made. But he opened negotiations on another subject. He pointed out that the Lithuanians were robbers, and quarrelsome, and proposed an alliance between himself and Vladimir. In 1210 he sent an envoy, Rudolph, to Polotsk on this business. In Polotsk they failed, it seems, to understand that the alliance was not so precious to Albert as the recognition by treaty that the two contracting parties had equal rights to carry on and conclude such a treaty, a recognition, as it were, of his own sovereignty. On one side it was arranged that the Livs should pay the Polotsk prince an annual tribute, or the Riga archbishop would pay it for them; on the other side, Vladimir[214]permitted free trade on the Dvina River. Thus did Albert settle with the capital city of Polotsk, and with its ruling prince.

As for the petty princes of Gersiké and Kuikenos, they were treated more unceremoniously. Wenden Castle stood on the high bank of the river Aa, and commanded the whole region. This castle was the residence of the Grand Master. Vyachko, Prince of Kuikenos, the unfortunate neighbor of such barons and counts, did not deceive himself. He knew that his fate was an evil one. The knight, Von Lenewerden, broke into Kuikenos, occupied the place with his men, declared the inhabitants prisoners, and put Vyachko in irons. On hearing of this, the archbishop summoned both Vyachko and Von Lenewerden to Riga, and reconciled them. He restored Vyachko’s property, and persuaded him, as protection for the future, to have a German guard in his town. Soon after a band formed of Lithuanians and Kors, occupied in sea robbery, attacked Riga on a sudden. That day Riga hardly saved itself. The assailants fought desperately. The Riga men, wearied almost beyond endurance, considered their destruction as certain; but aid came unexpectedly, and the assailants departed. They made a great fire on the seacoast, threw their dead into it, and sailed away from Riga.

At every report of trouble in Riga, the people of the country were encouraged to rise against their enslavers. Vyachko now rebelled. He sent to Vladimir, the Polotsk prince, asking him to take advantage of the trouble, and of the absence of the archbishop. Meanwhile he destroyed the garrison brought into his city. When the archbishop returned and learned of this act of “his assistant,” as he considered Vyachko, he moved with the whole Order against “the rebel.” They took everything that could be taken, and then burned the city. Thus did Vyachko part with Kuikenos, his birthplace. The people escaped to swamps and forests. Higher up the river was Gersiké. Albert had long threatened Vsevolod, its petty prince, and accused him of friendship for Lithuanians, saying that instead of guarding Riga from Lithuanians, he made it easy for them to cross the Dvina. The archbishop now thought it important that he should take possession of Gersiké and thus in the eyes of the Livs become their defender against Lithuanians. The hostility between these people and the Lithuanians, who were related to them by race, seemed unappeasable.[215]

Albert surprised Gersiké. Vsevolod succeeded in crossing the river and hiding in the forest, but his wife and family were captured; everything of value was taken, and the town burned. The archbishop was magnanimous; he sent to Vsevolod, saying that if he wished peace and his family he must come to Riga. Vsevolod went immediately. He called Albert father, and asked for his family. “I will restore them,” said the archbishop, “but art thou willing to give thy principality forever to the Riga Cathedral?” Vsevolod thought that the archbishop meant to rob him, but when Albert explained that he would give his possessions back as a gift to him, with his wife and children, Vsevolod agreed to everything. Thus did Germans settle with the petty princes.

Their success with Polotsk was more than incredible.

When the archbishop had concluded his treaty with Vladimir of Polotsk, he strove to form just such relations with Pskoff and Novgorod. His policy was diplomatic and cautious. He roused the tribes subject to Novgorod by the report that the Germans had come to free them from tribute. But after Pskoff and Novgorod warriors went through the country beyond Odempe, and even as far as the sea, all action stopped and the tribes settled back into obedience.

Albert now complained more and more to Pskoff and Novgorod of robber attacks upon commerce from “unruly” subjects of Russia. He said that it was indispensable in self-defense to put down Tolova and Torma. If he could keep the country in his power, he could collect and send the tribute to Pskoff and Novgorod.

Vladimir, the Pskoff prince, liked Riga and the Germans so well that he had given his daughter to Dietrich, a brother of Albert, but for this friendship the Pskoff people dismissed him. He then went to Riga, where Albert received him gladly, and gave him land.

When Vladimir of Polotsk saw that Pskoff and Novgorod would make no treaty with the archbishop, he was greatly concerned. He was uncertain how it was best to act against his insolent neighbor, but at last he decided to write to him touching various questions. Albert replied that he had nothing against a friendly meeting, but where could they meet? He could not expect the Polotsk prince to come to him, nor could he go to Polotsk. Kuikenos[216]now belonged to the lands of the Order. There still remained ruined Gersiké. And in that city, in 1213, they had a notable meeting.

The Prince of Polotsk had much to discuss with the master of Livonia. Albert, however, would not touch upon anything that Vladimir really wanted, and turned stubbornly to the question of how they were to act toward a common enemy. He proposed that they act as allies, and pointed out the great good to come from this coöperation. He said that the treaty already concluded was too narrow; it required broadening. Vladimir was a simple man and expressed his thought to the wily archbishop with artless words. On a sudden he said to him: “Wilt thou at last stop baptizing my Kors and Livs; wilt thou leave my people in peace? They are mine absolutely, not thine. If I wish to baptize them, I will do so, if not let them remain unbaptized.” The archbishop was astounded. Appealing to the command of God: “Go ye and teach all nations, baptizing them,” he asked the Polotsk prince which command should be honored, that of God, or of man. The simple and good-natured Vladimir replied: “That of God,” and said no more about baptism.

“Tribute is another thing,” continued Albert. “God himself established that all who are under authority shall pay tribute to their rulers. Render unto Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s.” Recently this tribute had been stopped, but the archbishop declared that he was not to blame. The Livonians were now begging him to free them from the yoke of Russia. This was not pleasant for Vladimir to hear. He began with angry words to threaten. He would burn Riga; he would not let his land be trampled by foreign intruders; he would level their cities to the earth. The meeting came very near ending in a battle, and nothing was accomplished.

After Vladimir’s return to Polotsk, he grew very sad. His warriors said not a word, but he heard the reproach: “Think what thou hast done in giving the Germans such power. What answer canst thou render to God for their crimes?” The people were silent, but the prince saw that they were thinking day and night of how they could avoid falling into the power of the foreigner. In this sorrow Vladimir continued, till at last every one was roused and made happy by the great success of Novgorod.[217]

About the time that Mystislav the Gallant came back to Novgorod in 1214, the insolence of the tribes incited by the archbishop had become unendurable. Mystislav at once led his warriors into that country, and went twice from side to side through the whole region. When he had finished the people bowed down to him, and began as before to send tribute to Novgorod. In 1216 Mystislav left Novgorod, but an example had been given, and Vladimir of Polotsk recovered his courage. Soon there was at Polotsk an immense congregation of warriors,—many Russians and a multitude of Livs. The army was ready to move, but as Vladimir was about to embark he stumbled in stepping from the shore to the boat, fell into the water, and died suddenly. That ended the expedition.

Saved from Polotsk, the knights did not escape defeat from Novgorod. They had subjected again the places won by Mystislav, but Novgorod recovered them.

With the death of Vladimir of Polotsk, that principality ceased, as one might say, to exist. In that region Russians and Lithuanians had so assimilated that they were difficult to distinguish.

Vladimir was without a successor. After his death, where the German domain ended, the Lithuanian began. There was now an independent Livonia, and the Germans were seeking to include that region where they had built the castle of Fellin, a region which the Danes admired as the Revel coast. This was the Estland, or the Esthonia of Rome.

After Mystislav the Gallant had shaken the power of the Vladimir principality by the battle of Lipetsk, and vanished forever from Novgorod, there was an interval of quiet, beginning with 1218, which greatly favored the Germans in their efforts to obtain Esthonia. But the Danish king was equally anxious to get possession of this country, or, according to his biographer, he wanted to purify his conscience from sin and show his devotion to the Riga Mother of God; therefore he disembarked on the coast of Livonia a numerous army.

The Danes and the Riga Germans now did their best to excel each other at baptizing. Villages and settlements trembled at the appearance of the “cross-bearers.” Wherever there was a battle the conquerors became executioners, and in retaliation, whenever a soldier of the cross fell into the hands of the natives, they burned[218]him alive as an offering to their god; sometimes they flayed a cross out of the flesh of his back before burning him.

From the castle of Fellin and along the Revel coast regions, the country had gibbets thickly planted over it. From dread of the terrible sword and gibbet of the intruder, the people were anxious for baptism. The Riga Germans had many priests, the Danes only a few; but when the Danes lacked priests they used lay baptism. They collected the people in a crowd, and baptized them all together. It happened frequently that when the German knights came, people fell on their knees and cried: “We are baptized already.” There were cases where the two crowds of missionaries met, and one took its converts from the other by force of arms. The hatred of the baptizers for each other became so great that the archbishop went to Rome to complain of the Danes, but he found there envoys from the Danish king on a similar errand. The Pope confirmed the Revel coast to the Danish king; afterward, however, the whole land went to Riga.

The Kors and Livs had not been able to save themselves under the protection of Polotsk, neither were these tribes protected by Novgorod. In five or six years, that is between 1218 and 1224, their evil fate was settled. During that period princes changed several times in Novgorod; and the Pskoff men gravely considered in their meetings the question of making an alliance with Riga. Complaint against Novgorod was general. “Our Novgorod brothers,” said they, “come to take tribute of rebellious tribes and then go home quickly; when they are gone we suffer doubly on their account. A bad peace with Germans is better than such brotherly assistance.”

At this period Lithuanians were troubled greatly by refugees of their own stock, who had been driven out of Prussia. These people, urged by the Livonian knights, made raids against Novgorod. Warring continually with its new enemy, Novgorod was not able to properly defend its possessions on the coast, and so asked aid of Yuri of Vladimir. Yuri sent Sviatoslav, his brother, with troops. There was a battle at Wenden, the knights were defeated, and the castle was besieged, but the Grand Master succeeded in bringing in reinforcements, and the Russians, satisfied with their booty, withdrew.

The Letts, who were obedient to the Germans and under their[219]lead, now threatened Pskoff. The whole country about there, called Esthonia by the Germans, consisted of warring fragments now under German, and now under Russian command. Odempe, Izborsk, and Yurieff passed from hand to hand. The people suffered from the Russians because they yielded to the Germans, and from the Germans because they went back to the Russians.It would be impossible to count all the campaigns and raids of that troubled time.

The archbishop was hated for his cruelty. Populations whom he came to convert were filled with terror by his presence; they submitted to baptism, but they washed it away quickly when he was gone.

To their assistance came the Novgorod prince, Yaroslav, son of Big Nest. When on his way to Riga, envoys came to him from the Sea-Fins, from the island of Izel, and begged him to defend them from the Danes. The country from Izborsk and Yurieff toward Fellin seemed free of the enemy. It remained to drive the Danes from the Revel coast, strengthen Revel and build a stone fortress there. When Yaroslav approached Fellin, a fearful sight met his eyes; traces of the terrible knights were everywhere; villages had been burned; in places the earth was red with blood; there were gibbets with bodies swinging from them. The knights had retaken Fellin, and the Russian garrison had been slaughtered. Yaroslav and his forces went through the country to the sea, approached Kolivan and besieged the castle of Revel for nearly a month. The Danes defended the place valiantly. At that stage, Yaroslav took counsel of the Novgorod men, and decided to abandon the siege for a large tribute in gold. The Pskoff people considered this ending of the campaign inglorious, and blamed their “brothers of Novgorod” for their selfish conduct. But even this campaign did not shake the faith of the people in their Russian defenders.

Yurieff and the country around struggled against the knights till completely exhausted. While waiting for promised reinforcements from Novgorod, a few Russian champions and native people fought with the whole force of Livonian knights. This party of brave men was led by the most insignificant prince of all Russia, that Prince Vyachko, from whom the archbishop had taken his native place, Kuikenos. His name, however, had[220]acquired great notoriety among the Germans, for he was their most irreconcilable enemy. From Kuikenos, Vyachko had gone to Yurieff, and there he gave the Germans no peace. He strengthened the place, and made savage raids on all sides. At last the archbishop decided, cost what it might, to take Yurieff, that hateful den where all the “malefactors and traitors” had assembled, as well as many of the bitterest enemies of the church in Livonia, and where they were commanded by that prince who, from the beginning, had been the root of all evil.

The archbishop himself took part in this campaign, bringing with him a multitude of knights from various parts of Germany. The Knights of Livonia assisted with all their strength. The place was surrounded and besieged. In addition to the usual engines of war, the Germans had a movable tower as high as the walls of the city. Under cover of this tower, they began to dig a tunnel. Meanwhile they entered intonegotiationswith Vyachko, offering him a free escape with all the Russians, horses and arms, if he would surrender the fortress and with it the natives who had found shelter within its walls. Vyachko gave an answer which the archbishop called shameless and insolent, and in Russian style.

After the refusal of terms, the siege continued with redoubled force. The knights complained of the great loss inflicted upon them by the garrison of the fortress, which day after day, made desperate sallies. At last, fearing that relief might come to the besieged, the Germans determined to storm the place. Next morning at daybreak, a fierce assault was made, but it was repulsed. Later on the besieged made an opening in the wall just opposite the tower, and hurled out blazing stuff to burn down the structure. The besiegers rushed to extinguish the fire, and in the general excitement and uproar certain knights made their way through the opening in the wall. Once inside, they spared no one; a terrible struggle ensued. Meanwhile the place was fired by its defenders, who had sworn to perish to the last man in case of defeat. The Germans captured but one man, who later on was sent to Novgorod, with a message that Yurieff was taken.

When this messenger arrived, and announced that help was not needed, that all had perished, there was great sadness in the city, for the warriors were on the eve of marching to relieve the besieged.[221]

Not long after this, Pskoff, still fighting with Novgorod, made a friendly alliance and treaty with Riga. This happened when Novgorod men were continually sending away Prince Yaroslav and recalling him. It is not to be wondered at that while there was such internal dissension and disagreement between Novgorod men themselves, and between Novgorod and Pskoff, the Germans succeeded in Esthonia. Whatever the peace terms were between Pskoff and Riga, the Germans had become an acknowledged and independent power on the Baltic coast of Russia.

Yaroslav, about this time, went to Pereyaslavl on the Alta, and Yuri of Vladimir, who had married the daughter of Chermny, gave Novgorod to his brother-in-law, Michael. Thereupon Yaroslav, opposing Yuri, drove Michael from Novgorod, and conquered Chernigoff.

Remembering how he had been driven from Pereyaslavl by Chermny, Yaroslav occupied that region which once had belonged to him. Remembering also how on a time he had been invited to reign in Galitch, he extended his views beyond Kief to Carpathian Russia. But a slight failure in the South caused him to return to Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest, not taking his eye for a moment, however, from Novgorod. Working now against Yuri, he strove to incite him to quarrel with his nephews, Vassilko and Vsevolod, sons of Constantine, the first of whom was Prince of Rostoff, the second Prince of Yaroslav on the Volga.

Ten years had passed since the death of Big Nest in 1212,—years filled with strife, disorder and conflict. A second ten years had begun. That which had troubled Russia in the past threatened in the future, with the end not in sight. And so it continued until a thunderbolt fell, as it were from the sky, “a punishment for the sins of many generations, and for all the injustice and lawlessness committed from one generation to another. The anger which was preparing on high,” as the chronicler says, “and was delayed by the long suffering of God, burst forth at last.”

And now comes the period of vast and radical changes in Russia.

These changes were caused indirectly by the Polovtsi in 1224, who, fearing greatly the dauntless Mongols, who were attacking them, appealed to the Christian princes. “They have seized our country,” said the Polovtsi. “To-morrow they will seize yours.” Mystislav the Gallant, taking advantage of this opportunity to[222]crush a possible future enemy, persuaded other princes of Southern Russia to join him in aiding the Polovtsi. Basti, Khan of these idolatrous Polovtsi, embraced Orthodoxy to cement the alliance with the Russians, and the army moved forward without delay. Upon reaching the lower Dnieper, the Russians, under Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel, Prince of Volynia, Mystislav, Grand Prince of Kief, Oleg of Kursk, Mystislav of Chernigoff, Vladimir of Smolensk, and Vsevolod, for a short time Prince of Novgorod, were met by envoys from the Mongols, who tried to persuade them to abandon the cause of the Polovtsi, saying: “The Mongols have nothing against the Russians. It is the pagans whom we wish to destroy. We are as the Russians in that we worship the one God. Profit by our offer, and avenge yourselves upon the enemy who has warred against you in the past.” The envoys were seized and put to death immediately, and the Russians continued their march.

At the Kalka, a small stream flowing into the Sea of Azoff, they encountered the Mongol forces, led by two great commanders, Subotai and Chepé. Mystislav the Gallant, Daniel of Volynia, and Oleg of Kursk, wishing to win for themselves all the glory of the victory, rushed forward without the aid of the Prince of Kief, and even without warning him of their intention. The Polovtsi advanced also but when the critical moment of the struggle came, they were seized with panic, and fell back upon their Russian allies, thus throwing them into terrible disorder. The defeat was overwhelming; hardly a tenth of the men under those rash leaders escaped, six princes and seventy distinguished voevodas were killed. Mystislav of Kief, abandoned by the army, tried to defend himself in his hastily fortified camp on the banks of the Kalka. The Mongols offered him his life and the lives of his sons-in-law if he would surrender and pay them a ransom for himself and his personal following. Knowing well that he could not successfully contend with the victors, he surrendered. But the Mongols did not regard their promise; they massacred Mystislav’s men, and putting the three princes under heavy planks, they sat upon those planks and feasted while the unfortunate Russians died in the greatest agony.

After this victory, the Mongols returned to the East, vanished, and were not seen again for thirteen years.

Mystislav died four years after that disastrous battle on the[223]Kalka, and sad was the end of his glory. He began a war on Volynia by reason of a calumny that his son-in-law, Daniel, was trying to deprive him of Galitch,—nay more, there was a direct accusation that Daniel intended to kill him. These accusations were brought against Daniel by Bailski. Later on, Mystislav repented and became friendly with Daniel. He gave rich presents to his daughter Anna, the wife of Daniel, and gave Daniel his best horse, Aklaz. No steed on earth, as he thought, was the equal of that one, for had he not brought him alive from the terrible slaughter on the Kalka. Nevertheless Mystislav betrothed his youngest daughter to the son of Andrei of Hungary, and gave his son-in-law Peremysl at the advice of boyars in Galitch, chief among whom was Sudislav “the traitor,” as people still called him. In bringing Mystislav to give his daughter to the king’s son, these men believed that Galitch would fall to Hungary a second time, and their efforts were directed toward that object very earnestly. All at once a report spread that Mystislav the Gallant had decided to go to the lower country and give Galitch to his father-in-law, Kotyan, a Polovtsi khan. This report was monstrous, and invented doubtless by tricksters, still Galitch men were so greatly alarmed because of it, that many left the country and went to Hungary.

The prince contradicted this lie before all the people. He sent Timofei, his confessor, to the fugitives; he persuaded them to return, but soon after the king himself came into Galitch with a numerous army, and insisted that Galitch be given to his son immediately. Mystislav prepared now for battle. This last battle fought by the hero was as decisive and brilliant as any which preceded it. The king’s army was crushed. The king himself fled with maddened mind and shattered body. There was a rumor that this disaster had been foretold him. “Thou wilt not live, if thou see Galitch,” were the reputed words of a wizard whom King Andrei asked to soothsay as he was leaving Hungary.

Mystislav’s allies, Daniel and Vassilko, who fought against Leshko, and did not let the Poles help King Andrei, brought their regiments to Galitch and strove to make Mystislav pursue the defeated army. Mystislav was unwilling to do this; Sudislav and the boyars, not wishing the ruin of the king, in whom lay their great hope, opposed with all their power; and the war with Hungary ended in nothing.[224]

Mystislav, weary of the utter faithlessness of the boyars, resolved to leave Galitch. This resolution delighted the boyars; but they warned him immediately that the hatred of the country toward him reached also to Daniel, hence they advised him to give Galitch to the king’s son as a dowry for his daughter. This advice they strengthened by the following words: “If thou give Galitch to the king’s son as dowry for thy daughter, thou canst withdraw it later on, should the wish come, but if thou yield now to Daniel, Galitch will never be thine again.” Mystislav made no answer, but he did as they advised. He married his daughter to the king’s son and then gave them Galitch, thus acting as a traitor toward Russia. He withdrew after that, and lived on the Ros in Podolia.

Daniel, though deceived and disappointed most cruelly, did not utter a word of complaint. He remained true to Mystislav, and grew stronger and stronger in Volynia. Mystislav the Silent who admired Daniel greatly, left him the province of Lutsk, but Daniel had to use force to obtain this inheritance, for not only Bailski but Yaroslav, the nephew of Mystislav the Silent, raised arms against him. Knowing Mystislav the Gallant’s affection for these princes Daniel sent his own trusty friend to explain the situation to his father-in-law, who was glad to communicate directly with Daniel, from whom he had allowed himself to be separated by false and intriguing boyars. Explanations made, Mystislav sent a secret message to Daniel: “My son,” said he, “I sinned in not giving thee Galitch. The boyars deceived me through Sudislav the Traitor. Go with God’s assistance against them. I will summon the Polovtsi to aid thee, and do thou move with thy own men. God give thee Galitch, and I will stay here.”

In this way the old man hoped to repair his shortcomings, but he died soon after in Torchesk. Aware that death was approaching he begged to see Daniel; he wished to commit all his house to him, since he had perfect trust in his honesty. The crafty boyars, however, prevented this meeting, and Mystislav the Gallant died in lonely Torchesk, without seeing his son-in-law. Of his end it is only known that when he fell ill, in 1228, he retired to a monastery and assumed the monk’s habit. He left all Podolia to Daniel, but for this inheritance a general war broke out quickly in Volynia, Galitch, Kief and Chernigoff, involving all Southern Russia in bloodshed.[225]

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