CHAPTER XIII

[Contents]CHAPTER XIIIALEXANDER NEVSKIIn 1252–1253 Alexander Nevski began rule and was the real successor of Yaroslav, his father. When Andrei had grown weary of exile, he begged Nevski to intercede for him at the Horde. Meanwhile Sartak, Batu’s son, had been murdered, as is said, by Berkai, his uncle, who took the Kipchak throne and waited confirmation from Mangu, at that time Grand Khan.Again all Russian princes had to visit the Horde and wait to have their titles confirmed. Alexander sent his nephews, Glaib and Boris, with rich gifts to Ulavchi, the favorite. The gifts were accepted and Andrei was forgiven, but Nevski himself had to go to the Horde with his guilty brother to receive the formal pardon.The eternal enmity in Novgorod between the strong and the weak; the rich and the poor; the rooted hostility of haughty merchants and opulent traders to craftsmen and land-tillers; and the rivalry among the ambitious for power and offices raged unceasingly. From of old a large number, and at times a majority, were attracted to the Russia outside of Great Novgorod. There had long been partisans of Vladimir among Novgorod boyars, men who thought it well for their country to act with Vladimir and even to be merged in it, but there were also implacable opponents to either coöperation or union, and these nourished hatred for Vladimir at every hazard. On the Vladimir side were all the more or less well-to-do people, the peace men. Therefore it seemed as if the adherents of Vladimir were only the well-to-do, and the satisfied, who cared not for the poor; but this was not the case. On the side of Vladimir were the land-tillers and common folk.When Nevski took power in Vladimir he placed his eldest son, Vassili, in Novgorod. Vassili could not oppress Novgorod; he was too young for such action. He was, also, a real Novgorod partisan,[280]as he showed later on by contemning his father. These partisans were supported by the mob of the city, men without houses, with nothing to lose at any time, and nothing to gain except what they could win through disorder. They were advocates of the loudly lauded “Novgorod liberties.” They appeared, though untruly, as friends and defenders of working men. But working men saw in boyars who “loved liberty” their chief and main enemies. They saw in them persons who sought liberty for themselves, but not for “small people.” Among these boyars were the very rich, the proud, who recognized no man beyond their circle. In all riots, no matter how many there might be, these great and rich persons directed the councils and managed the city. Some of them claimed to love liberty and poor men; others did not go that far. But in cases of riot both divisions of those “great people” strove to hold the street mob at command. They put forward bold rioters, who cared not for small or great persons, but found profit in disorder. And when during encounters the people came to examine the question at issue, or had at last to interfere in those matters, such confused causes were presented that it seemed beyond human power to explain them. Each side appealed to the rights of Great Novgorod and the good of the people, but the people could never find out the real cause of the disturbance, or where there could be any profit for them in the turmoil.Just such a riddle was offered in the case of Vassili, son of Nevski. There was a party in Novgorod which had pretexts at all times for rousing the people, and beclouding good counsel. As Mongol oppression increased and taxes and tribute grew heavier, oppression of all kinds gave designing men chances for evil incitement. They needed simply to shout: “We are defending our liberties against cursed eaters of raw flesh. Away then with favorites of the Khan, slaves to Mongols!” and the conflict would begin.In 1255 Novgorod disturbers summoned Yaroslav as prince to their city. Nevski was astounded when he heard that his son had been driven away in disgrace, and that his place had been given to Yaroslav. Why could Yaroslav serve Novgorod better than Vassili, unless because Yaroslav was in disgrace at the Horde, and under the Khan’s anger? Nevski moved at once against Novgorod. In Torjok, where he met his son, he learned still newer details of the riot from Novgorod men, who had come out to[281]meet him. The city was terribly excited, disorder had taken unusual proportions. Yaroslav had fled when he heard that his brother was coming. The posadnik at that time was Anani, a well-known opponent of Vladimir. The adherents of Vladimir, who were, of course, favorable to Nevski, strove to allay the excitement, and bring back Vassili, but they also had an object apart from this: their leader was Mihalko Stepanovitch, whom they wished to make posadnik; therefore they accused Anani of causing the disturbance, and tried to expel him from office. Mihalko appeared boldly against his opponents, and the people were divided. It seemed to uninformed observers as if Mihalko’s adherents were seeking merely for the profit of boyars. “Were they not mainly those rich men, who cared not for poor folk, while Anani’s adherents were simple men, standing up bravely for liberty and the honor of Novgorod?” The excitement became greater and greater. Nevski, having drawn near, sent a command to Novgorod to put an end to the riot, and give him Anani. Through this the excitement was not decreased, but heightened immensely,—nay, it became general. The outbreak was involved by the fact that Anani, though a known enemy of Vladimir, proved to be innocent this time. The disturbers on both sides had abused his name greatly. One party promised to die for him, the other to throw him into the river, and drown him. Some declared that the whole riot was made to protect their good guardian and defender, while others represented him falsely as the banisher of Vassili, and the father of every known evil. Those in arms against Mihalko encamped at Nikola, and swore to die for Anani.When Nevski was approaching, they asked of one another, “What shall we do?” and finally resolved not to surrender any of their people. The “small folk” kissed the cross, declaring: “We will defend Novgorod rights and live or die for them.” When Nevski commanded them to surrender Anani, all were confused, and, not knowing what course to pursue, they went to Dolinot, the archbishop, and counseled. They knew Nevski’s persistence, they knew that when he had once taken a position he would not retire from it, and to the demand these words were added: “If ye will not yield me Anani, I am no longer your prince, I will march straight against you.” They decided at last to beg Dolinot,[282]and Klim, the commander, to go to Nevski in the name of all Novgorod, and say to him: “Come, Prince, to thy throne and give no ear to offenders. Work thy displeasure on Anani and others.”The two men went to Nevski as ambassadors. All waited their return with impatience. The prince listened neither to Klim nor to Dolinot. When they returned and announced their failure, there was sorrow on both sides. In the meeting which followed, people said with one voice: “It is a sin for those men who have brought us to quarrel with Nevski.” They came almost to bloodshed, and if blood did not flow the whole merit belonged to Anani. Mihalko with his men was ready to fall on Anani’s adherents, but Anani sent secret observers to note all that was happening. When the adherents of these two men came to blows, and the mob rushed to burn the house of Mihalko and kill him, Anani stopped them, saying: “Brothers, if ye wish to kill him, ye must take my life from me first.”The third day after this, Nevski’s forces stood fully armed before Novgorod. On the fourth day he sent again a message to the city, but now it was changed somewhat: “Remove Anani from office, and I will forgive you.” All yielded willingly, and Anani himself before others. They gave the office to Mihalko, making peace with Nevski on his own terms. Prince Vassili was seated in Novgorod again, and his return should have pleased the city, since his reign was not without profit. The Riga Germans, and also the Swedes, had begun new attacks on the Novgorod borders, and frequent raids were made by the Lithuanians. Vassili won victories over all these enemies. The Lithuanians were crushed; the prince pursued them far west of Toropets. The Germans withdrew before the Pskoff warriors, and the Swedes were badly defeated.This new attack of the Swedes disturbed Nevski, hence he came to Novgorod with large forces, and commanded the city to assemble fresh regiments. The point of his intended attack was kept secret. Cyril, Metropolitan of Russia, came with him, and conducted the prince and his troops to Koporye. From there he sent him on his journey, after blessing the warriors, who learned then that their campaign was to end in that region where in summer the sun does not set for six months, and in winter does not rise for the same[283]length of time. This locality—the country of the Lopars, later called Lapland by Germans—was the remotest part of Novgorod possessions, and was visited rarely, for it had not been assailed hitherto by the enemies of Russia, but about this time the Swedes were endeavoring to take those lands from Russia, and connect them with Sweden.This was among Nevski’s most striking campaigns. Marching along difficult cliffs and through dense forests he finally reached the sea. The wearied Novgorod men now refused to go farther, though they had made but half the journey, so Nevski sent them home and finished the campaign with his own personal followers, who were as untiring and fearless as their prince. He won all the seacoast, and returned bringing a multitude of prisoners, and leaving the country behind him in fear and obedience. Nevski’s men had before this pushed through the gloom of Yatoyag forests; they had made paths through wooded swamps in Lithuania; they had suffered from blizzards in Trans-Volga regions; they had endured all kinds of hardship and toil in campaigning, but they had seen nothing like that which they experienced in this war against Chuds and Lopars (Fins and Lapps). Nevski had now marked with his sword, for the use of coming ages, the Finnish boundary of Russia.Whenever Nevski went to the Horde he was distinguished beyond other princes; they did not detain him too long; they granted his requests, and dismissed him with honor. When he brought with him Yaroslav, his brother, as he had brought Andrei earlier, the Khan forgave Yaroslav, who after that remained quietly in his own possessions. And when an order came from the Khan to send forces beyond the Terek near the foot of the Caucasus, the Russians were freed from this service at Nevski’s request.The prince suffered more and more from those visits to the Horde. In former days he seemed stern and serious after each of them, but now he seemed worn and exhausted. His health did not promise long life to him. The demands of the Mongols were increasing, and soon a decision was published which brought all men to despair when they heard it. No one had power to set aside or change this decision. The Khan commanded to take a great census, to count all his subjects, and increase his income by imposing[284]a head tax. This time Nevski’s intercession was useless. The greedy master of the Horde insisted on his decision, adding that such was the will of the Grand Khan. Mangu had in fact commanded to enumerate all men and things under Mongol dominion.Officials of the Horde appeared first in Ryazan and in Murom. There they counted the people and described the land minutely. Dues were imposed upon all men except the clergy. Town and village property, and occupations were described in this census. The officials went thence to Suzdal, Rostoff, and Vladimir. One year and a second had passed before they finished. They did this work with great care, without haste, and most accurately. Next inspectors appeared to ensure the close gathering of the tribute and taxes. All this time an ominous sound was heard coming from Novgorod, though there had been order in the city since the second installation of Nevski’s son, Vassili, now sixteen years of age and well conversant with the affairs of that place.Nevski was observing the census carefully everywhere, in places ruled by others as well as by himself. His labor in studying this work took much of his time and strength.In the winter of 1257–1258 the Mongols were sent to Novgorod to enumerate the inhabitants and property of that place. When the officials were leaving Vladimir, Nevski gave them as assistants a number of his own men, but he did not go himself, since he wished to hear from his son before further action. While he was waiting for news, the chief Mongols came rushing back to Vladimir in anger. How they had been offended in Novgorod no man could learn from their account and their outcries. With a great din they attacked the prince, saying that they had gone to Novgorod believing in his word, but if they were to be treated in this way they would throw aside everything and go back to the Golden Horde straightway.Nevski, seeing clearly the danger, summoned his brothers, Boris from Rostoff, and Andrei from Suzdal, but only with great difficulty could he detain the Mongols. At last, however, they consented to return to Novgorod, if accompanied by Nevski and his brothers. The Grand Prince, upon approaching Novgorod, was surprised that his son did not come out to meet him. Most of the Mongols had followed their superiors to Vladimir, only a few[285]had remained in the city; these declared that no census had been made, and added: “We know not what is happening.”The posadnik, Mihalko, had been killed,—Anani had died a few months earlier. Some said that Prince Vassili had declared to the people his willingness to die for the liberties of Novgorod; others said that he was not in the city. A second posadnik had been chosen, and killed. Klim, the commander, they had driven out of Novgorod.When Vassili heard that his father was coming, he had in fact said to the people: “They are bringing fetters to put on us. Let us die for the liberties of Novgorod!” He had been taught these daring words by boyars. But after uttering them his courage failed and he fled to Pskoff with these same boyars.Nevski wished to march against Pskoff without waiting, but the Mongols would not permit it; they feared to part with him. Novgorod then sent the following message to the Mongols: “Honor from us to the Khan, and to you. We have gifts for him, and for you also.”Nevski now turned to Pskoff with this message: “Send back my son and all the traitorous boyars immediately.” The guilty men were sent back, and, knowing that Nevski was not mild with offenders, they looked for dire punishment. “To evil men an evil end,” said the people. “These boyars have brought Prince Vassili to sorrow.” All in the city expected that one would be hanged, and another beheaded. The authors of these troubles were, in fact, cruelly punished. Some had their eyes put out, some had a hand cut off, others had their nostrils torn away, their tongues cut out, or their ears taken off; Vassili was put under guard and sent to Suzdal.The Mongol officials, well pleased with this punishment, and with the rich gifts of the city, promised to make no complaint to the Khan; they would either be silent, they said, touching what had been done, or would mention it mildly. So those officials were pacified, and brought to good humor.Novgorod had chosen Misha as posadnik, but he had been murdered during the disturbance. They now selected Michael; a third man, Jiroha, was appointed as commander to succeed Klim, who had been driven from Novgorod. The people begged[286]Nevski not to leave them without a prince. Many Novgorod men had recently visited Vladimir; some of these had gone on errands, and some had been sent by Nevski to see how obedience was rendered the Mongols in that city. Hearing from the people there all the terrors of Nevruya’s “promenade” they knew well the meaning of a Mongol census invasion. Some of these men, on returning, informed their friends that if Novgorod would not yield to the census, a Mongol host would come quickly, and bring woe to the city; others reported dread tidings: Mongol forces were marching already. Novgorod grew quiet at once, and the leading citizens decided to permit the census to be taken. Because of this decision, Nevski was able to satisfy the Mongols, and he begged them not to delay or defer, but to carry out the Khan’s will immediately. They consented, but required that the Grand Prince himself should stay with them.When the census officials appeared to begin their work again in Novgorod and districts around it, the promise to yield was as if it had never been given. When the officials stepped out of sleighs, and were assigned the best houses to live in, and the Mongols made ready to pass from street to street, and from house to house, an ominous murmur went up throughout Novgorod. In all districts near the city there was disturbance and uproar. Men ridiculed the Mongols, and spoke evil words to their faces. The censors, in alarm, asked Nevski to protect them. He sent guards to their houses, and among these the son of the posadnik. But neither posadnik nor commander had meaning for Novgorod malcontents. Not only were common people terribly excited, but the chief men fell into two parties opposed to each other. The Khan’s officials threatened to abandon their task altogether. Nevski was forced to stay with them always. The people grew still more excited: “We will die for Holy Sophia!” was their watchword. The Mongol officials turned to the boyars, repeating suggestively: “Permit us to take the census, or we will leave Novgorod!” The boyars laid all blame on the people. The Mongols turned then to Nevski, with these words: “Why should we stay here longer? Your people will kill us.” On the square louder and louder were heard threatening voices. “Let us resist to the death! Whoso is just let him join us!” The crowd of people felt sure of their rights and complained: “The rich command[287]to count our heads. They make everything easy for themselves, but evil for small folk.” There was a roar throughout the city: “We will die for justice!” All at once a report was spread that the Mongols were to move on the Kremlin from two points. There was a rush to the cathedral from all parts, and a cry rose: “Let us go to Saint Sophia. We will lay down our heads there!”Meanwhile the Mongols were only thinking of how to save themselves. Nevski, greatly fearing lest the people might kill them, did not think it wise to detain them longer. Not merely had they not finished the census, they had barely begun it. Still, in spite of the turmoil, no riot took place in that boisterous Novgorod, accustomed to disorder and bloodshed. No “pagan eater of raw flesh” was attacked, either inside its walls or beyond them.At the beginning of 1259, new envoys from the Horde arrived at Vladimir, men so important that even the people remembered their names, which were Berkai and Kasatchik. They were sent to command the Khan’s men, and to finish the census in Novgorod. Again Nevski was forced to accompany census officials. On the way to Novgorod he joined with his own forces Rostoff regiments, and also the regiments of Suzdal. Berkai and Kasatchik had demanded this aid to protect them. They approached the city with a great force of warriors. This time the Novgorod men were alarmed, but they yielded only when they found resistance to be vain. The new envoys did not return to the Horde till the work had begun in their presence and they felt sure that their subordinates would be able to complete it. These men went along each street from house to house, describing accurately all the land, houses, goods, and people.But Novgorod showed a no less desperate opposition than earlier, an opposition which was strong, protracted and stubborn. Both sides were prepared for a bloody conclusion. On one side was the dense population of a city in which all carried weapons; on the other the armies of the Grand Prince and the Khan’s commanders. Two almost equal forces stood opposed to each other, and had reached the utmost bounds of excitement. They had come to that moment beyond which a bloody encounter must take place. But at this critical juncture an idea flashed on Nevski which averted the peril. He begged the Khan’s envoys[288]to go from Novgorod, and he would assume all responsibility. They did this, and then he declared to the people that he had exhausted all means and methods of saving them. He would leave them now to the Khan, they might meet his anger in their own way. Thereupon he commanded his troops to leave the city immediately, and he himself walked forth from the fortress. The Novgorod men had waited for his order to the troops to attack them, and now to their amazement he had commanded those troops to march out of the city. This command produced terror. All bowed down at once before Nevski, and implored him not to leave them. They promised to yield to his will absolutely. This ended the trouble. The Mongols were recalled, and their work began in good earnest. Later on the delight of Great Novgorod was unbounded when the Khan’s agents finished the census, and vanished.The struggle and anxieties of this period, ending with the completion of the Novgorod census, took much time and strength from Nevski. Only in 1260 was there, as the chronicler tells us, “any peace for Christians.”In the beginning of 1261, Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, was born to him. After that year the prince had no respite from suffering.The worst of the Mongol yoke was not that every man’s head, and every horn and hoof of his cattle was registered, not that Mongol inspectors were stationed in all parts of the country; the heaviest weight of the yoke came when the Khan farmed Russian taxes to men from Khiva, Turkestan and Bukhara. Among partners and aids of those tax-farmers were Jews and Armenians, persons of various languages and religions. These traders in tribute, a people unheard of in Russia till that time, began a work which greatly intensified Mongol oppression. They became real torturers, squeezing the last copper coin from the people. They imposed grinding interest for arrears of tribute. They were worse than the most cruel usurer. Men who were unable to pay they sold into slavery or beat savagely with whips and clubs. This terror extended from end to end of the country. From those galling oppressions came riots. The riots were suppressed most unsparingly, and with bloodshed. No longer could safety and peace be connected with any place. There were disorders in Suzdal, in Pskoff, even in Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest.[289]These uprisings were not against Mongols directly. The people beat tax-farmers and their assistants, not the Khan’s men, hence the Khan could not be angry in the same degree; still his anger might be looked for, and reports were often current that regiments from the Horde were marching “to pacify” Russia.At this juncture news came that Germans, the Knights of Livonia, were advancing with a numerous force to attack Pskoff. Nevski sent his own personal troops to Dmitri, his son, Prince of Novgorod at that time, and ordered his brother, Yaroslav of Tver, to go also; he went then to the Horde to try to save the Russian people from some of their new and great afflictions. The gifts which he took with him were more valuable than any he had given earlier, and his petitions were the simplest, and the most reasonable. But at the Horde they gave Nevski to understand that they were dissatisfied. They let him know that they were not pleased with him personally. Berkai was different from what he had been while Batu was still living or while he was struggling with Sartak for mastery. He was curbed now by no man; besides, he was angered by military failure beyond the Caucasus, where he was warring with Hulagu, his strong cousin. He detained Nevski without need all that winter, then he detained him during the following summer, and only late in autumn could the prince set out for home, sick and broken, to die before reaching Vladimir. He came to Nizni-Novgorod, and when they brought him to Gorodets his last hour was near. At that place he took the monk’s habit, and on November 14, 1263, his life left him.The death of Nevski fell on Russia like a thunderbolt. It was a national calamity expected by no man, for with all his great services Nevski died when only forty-two years had passed over him. Even when burying him people could not believe that he had left them forever. His name, his very coffin seemed sacred.When the great Peter had founded St. Petersburg on the Neva, concluded peace with the Swedes and restored the ancient patrimony of Ijora, he brought Nevski’s bones to the capital, where they repose in the monastery of Alexander Nevski, and are honored at present and will be for the ages to come as relics of a saint and a hero. There is no better saint in the whole Russian calendar, and no greater statesman or warrior in its history than Alexander Nevski. By his wisdom and by his policy of yielding with apparent[290]resignation to the tyranny of the Mongols, he suppressed revolts which would have perhaps brought about the abolition of native government, with the substitution of Mongol for Russian princes. Such substitution would have endangered the language, religion and race of the Russian people. This had to be avoided at every sacrifice. No man knew the relative strength of the Mongols and Russians better than Alexander Nevski; no man was more devoted to Russia than he; no man was more respected by his own; therefore his words had weight, and when he explained that resistance would be ruin and submission was the only road to salvation the people believed and obeyed him. In this way he rescued Novgorod and many another city from utter destruction, and saved the lives of untold thousands. Above all his influence remained; it curbed passion and instilled patience and courage into the minds of men, and the knowledge that violence only made the yoke more oppressive.About the time of Nevski’s death, Moscow began to increase in size and importance. Daniel, his youngest son, received this town, then very small, and a few villages around it, as his inheritance.In Yuri Dolgoruki’s principality of Vladimir was laid the foundation of Moscow, and all that distinguished Vladimir from Rostoff and Suzdal distinguished Moscow in a higher degree. The advantage of Vladimir over earlier cities consisted in this, that there were none of those “ancient strong families” which held themselves separate from others. The Vladimir principality was settled by people who had come from many places and established themselves there during that historical period when out of a varied multitude of Slav stocks and families were formed one Russian people. This from the very first was the place of all Russia, this was Vladimir’s distinction. This must be said in a higher degree touching Moscow, the youngest and most recent of places subjected to Yuri, and formed later than others into a well-ordered region. When Dolgoruki’s inheritance had become a strong state under princes succeeding him, the cities therein became so assimilated to Vladimir that they recognized no longer the pretensions to primacy of Rostoff and Suzdal. In the days of Big Nest the appellation Great Russia was connected somewhat loosely with Vladimir. This appellation, before which not only[291]Rostoff and Suzdal yielded, but Lord Novgorod, was forced to incline, became permanently connected with Moscow, when that city rose to power finally. If, after the death of Andrei Bogolyubski, Rostoff and Suzdal boyars insisted on calling Vladimir an adjunct, they could not pretend that Moscow depended on the boyars of any place, since Yuri Dolgoruki had raised it against boyars in general. The tradition was that Moscow had been founded by Dolgoruki, and then seized from him by boyars with violence which he punished with immediate death.The distinction of Vladimir rule lay in the fact that the power of the prince acted firmly. Dolgoruki, and still more his son Andrei Bogolyubski, put an end to boyar control, which in other principalities was strong, and in some of them absolute, almighty. The struggle of boyars to uphold the ancient, and for them useful order of rule, their struggle for exceptional rights above other men, had in the Vladimir land dropped to the place and the character of intrigue and of treason, against which the people rose almost unanimously. The power of the prince thus appeared with single effect, and the people hastened to make it a state power. By precisely this aid of the people Big Nest had overcome the proud and powerful “great ones,” who stood against the “small people.” He had ended every claim of the boyars, claims hostile to all rule which favored the people. He had earned the love of earth-tillers and other workers by the fact that he permitted no town or district to be governed through boyar authority, but sent his own faithful servants to manage, and went himself yearly with his family and trusted persons to see what was taking place, and to personally give justice to all men. These servants differed greatly from boyars; they were just as much subject to the Vladimir prince as were the rest of the people. It was for their profit to strengthen and support the native prince who was ruling.In the Vladimir principality the whole social structure was built upon land. The interests of all coincided. All, from small to great, earth-tillers, artisans, clergy, merchants, warriors up to the prince himself, formed one solid power, and this was Great Russia. When Big Nest, near the end of his life, was opposed by his eldest son, Constantine, and resolved on a radical change, he turned for support to the people. He desired strength from the whole land as a unit. He did not assemble simply boyars in[292]an affair of such magnitude, he did not turn to his confidants only, he called boyars, merchants, and all classes of people. Such a union of the prince and the people ruled by him was confirmed by kissing the cross, and was a pledge of future union and consequent greatness. This union was the special distinction, and formed the main force of Great Russia. This belonged not to Rostoff and Suzdal, where, through ties with Great Novgorod and the old time, the boyar spirit was still strong. Not to the earliest cities did the trait belong at its best, but to later places, and most of all to the youngest, for this trait depended much on the general success attained not immediately, but slowly, with pain and great labor, by the princes of Vladimir, and later on by the princes of Moscow.At first while they were bringing into Vladimir the new type of rule to replace the old boyar order, the men pushed aside and driven out opposed it in every way possible. They complained of the prince’s agents and servants, they invented keen sayings against this new system. At that time none of the powerful men of the ancient order were reconciled with the new, and some fled from the country. But in the days of Daniel, son of Nevski, when Moscow was becoming prominent, the complete solidarity of prince and people, and the devotion of the people to an established princely line, became the chief trait of Moscow, the coming capital of Russia. The sturdy, industrious, persistent and peace-loving people were delighted to have the youngest son of Nevski, who was but two years of age when his father died, as Prince of Moscow and the country surrounding it. That region invited new settlers, who came in large numbers from all sides, because there was peace there and order, while north and south was disturbance and turmoil. This great advantage of being a peaceful and modest place was at that time the preëminence of Moscow, where Daniel, who alone of all the brothers had inherited the “sacred virtues” of his father, ruled quietly and unobserved.Following Nevski’s death in 1263, there was a dreary interval during which the princes struggled for the possession of Vladimir. Nevski was succeeded by Andrei, his brother, who lived only a few months. Yaroslav of Tver, brother of Andrei, then became Grand Prince. In the early years of his reign the people of Novgorod were involved in a stubborn war with Danes and the Knights of Livonia. During these troubles they lived in peace with[293]Yaroslav, but in 1270 they rose against him, and he was forced to ask aid of the Mongols. They promised assistance, and had sent forward a considerable army when, through the influence of Vassili, Yaroslav’s brother, it was suddenly recalled. The Grand Prince and his warriors then marched alone against Novgorod, but at the instance of the Metropolitan of Kief, he made peace with the rebellious boyars.In 1272 Yaroslav died, and was succeeded by Vassili, who lived somewhat less than three years. Then Dmitri, son of Nevski, became Grand Prince. While the principality was thus passing from the possession of one prince to that of another, the Mongols were taking full advantage of the quarreling, confusion and disorder brought about by constant change. They pillaged the provinces near by, and in 1278 burned Ryazan.In 1281 Dmitri’s brother, Andrei, conspired against him, and going to the Horde obtained, through bribes and flattery, the title of Grand Prince. Troops were sent from Sarai, and dependent princes were ordered to join their forces to Andrei’s and march against Dmitri, but they refused. Because of this refusal, Andrei’s own warriors lost courage and deserted him, and he fled. The Mongols, meanwhile, ravaged Murom and many large towns. Pereyaslavl resisted and received dire punishment. It was sacked and most of the people were slaughtered.Andrei now went to Sarai a second time and brought an army against Dmitri, who fled to Pskoff, and the Mongols seated Andrei on the throne of Vladimir. Again Russian towns were pillaged. Suzdal and Moscow suffered greatly, churches were sacked and precious vessels broken. If people resisted they were slaughtered. Dmitri, driven from Vladimir, wished to return to Pereyaslavl, his capital, but he was attacked by Andrei and fled to Tver, where Michael made peace between the brothers, and Dmitri, after struggling for three years to hold his own, promised to abdicate all claim to the Grand Principality. Shortly after this he fell ill and died (1294).During all these troubled years Moscow had been slowly gaining power and influence. Daniel, called by the people, who loved his peaceful and gentle life, “Holy Daniel,” was the first Prince of Moscow, the first real heir to it, and he became the founder of the Moscow line of princes, as well as the founder of the city’s[294]greatness. Nevski’s youngest son received the smallest portion, but, though no one could even dream of it in Daniel’s day, it was to excel in glory and importance every other capital in Russia. Vladimir, Kief and Novgorod all paled before Moscow. After Daniel had united to his capital places on the border and had acquired Pereyaslavl, his portion, by its size and good order, surpassed every other. He was not Grand Prince; the glory of his name, which was to be handed down from generation to generation, was not in a resounding title, or in mighty deeds. His entire reign passed in comparative peace, but to him specially fell the honor of maintaining the illustrious memory of his ancestors, so that they might be renowned among Russians till the remotest generation. The glory of his name is connected forever with Moscow. While his brothers were struggling with one another and with their uncle for the Grand Principality of Vladimir and the title, not one of them left a permanent inheritance to their children, not one of them became famous. Daniel, called simply “the Moscow prince,” collected an entire principality around his inconsiderable town, and amassed such an inheritance for his descendants that not only his grandchildren and his great-grandchildren, but his own children were called Princes of All Russia.We have few facts concerning Daniel; they are not to be found in Russian chronicles. He was among the best of the princes—a man who worked in the gloomy days of Mongol oppression.Daniel’s work was continued by his son Ivan, surnamed Kalitá (Purse). As his father had gathered around Moscow a whole principality and his residence had become the capital of a coming empire, so Ivan began to gather round Moscow all the unconnected parts of the country, and in his day the city appeared as the center of Great Russia, its genuine capital, and Vladimir ceased to be important. Though without the splendid virtues of his father, he, more than any of his brothers, resembled him. A churchgoer, he loved home and economy,—the latter he carried to excess even. His predecessors had struggled for the Grand Principality, but Ivan left this work to Yuri, his brother, and improved that which his father had left him. To things beyond Moscow, Ivan paid no attention. During twenty-five years his name was mentioned rarely. Meanwhile he was toiling at the heritage left by Nevski and winning strength in it. One of his great works consisted[295]of clearing the whole principality of thieves, evil-doers and robbers. There was no such order anywhere in that day as in Moscow, and the city increased through immigration and otherwise beyond all places.Besides other advantages, the central position of this principality helped it immensely. In it the roads crossed in every direction. The great water system began in its borders. Craftsmen, traders and people of all kinds came readily to settle in Moscow. Land-tillers found it more to their profit to live there than in places torn by quarrels. Hence Moscow was made up of men from every part of Russia. Next to Moscow was Tver, but there was less strength in Tver and less order. The turmoils of Novgorod were felt in Tver somewhat, and Tver was more exposed to raids from Lithuania. The place was, moreover, distinguished for an almost frivolous and insolent demeanor toward Mongols; hence in Moscow there was less danger from Mongols. All these causes taken together made Tver less desirable to immigrants than Moscow.In 1304 died Andrei, brother of Nevski. After his death, two men were rivals for the dignity of Grand Prince. Yuri, son of Daniel, through the glory of his grandfather, Nevski, and the newly won greatness of Moscow, where he and his brother Ivan were ruling, looked on himself as the senior. But the senior in fact, if descent were decisive, was Michael of Tver, the youngest brother of Nevski. Both Yuri and Michael hastened to occupy the throne of Vladimir, and each strove to incline Novgorod to his side. Michael hurried off to the Horde to win the patent, but found that Yuri had preceded him. The boyars of Andrei, the recent Grand Prince, were in favor of Michael, and the men who had served with Andrei were convinced that the throne would fall to their candidate. But Yuri succeeded in occupying Vladimir, and Novgorod was divided. Though that city contained many followers of Yuri, it did not reject Michael. The Novgorod men declared to both candidates that they would accept him who obtained the Khan’s patent; still they murmured at Michael. Why was he sending officials to Novgorod while he lacked confirmation?Maxim, the metropolitan, was friendly to Michael; he revered Ksenia, Michael’s widowed mother, as one of God’s chosen people; and respected Michael’s wife, Princess Anna, because she had[296]many Christian virtues. Yuri seemed to him not in the right as compared with his senior. Seeing the general movement of warriors and regiments on both sides, he was greatly alarmed, and, wishing for agreement, he not only threatened Yuri, but implored him to make peace. Maxim thought that he had succeeded, but he did not know Yuri, who never dropped any claim that he cherished. He would give no word not to go to the Horde. When the metropolitan tried to win a promise he answered:“I am not going to the Horde for a patent, but for another object.”This wily prince, who was ambitious and unprincipled, stopped at nothing to obtain power, which was dearer to him than all things else. He knew well that the Horde was all-powerful, and the Khan was its master in Russia. The word of the Khan was his sword; on this sword Yuri’s trust was unswerving, and he used every means to wield it; hence he set out for Sarai. While on the journey Michael’s adherents came very near seizing Yuri. He escaped, however, and by a roundabout road reached the Horde in safety, but only after much effort.The Mongol magnates charmed the prince with their readiness to feast and make friends with him. “Give more than Michael, and the yarlyk (patent) will be thine,” said they. So the princes strove to surpass each other in making presents to the Khan’s wives and favorites, as well as to Horde magnates. It proved, however, that Michael had more gold to spend than had Yuri. Yuri halted, and going to Michael, he said: “Let us strive no longer. I will not ruin my heritage. Let Vladimir be thine.” Soon after this the Khan gave the patent to Michael, who returned home eight months later.While the princes were at the Horde there was great activity in Russia. Boris, Yuri’s brother, sent by him to seize Kostroma, had been captured and taken to Tver. Novgorod men had expelled Michael’s boyars, who strengthened Nova-Torg, and then planned to attack Pereyaslavl and take it from Moscow. Akinfi, a Moscow boyar, having quarreled with Rodion Nestorvitch, a boyar who had come from Kief to Moscow with seven hundred followers and had received the first place in service, left Moscow in anger to seek a better place, which he found with the Tver prince, who made him the first among boyars. Akinfi assisted in[297]planning the campaign, and led the troops against Pereyaslavl. But in Tver there were many well-wishers of Moscow, and they gave warning of Akinfi’s adventure. The army which Ivan hurriedly led from Moscow was successful. Akinfi’s troops were defeated and he lost his life in the struggle; with him fell his son-in-law and many warriors. His sons, Ivan and Feodor, fled to Tver with few attendants. As Rodion Nestorvitch, who had sustained a leading part in this unsparing and decisive conflict, was leaving the battle-field, he raised his rival’s head on a lance-point and held it up before Ivan of Moscow. Ivan’s name, mentioned this once, was not mentioned earlier in Russianchronicles, and was left unmentioned thereafter for a long time. In the quarrels with Tver and Vladimir not Ivan, but Yuri, his brother, is prominent.The Grand Prince Michael, on returning from the Horde, settled down in Tver and ruled both the Grand Principality and Novgorod through his lieutenants. He would not leave unavenged Akinfi, his chief boyar. A campaign against Moscow was undertaken with every force which the Grand Prince could summon. But he had not the strength to bend Moscow. Neither opponent had sufficient power to crush the other; one had to retreat and the other had to let him go unpunished. It seemed that all that remained for Michael was to rule and live peaceably as Grand Prince. He had no foe except Yuri, who, though he had made peace with Michael, would not acknowledge his headship; nay, more, he challenged Michael’s position directly. Causes and excuses for this were plentiful on every side. Yuri not only did not yield the disputed Tver boundaries to Michael, but he seized other lands in addition. At last Michael complained without ceasing that Yuri was taking Tver lands from him, while he, Michael, sought nothing save lands belonging to Tver in the time of his father. Yuri would not give peace to his rival in Novgorod or Vladimir; he roused both secret and open intrigues against him unceasingly through his adherents in the two cities, and tried to undermine Michael at all times. Novgorod as usual was divided against itself. Factions were at war in the city. Some were in favor of the prince, while others demanded his expulsion and wanted a new man.Yuri and Ivan ruled together in Moscow and gave no voice to their brothers. It was evident that Yuri intended to place his younger[298]brothers in other principalities. With that intent he had sent Boris to Kostroma, where he was captured by Tver men. Besides Kostroma there was only Nizni-Novgorod, but in general Yuri had his eye upon any place which might be open to seizure. He was not troubled with delicacy in dealing with princes, and soon there was a quarrel about Nizni-Novgorod. As Michael was patient, Yuri’s insolence was overlooked for a season, but the more Michael yielded, the greater were Yuri’s demands on him. Their strength might seem equal, but Moscow was so far superior that the Tver prince, even adding Vladimir, was not the stronger.In 1308, three years after his first attack upon Moscow, Michael, because of Novgorod, was forced to take arms against Yuri a second time. This campaign was undertaken with all the power which the Grand Prince could summon and there was a great battle; much harm was inflicted, but again Michael failed to take Moscow, and returned to Tver without triumph.Michael’s position in Novgorod was difficult. There were old involved boundary questions between Novgorod and Vladimir; also between Tver and Novgorod. If Michael did justice to Tver, he made Novgorod an enemy. If he acceded to Novgorod’s demands, he made Tver indignant. Yuri, knowing this difficulty, inflamed Michael’s enemies in Novgorod, and upheld the demands of that city.Tok Timur, Khan of the Golden Horde, died in 1312, and was succeeded by Uzbek, the first Mongol ruler of Russia to become a Mohammedan, though he was more Mongol by far than a follower of Mohammed. Again all princes must visit Sarai and bow down to the Khan. Michael of Tver appeared at the Horde before the others. He was accompanied by the Metropolitan of Russia, who was allowed to go home after a very short time. He returned to Vladimir before any one looked for him, but for his friend Michael they waited till they ceased to expect him. One year passed, a second began. At last, however, his visit came to a favorable end. Uzbek confirmed him in the Grand Principality and commanded Novgorod’s obedience. This was to be assured by Horde warriors, who were prompt in assistance. With Michael went from the Horde three “sultans” (commanders), Taitmar, Matroja and Indy. And the capricious Moscow prince, who, during Michael’s absence, had made himself master of Novgorod,[299]was threatened with anger and summoned to Sarai to answer Michael’s charges. Yuri set out from Novgorod directly, leaving Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor Rjerski behind him to govern the city. A Novgorod embassy went to the Horde to help Yuri. This support was especially valuable to him, since the people never sent men with empty hands to do business; they scattered gold and silver as far as was needed. In money power no place at that time was equal to Novgorod. Yuri knew well how to manage the Mongols. The Golden Horde magnates had pleased him immensely in the days of his earliest visit, because of their readiness to feast and rejoice with him. He had had friends and allies during Tok Timur’s reign, but since he had promised Novgorod men to relieve them of Michael, he had vastly more influence, for Novgorod’s liberality was measureless. He received worthy aid for the road and was assured of further assistance whenever the need came, and in any proportion necessary, if only the Novgorod wish could be gratified. Yuri felt sure of success. When he entered Sarai all things seemed favorable. To begin with, Prince Michael, his enemy, who in Tok Timur’s time had contended with him for the Grand Principality, though the patent had been given him, was not popular at the Horde, for he had not become intimate with any one. He knew not how to win Mongol favor. Mild and sedate, he had not roused respect even by his obedience. His sober, methodical life was unendurable to Mongols. On the other hand, Yuri was loved by his old, and now by his new friends. Kavgady was the keenest of the Mongol magnates, and he had the Khan’s fullest confidence; with this man Yuri became specially intimate. Soon the Khan himself was very gracious to Yuri, who was at home not only throughout the Horde, but in the Khan’s family. There was no great feast without him. In 1297, when young, he had married a Rostoff princess, but he was now a widower. Soon it was known to all the high Mongols that Konchaka, the Khan’s favorite sister, was to marry Yuri. Uzbek permitted her to become a Christian, and she took in baptism the name Agatha.Yuri remained at the Horde about two years. While he was there Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor, placed by him in Novgorod, carried on war against Michael, who marched toward Novgorod and met their forces at Torjok in the spring of 1316. The Novgorod[300]warriors were choice and not few in number, but they were of the boyar party, for the people would take no part in this war. Their army was defeated and was forced to seek refuge inside the walls of Torjok.Then Michael sent to them saying: “Give me the princes, Afanasi and Feodor, and I will make peace.” “We will die for Holy Sophia with honor,” was the answer. “We will not yield up those princes.” Then Michael sent a second time: “Give me Feodor alone.” At first they refused, then finally surrendered him, and peace was made.But soon a new war broke out which dragged on a whole year, if not longer. Michael sent his posadnik and officials to Novgorod, but the city expelled them and the war continued, while Yuri was absent arranging with Uzbek. Novgorod charged Michael with perfidy. The tribute which Michael imposed on Torjok was not paid, and Novgorod accused him of detaining hostages and of seizing their people, with arms and horses. They sent an embassy to Yuri, but Tver warriors intercepted those envoys and detained them. Novgorod complained that after Michael had withdrawn from Torjok they sent a request through their bishop asking him to liberate the Novgorod people detained by him, but this he had refused to do. The Tver men in answer pointed out Novgorod’s injustice. “Why send envoys to Yuri and the Horde, and incite anger against Tver, Pskoff, Ladoga and other places? Why did Novgorod in time of council throw Basok into the river, declaring him a spy from Prince Michael? Why also was Daniel Pistsoff slain?”Again Michael marched against Novgorod, but this time, though he was not defeated, he suffered greatly. Approaching within fifty versts of the city and discovering that men from Pskoff, Ladoga and other places had come to help Novgorod, he withdrew. While retreating his troops lost their way amid lakes and swamps, and were forced by hunger to eat their own horses and even the rawhide of their shields. Many died of hunger and cold; those who survived reached home in great wretchedness.But this unfortunate expedition did not affect Michael so much as the news from the Horde, news which forced him to make peace with Novgorod, remit all arrears and return prisoners and hostages. Novgorod, on its part, engaged to withdraw from Yuri and take[301]no part in quarrels between the two princes. The news which reached Michael before he made peace, and which Novgorod did not at that time know, was then published to all men. The Khan’s brother-in-law, Yuri, with his princess, had left the Horde with large regiments from the Khan, and a suite of Horde magnates. They were coming to strip Michael of his office. No one doubted that Yuri was Grand Prince; that was the report, and the first to believe it was Michael. He waited for further news, but no news was forthcoming. No messenger came from the Khan, nor did he receive any word from his men, who were at the Horde in attendance. But that which was done in the Mongol camp and declared to the world was incredible, unless Yuri had the patent.Kavgady sent Telebuga, his assistant, to Novgorod to summon all warriors to the banners of Yuri. Astrobyl was sent to the Volga for the same purpose. Kavgady himself moved with his own troops, and some from Yuri. They expected reinforcements from places above and below them.Michael, fearing an attack on Tver, increased its defenses and summoned in other princes. But in Rostoff and Suzdal, as well as Vladimir, no one knew anything accurately. So that while some princes favored Michael, others joined his opponents, and still others were undecided which prince to support, though Kavgady had ordered all to join Yuri.Michael marched toward Kostroma, but when he came in sight of Yuri and his army, he sent him this message: “If the Khan has given thee the office of Grand Prince, I withdraw. But touch not my heritage.”One of the principal duties and the distinguishing right of the Grand Prince was to give the Khan all the tribute collected by princes. For this the Grand Prince was responsible directly, and in questions concerning it he treated smaller princes as pleased him. They had to deal with him only, and had not the right to appear at the Horde with their tribute. Hence, because of those tributes, there were endless disputes between the Grand Prince and the princes beneath him. It was almost impossible to disentangle the questions of tribute paid too late or too early, neglected, overpaid or underpaid. But Michael was distinguished in this as in all things requiring accuracy. Every item was recorded. How much he had received from this prince or that, was written down[302]carefully and delivered with precision. So now, when he yielded the office of Grand Prince, he thought it his duty to give a clear list of the tribute, including that which was not yet delivered. All this was explained to Kavgady and to Yuri. Michael then gave up the Grand Principality and the tribute.“I will remain in my own place,” said he; “only leave me in quiet.” Thus all was arranged and Michael, before the eyes of his enemies, dismissed his main forces, leading home only a small retinue. Meanwhile Yuri disbanded no warriors, but strengthened his army. The Suzdal princes took Yuri’s side. Yuri now went to Moscow and with him went his princess, “Konchaka,” as the people continued to call her. During the summer Michael was occupied in fortifying Tver. Toward October, Kavgady and Yuri marched against him. The whole Volga region joined Yuri. Novgorod men were to be at Torjok to act against Michael.When Yuri’s army reached the Tver border he began to burn towns and take prisoners. Avoiding the capital, he turned against the Tver possessions beyond the Volga. Michael lost patience at this point. Tver men had always been noted for hating the Mongols. Michael’s sons, his boyars and his warriors all demanded war, and he could not curb them. “It is impossible,” said the people, “for thee not to go against Yuri. We are ready to lay down our lives in this action.”Michael and his forces met the foe forty versts from the city, December 22, 1317, and Yuri was thoroughly defeated. He fled to Novi-Torg with few attendants, and then to Novgorod. His camp and his tent were seized by the victors. They captured Konchaka, Yuri’s princess, and Boris, his brother. When Kavgady saw that the battle was lost, he surrendered to Michael, whose armor was cut and hacked, but whose body was not wounded.The delight of the victors was unbounded in view of the multitude of prisoners. But the pleasure of their triumph was lessened by the fact that many Mongols had fallen in the battle. Men learned now, and they might have guessed earlier, that the conflict had been brought on by Yuri and Kavgady without the Khan’s order or knowledge. What could they do in Tver with the prisoners? Michael lodged Konchaka in his palace with honor, and gave her every attention. Kavgady and his attendants were favored with gifts and with feasts. The Mongols flattered their entertainers[303]and praised their generosity, but this deceived no one. They remembered what wealth they had lost in the battle, and how many captives had been taken from them, and it was seen in their eyes how revenge lurked in their souls while they flattered.That winter, just before Lent, Yuri led Novgorod men against Michael, who, unwilling to cause more bloodshed so soon after his recent victory, marched out, stopped Yuri from crossing the Volga, and sent him this message: “We must go to the Khan; why should we fight before going?” Yuri answered with insolence but agreed finally that both should go to the Horde and let the Khan judge them. Michael declared that Konchaka and Boris would be given up immediately, and the opponents parted without an encounter.But terrible trouble came now upon Michael. Konchaka died in his palace, and the report was spread that she had been poisoned. The coffin containing the body of the ill-fated woman was taken from Tver to Rostoff and given to Yuri’s relatives. Michael was weighed down with woe. Fate seemed to pursue him in this struggle with Yuri.On learning that Michael was preparing to visit Sarai, Kavgady insisted that Yuri should hasten and anticipate the Tver prince, and in clear proof of the importance of doing so hurried off himself. When going, he advised Yuri to collect as many men as possible of those who had had dealings with Michael in the matter of tribute, so that they could be called to give testimony against the Tver prince.Michael understood well what serious work was before him, for it was known at the Horde that Kavgady always misrepresented him to the Khan, and reports of this had come to Michael. At last, toward the end of the summer, he realized that he must loiter no longer. At Vladimir he met Akhmyl, an envoy, from whom he hoped to learn something of what was taking place in Sarai. Akhmyl counseled haste; he gave no precise information, only whispering Kavgady’s calumnies, “Be there before a month has passed,” said he. “Kavgady has stated that thou art not coming.” Michael’s boyars advised him not to go; his sons said, “Send us.” The prince hesitated. “One of thy sons is there now,” said the boyars; “send another.” “Listen to us,” begged the sons. “Go not, thou artcalumniated. Send us. Go when the Khan’s rage has softened.”[304]Michael sat long in thought. At last he said, “The Khan has not asked for you. It is my head that he wants. If I do not go, my inheritance will be seized, and many Christians will perish. I must die sometime; better die now, and save others.” He explained how he wished his inheritance to be divided; gave advice to his sons; wrote his will and took farewell of them. During the whole journey to the Horde he was gloomy and depressed. He was ready to pour out his soul before Uzbek, trusting in his justice. He did not doubt that the Khan would be gracious if he only knew the facts in the quarrel. But would the Khan know the facts?When Michael reached Sarai he found that Uzbek had gone, and he had to journey a thousand versts farther, to find him near the mouth of the Don at the Sea of Azoff. Constantine, Michael’s son, who had been in Sarai, could give his father no information except that one of the Khan’s wives was kind; he had visited her and she liked him. From his boyars, who were with Constantine at the Horde, he heard that the Khan had spoken no evil against him. At the Horde all received his presents graciously, but he could learn nothing decisive.At last the day came when he was to bow to the earth before Uzbek. He could see no displeasure in the Khan’s visage; he seemed as friendly as when he had given the patent; he was neither kind nor unkind. In the Horde it was the same—neither kind nor unkind. There was no recognition between him and Kavgady or Yuri. The whole Horde was with them, as it seemed to Michael. Everything confirmed the statement of his friends that Kavgady was calumniating him always. It was said also that the intimates of the Khan had mentioned repeatedly the necessity of judging the Tver prince. When the Khan promised and afterward forgot, they reminded him that the case was important and should not be deferred; that a state is made strong through showing favor to good men, and punishing the wicked.Michael lived six weeks in anxiety without trial. Then he was suddenly summoned to receive judgment. The Khan, who was as much occupied by amusement as by affairs, was preparing for a grand hunt in the Caucasus and beyond those mountains. Pleasure, it appeared, coincided with policy. Some said that he was taking the forces of the Horde to a great hunt and was then going to a war on the Persian boundary. At all events, before setting out,[305]he wished to settle certain questions which annoyed him, and suddenly he said to his magnates, “Judge Yuri and the Grand Prince; then bring your decision. Whoever is right, him will I reward; the guilty I will punish.” This was all Kavgady needed.Next day they summoned Michael. Many complaints were preferred against him: he had withheld the Khan’s tribute; he had sent his wealth to Livonia; he had begged aid of the Pope; he had borrowed money from tax collectors and princes, and had not returned it; he had been a robber; he had been unjust to subject princes,—this must have referred to Novgorod. Then came the two great offenses: he had poisoned Konchaka, and had warred against the Khan’s envoys.The princes of the Horde sat in judgment; a great accumulation of complaints lay before them. Kavgady and Yuri were among the judges; they were witnesses as well. When Michael presented strict accounts of the tribute and lists of all taken from each person they cried out: “Thou art haughty and disobedient; thou hast insulted the Khan’s envoy, Kavgady, and fought with him; kept back the Khan’s tribute, and poisoned Yuri’s princess; thou hast beaten the Khan’s magnates.” “I have obeyed the Khan,” answered Michael, “and I obey him now. I have given accurate tribute. The Khan’s envoy attacked me with warriors; I was forced to defend myself. After that I honored him and gave him good presents; I took farewell of him with gifts, and with homage. I did not kill Yuri’s princess; her death came from nature.”When the trial was ended it was repeated to the Khan. Uzbek was waiting. “Prince Michael,” said the judges, “is worthy of death, but thy word is free. All will be done according to thy pleasure.” And they explained the main offenses. The Khan commanded to give a new trial and test the truth carefully a second time. The judges were confused and retired with submission. But going later on to the Khan, by the advice of Kavgady, who was assisting them, they said: “Michael is worthy of death. If thou command to revise the late trial he should stand before us in fetters. We would not see thee offended; thy glory and honor touch us, O Khan, and concern all the people.” Kavgady now added: “The case between Yuri and Michael is known to me perfectly; I know the whole truth of it.” “Do as ye like,” replied[306]Uzbek, after thinking a little. “But judge the case justly, and come to me afterward.”Michael was judged as he had been judged the first time, and warriors were commanded to lead away the condemned man. The second trial was on Friday, and lasted till late in the evening. The judges went directly to Uzbek. “We find Michael worthy of death this time also,” said they. “If that is just,” replied Uzbek, “act as ye have decided.” The judges now strove to hasten the execution, but Uzbek deferred it.From the moment of the second trial, Michael knew well that his cause was lost. On returning to his tent he repeated the words “My days have vanished like smoke and have passed like a vision.” Two hours later heavier fetters were put on him; his attendants were expelled; his robes of a prince were stripped from his body, and the guards seized his effects. This was done always in the case of condemned men. He was left then with guards to watch over him strictly. On Sunday he learned that the Horde was to follow the Khan to a hunt on the Caucasus north and south of the Terek. That day they put a kang on him,—an instrument of torture and an index of infamy, borrowed by the Mongols from China. It was made of two planks, and was four-cornered like a small oblong table. In the center was a round hole cut to fit the neck and a smaller one on either side into which the hands of the victim were inserted. The planks were pushed apart, the neck and wrists fixed in their places, and then the planks were brought together and fastened. Chains were attached to the kang, by which men led the prisoner. In this way the unfortunate Michael was led behind the Khan’s forces and for twenty-five days he traveled in that horrible torture.Hunting, the favorite amusement of the Mongol Khans, continued usually a month or two, and showed strikingly their character. The whole Horde was in motion. Two or three hundred thousand men often shared in this immense spectacle and enjoyment. Each man rode his best horse and wore his finest clothes; countless wagons carried goods from Greece, India and other distant regions. Delight and luxury were visible everywhere. Lonely steppes were filled with people; certain places in them became populous cities for a day or two, and all was noise, mirth and turmoil. Michael dragged on, walking behind this great[307]army of pleasure seekers, for in his case Uzbek had not spoken the death words. A great part of the way the ill-fated prisoner was urged forward on foot. Occasionally the kang was removed, but at such times he was heavily chained. The hunt lasted long and extended far beyond the Terek to the mountains and the Caspian.When the decision of the judges was at last confirmed by the Khan, the execution was summary. November 22, 1318, Kavgady saw Uzbek in the morning, and received the order to execute Michael. Toward midday, while the prince, who had grown mortally weary of life, was repeating the fifty-fifth psalm: “My heart is sore pained within me, and the terrors of death are fallen upon me,” an attendant rushed up, and cried: “Kavgady and Yuri are coming with a number of people.” “I know why they are coming,” said Michael.The two men halted on the market-place, at a distance of a stone’s throw from the prisoner’s tent, and Michael was summoned. The executioners seized him and threw him to the earth, but he sprang up quickly. They threw him again, beat him with fists, and then with their heels stamped his life out. When they had killed him, they put the corpse out on the steppe, where they left it. Yuri went to look at the body. “Why art thou looking?” asked Kavgady, reproachfully. “He was to thee as thy father. Have him covered!” One of Yuri’s men removed his upper garment and covered the body. Soon after this, Michael’s attendants came out, tied the corpse firmly to a plank, and then, by Yuri’s order, bore it to Moscow.[308]

[Contents]CHAPTER XIIIALEXANDER NEVSKIIn 1252–1253 Alexander Nevski began rule and was the real successor of Yaroslav, his father. When Andrei had grown weary of exile, he begged Nevski to intercede for him at the Horde. Meanwhile Sartak, Batu’s son, had been murdered, as is said, by Berkai, his uncle, who took the Kipchak throne and waited confirmation from Mangu, at that time Grand Khan.Again all Russian princes had to visit the Horde and wait to have their titles confirmed. Alexander sent his nephews, Glaib and Boris, with rich gifts to Ulavchi, the favorite. The gifts were accepted and Andrei was forgiven, but Nevski himself had to go to the Horde with his guilty brother to receive the formal pardon.The eternal enmity in Novgorod between the strong and the weak; the rich and the poor; the rooted hostility of haughty merchants and opulent traders to craftsmen and land-tillers; and the rivalry among the ambitious for power and offices raged unceasingly. From of old a large number, and at times a majority, were attracted to the Russia outside of Great Novgorod. There had long been partisans of Vladimir among Novgorod boyars, men who thought it well for their country to act with Vladimir and even to be merged in it, but there were also implacable opponents to either coöperation or union, and these nourished hatred for Vladimir at every hazard. On the Vladimir side were all the more or less well-to-do people, the peace men. Therefore it seemed as if the adherents of Vladimir were only the well-to-do, and the satisfied, who cared not for the poor; but this was not the case. On the side of Vladimir were the land-tillers and common folk.When Nevski took power in Vladimir he placed his eldest son, Vassili, in Novgorod. Vassili could not oppress Novgorod; he was too young for such action. He was, also, a real Novgorod partisan,[280]as he showed later on by contemning his father. These partisans were supported by the mob of the city, men without houses, with nothing to lose at any time, and nothing to gain except what they could win through disorder. They were advocates of the loudly lauded “Novgorod liberties.” They appeared, though untruly, as friends and defenders of working men. But working men saw in boyars who “loved liberty” their chief and main enemies. They saw in them persons who sought liberty for themselves, but not for “small people.” Among these boyars were the very rich, the proud, who recognized no man beyond their circle. In all riots, no matter how many there might be, these great and rich persons directed the councils and managed the city. Some of them claimed to love liberty and poor men; others did not go that far. But in cases of riot both divisions of those “great people” strove to hold the street mob at command. They put forward bold rioters, who cared not for small or great persons, but found profit in disorder. And when during encounters the people came to examine the question at issue, or had at last to interfere in those matters, such confused causes were presented that it seemed beyond human power to explain them. Each side appealed to the rights of Great Novgorod and the good of the people, but the people could never find out the real cause of the disturbance, or where there could be any profit for them in the turmoil.Just such a riddle was offered in the case of Vassili, son of Nevski. There was a party in Novgorod which had pretexts at all times for rousing the people, and beclouding good counsel. As Mongol oppression increased and taxes and tribute grew heavier, oppression of all kinds gave designing men chances for evil incitement. They needed simply to shout: “We are defending our liberties against cursed eaters of raw flesh. Away then with favorites of the Khan, slaves to Mongols!” and the conflict would begin.In 1255 Novgorod disturbers summoned Yaroslav as prince to their city. Nevski was astounded when he heard that his son had been driven away in disgrace, and that his place had been given to Yaroslav. Why could Yaroslav serve Novgorod better than Vassili, unless because Yaroslav was in disgrace at the Horde, and under the Khan’s anger? Nevski moved at once against Novgorod. In Torjok, where he met his son, he learned still newer details of the riot from Novgorod men, who had come out to[281]meet him. The city was terribly excited, disorder had taken unusual proportions. Yaroslav had fled when he heard that his brother was coming. The posadnik at that time was Anani, a well-known opponent of Vladimir. The adherents of Vladimir, who were, of course, favorable to Nevski, strove to allay the excitement, and bring back Vassili, but they also had an object apart from this: their leader was Mihalko Stepanovitch, whom they wished to make posadnik; therefore they accused Anani of causing the disturbance, and tried to expel him from office. Mihalko appeared boldly against his opponents, and the people were divided. It seemed to uninformed observers as if Mihalko’s adherents were seeking merely for the profit of boyars. “Were they not mainly those rich men, who cared not for poor folk, while Anani’s adherents were simple men, standing up bravely for liberty and the honor of Novgorod?” The excitement became greater and greater. Nevski, having drawn near, sent a command to Novgorod to put an end to the riot, and give him Anani. Through this the excitement was not decreased, but heightened immensely,—nay, it became general. The outbreak was involved by the fact that Anani, though a known enemy of Vladimir, proved to be innocent this time. The disturbers on both sides had abused his name greatly. One party promised to die for him, the other to throw him into the river, and drown him. Some declared that the whole riot was made to protect their good guardian and defender, while others represented him falsely as the banisher of Vassili, and the father of every known evil. Those in arms against Mihalko encamped at Nikola, and swore to die for Anani.When Nevski was approaching, they asked of one another, “What shall we do?” and finally resolved not to surrender any of their people. The “small folk” kissed the cross, declaring: “We will defend Novgorod rights and live or die for them.” When Nevski commanded them to surrender Anani, all were confused, and, not knowing what course to pursue, they went to Dolinot, the archbishop, and counseled. They knew Nevski’s persistence, they knew that when he had once taken a position he would not retire from it, and to the demand these words were added: “If ye will not yield me Anani, I am no longer your prince, I will march straight against you.” They decided at last to beg Dolinot,[282]and Klim, the commander, to go to Nevski in the name of all Novgorod, and say to him: “Come, Prince, to thy throne and give no ear to offenders. Work thy displeasure on Anani and others.”The two men went to Nevski as ambassadors. All waited their return with impatience. The prince listened neither to Klim nor to Dolinot. When they returned and announced their failure, there was sorrow on both sides. In the meeting which followed, people said with one voice: “It is a sin for those men who have brought us to quarrel with Nevski.” They came almost to bloodshed, and if blood did not flow the whole merit belonged to Anani. Mihalko with his men was ready to fall on Anani’s adherents, but Anani sent secret observers to note all that was happening. When the adherents of these two men came to blows, and the mob rushed to burn the house of Mihalko and kill him, Anani stopped them, saying: “Brothers, if ye wish to kill him, ye must take my life from me first.”The third day after this, Nevski’s forces stood fully armed before Novgorod. On the fourth day he sent again a message to the city, but now it was changed somewhat: “Remove Anani from office, and I will forgive you.” All yielded willingly, and Anani himself before others. They gave the office to Mihalko, making peace with Nevski on his own terms. Prince Vassili was seated in Novgorod again, and his return should have pleased the city, since his reign was not without profit. The Riga Germans, and also the Swedes, had begun new attacks on the Novgorod borders, and frequent raids were made by the Lithuanians. Vassili won victories over all these enemies. The Lithuanians were crushed; the prince pursued them far west of Toropets. The Germans withdrew before the Pskoff warriors, and the Swedes were badly defeated.This new attack of the Swedes disturbed Nevski, hence he came to Novgorod with large forces, and commanded the city to assemble fresh regiments. The point of his intended attack was kept secret. Cyril, Metropolitan of Russia, came with him, and conducted the prince and his troops to Koporye. From there he sent him on his journey, after blessing the warriors, who learned then that their campaign was to end in that region where in summer the sun does not set for six months, and in winter does not rise for the same[283]length of time. This locality—the country of the Lopars, later called Lapland by Germans—was the remotest part of Novgorod possessions, and was visited rarely, for it had not been assailed hitherto by the enemies of Russia, but about this time the Swedes were endeavoring to take those lands from Russia, and connect them with Sweden.This was among Nevski’s most striking campaigns. Marching along difficult cliffs and through dense forests he finally reached the sea. The wearied Novgorod men now refused to go farther, though they had made but half the journey, so Nevski sent them home and finished the campaign with his own personal followers, who were as untiring and fearless as their prince. He won all the seacoast, and returned bringing a multitude of prisoners, and leaving the country behind him in fear and obedience. Nevski’s men had before this pushed through the gloom of Yatoyag forests; they had made paths through wooded swamps in Lithuania; they had suffered from blizzards in Trans-Volga regions; they had endured all kinds of hardship and toil in campaigning, but they had seen nothing like that which they experienced in this war against Chuds and Lopars (Fins and Lapps). Nevski had now marked with his sword, for the use of coming ages, the Finnish boundary of Russia.Whenever Nevski went to the Horde he was distinguished beyond other princes; they did not detain him too long; they granted his requests, and dismissed him with honor. When he brought with him Yaroslav, his brother, as he had brought Andrei earlier, the Khan forgave Yaroslav, who after that remained quietly in his own possessions. And when an order came from the Khan to send forces beyond the Terek near the foot of the Caucasus, the Russians were freed from this service at Nevski’s request.The prince suffered more and more from those visits to the Horde. In former days he seemed stern and serious after each of them, but now he seemed worn and exhausted. His health did not promise long life to him. The demands of the Mongols were increasing, and soon a decision was published which brought all men to despair when they heard it. No one had power to set aside or change this decision. The Khan commanded to take a great census, to count all his subjects, and increase his income by imposing[284]a head tax. This time Nevski’s intercession was useless. The greedy master of the Horde insisted on his decision, adding that such was the will of the Grand Khan. Mangu had in fact commanded to enumerate all men and things under Mongol dominion.Officials of the Horde appeared first in Ryazan and in Murom. There they counted the people and described the land minutely. Dues were imposed upon all men except the clergy. Town and village property, and occupations were described in this census. The officials went thence to Suzdal, Rostoff, and Vladimir. One year and a second had passed before they finished. They did this work with great care, without haste, and most accurately. Next inspectors appeared to ensure the close gathering of the tribute and taxes. All this time an ominous sound was heard coming from Novgorod, though there had been order in the city since the second installation of Nevski’s son, Vassili, now sixteen years of age and well conversant with the affairs of that place.Nevski was observing the census carefully everywhere, in places ruled by others as well as by himself. His labor in studying this work took much of his time and strength.In the winter of 1257–1258 the Mongols were sent to Novgorod to enumerate the inhabitants and property of that place. When the officials were leaving Vladimir, Nevski gave them as assistants a number of his own men, but he did not go himself, since he wished to hear from his son before further action. While he was waiting for news, the chief Mongols came rushing back to Vladimir in anger. How they had been offended in Novgorod no man could learn from their account and their outcries. With a great din they attacked the prince, saying that they had gone to Novgorod believing in his word, but if they were to be treated in this way they would throw aside everything and go back to the Golden Horde straightway.Nevski, seeing clearly the danger, summoned his brothers, Boris from Rostoff, and Andrei from Suzdal, but only with great difficulty could he detain the Mongols. At last, however, they consented to return to Novgorod, if accompanied by Nevski and his brothers. The Grand Prince, upon approaching Novgorod, was surprised that his son did not come out to meet him. Most of the Mongols had followed their superiors to Vladimir, only a few[285]had remained in the city; these declared that no census had been made, and added: “We know not what is happening.”The posadnik, Mihalko, had been killed,—Anani had died a few months earlier. Some said that Prince Vassili had declared to the people his willingness to die for the liberties of Novgorod; others said that he was not in the city. A second posadnik had been chosen, and killed. Klim, the commander, they had driven out of Novgorod.When Vassili heard that his father was coming, he had in fact said to the people: “They are bringing fetters to put on us. Let us die for the liberties of Novgorod!” He had been taught these daring words by boyars. But after uttering them his courage failed and he fled to Pskoff with these same boyars.Nevski wished to march against Pskoff without waiting, but the Mongols would not permit it; they feared to part with him. Novgorod then sent the following message to the Mongols: “Honor from us to the Khan, and to you. We have gifts for him, and for you also.”Nevski now turned to Pskoff with this message: “Send back my son and all the traitorous boyars immediately.” The guilty men were sent back, and, knowing that Nevski was not mild with offenders, they looked for dire punishment. “To evil men an evil end,” said the people. “These boyars have brought Prince Vassili to sorrow.” All in the city expected that one would be hanged, and another beheaded. The authors of these troubles were, in fact, cruelly punished. Some had their eyes put out, some had a hand cut off, others had their nostrils torn away, their tongues cut out, or their ears taken off; Vassili was put under guard and sent to Suzdal.The Mongol officials, well pleased with this punishment, and with the rich gifts of the city, promised to make no complaint to the Khan; they would either be silent, they said, touching what had been done, or would mention it mildly. So those officials were pacified, and brought to good humor.Novgorod had chosen Misha as posadnik, but he had been murdered during the disturbance. They now selected Michael; a third man, Jiroha, was appointed as commander to succeed Klim, who had been driven from Novgorod. The people begged[286]Nevski not to leave them without a prince. Many Novgorod men had recently visited Vladimir; some of these had gone on errands, and some had been sent by Nevski to see how obedience was rendered the Mongols in that city. Hearing from the people there all the terrors of Nevruya’s “promenade” they knew well the meaning of a Mongol census invasion. Some of these men, on returning, informed their friends that if Novgorod would not yield to the census, a Mongol host would come quickly, and bring woe to the city; others reported dread tidings: Mongol forces were marching already. Novgorod grew quiet at once, and the leading citizens decided to permit the census to be taken. Because of this decision, Nevski was able to satisfy the Mongols, and he begged them not to delay or defer, but to carry out the Khan’s will immediately. They consented, but required that the Grand Prince himself should stay with them.When the census officials appeared to begin their work again in Novgorod and districts around it, the promise to yield was as if it had never been given. When the officials stepped out of sleighs, and were assigned the best houses to live in, and the Mongols made ready to pass from street to street, and from house to house, an ominous murmur went up throughout Novgorod. In all districts near the city there was disturbance and uproar. Men ridiculed the Mongols, and spoke evil words to their faces. The censors, in alarm, asked Nevski to protect them. He sent guards to their houses, and among these the son of the posadnik. But neither posadnik nor commander had meaning for Novgorod malcontents. Not only were common people terribly excited, but the chief men fell into two parties opposed to each other. The Khan’s officials threatened to abandon their task altogether. Nevski was forced to stay with them always. The people grew still more excited: “We will die for Holy Sophia!” was their watchword. The Mongol officials turned to the boyars, repeating suggestively: “Permit us to take the census, or we will leave Novgorod!” The boyars laid all blame on the people. The Mongols turned then to Nevski, with these words: “Why should we stay here longer? Your people will kill us.” On the square louder and louder were heard threatening voices. “Let us resist to the death! Whoso is just let him join us!” The crowd of people felt sure of their rights and complained: “The rich command[287]to count our heads. They make everything easy for themselves, but evil for small folk.” There was a roar throughout the city: “We will die for justice!” All at once a report was spread that the Mongols were to move on the Kremlin from two points. There was a rush to the cathedral from all parts, and a cry rose: “Let us go to Saint Sophia. We will lay down our heads there!”Meanwhile the Mongols were only thinking of how to save themselves. Nevski, greatly fearing lest the people might kill them, did not think it wise to detain them longer. Not merely had they not finished the census, they had barely begun it. Still, in spite of the turmoil, no riot took place in that boisterous Novgorod, accustomed to disorder and bloodshed. No “pagan eater of raw flesh” was attacked, either inside its walls or beyond them.At the beginning of 1259, new envoys from the Horde arrived at Vladimir, men so important that even the people remembered their names, which were Berkai and Kasatchik. They were sent to command the Khan’s men, and to finish the census in Novgorod. Again Nevski was forced to accompany census officials. On the way to Novgorod he joined with his own forces Rostoff regiments, and also the regiments of Suzdal. Berkai and Kasatchik had demanded this aid to protect them. They approached the city with a great force of warriors. This time the Novgorod men were alarmed, but they yielded only when they found resistance to be vain. The new envoys did not return to the Horde till the work had begun in their presence and they felt sure that their subordinates would be able to complete it. These men went along each street from house to house, describing accurately all the land, houses, goods, and people.But Novgorod showed a no less desperate opposition than earlier, an opposition which was strong, protracted and stubborn. Both sides were prepared for a bloody conclusion. On one side was the dense population of a city in which all carried weapons; on the other the armies of the Grand Prince and the Khan’s commanders. Two almost equal forces stood opposed to each other, and had reached the utmost bounds of excitement. They had come to that moment beyond which a bloody encounter must take place. But at this critical juncture an idea flashed on Nevski which averted the peril. He begged the Khan’s envoys[288]to go from Novgorod, and he would assume all responsibility. They did this, and then he declared to the people that he had exhausted all means and methods of saving them. He would leave them now to the Khan, they might meet his anger in their own way. Thereupon he commanded his troops to leave the city immediately, and he himself walked forth from the fortress. The Novgorod men had waited for his order to the troops to attack them, and now to their amazement he had commanded those troops to march out of the city. This command produced terror. All bowed down at once before Nevski, and implored him not to leave them. They promised to yield to his will absolutely. This ended the trouble. The Mongols were recalled, and their work began in good earnest. Later on the delight of Great Novgorod was unbounded when the Khan’s agents finished the census, and vanished.The struggle and anxieties of this period, ending with the completion of the Novgorod census, took much time and strength from Nevski. Only in 1260 was there, as the chronicler tells us, “any peace for Christians.”In the beginning of 1261, Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, was born to him. After that year the prince had no respite from suffering.The worst of the Mongol yoke was not that every man’s head, and every horn and hoof of his cattle was registered, not that Mongol inspectors were stationed in all parts of the country; the heaviest weight of the yoke came when the Khan farmed Russian taxes to men from Khiva, Turkestan and Bukhara. Among partners and aids of those tax-farmers were Jews and Armenians, persons of various languages and religions. These traders in tribute, a people unheard of in Russia till that time, began a work which greatly intensified Mongol oppression. They became real torturers, squeezing the last copper coin from the people. They imposed grinding interest for arrears of tribute. They were worse than the most cruel usurer. Men who were unable to pay they sold into slavery or beat savagely with whips and clubs. This terror extended from end to end of the country. From those galling oppressions came riots. The riots were suppressed most unsparingly, and with bloodshed. No longer could safety and peace be connected with any place. There were disorders in Suzdal, in Pskoff, even in Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest.[289]These uprisings were not against Mongols directly. The people beat tax-farmers and their assistants, not the Khan’s men, hence the Khan could not be angry in the same degree; still his anger might be looked for, and reports were often current that regiments from the Horde were marching “to pacify” Russia.At this juncture news came that Germans, the Knights of Livonia, were advancing with a numerous force to attack Pskoff. Nevski sent his own personal troops to Dmitri, his son, Prince of Novgorod at that time, and ordered his brother, Yaroslav of Tver, to go also; he went then to the Horde to try to save the Russian people from some of their new and great afflictions. The gifts which he took with him were more valuable than any he had given earlier, and his petitions were the simplest, and the most reasonable. But at the Horde they gave Nevski to understand that they were dissatisfied. They let him know that they were not pleased with him personally. Berkai was different from what he had been while Batu was still living or while he was struggling with Sartak for mastery. He was curbed now by no man; besides, he was angered by military failure beyond the Caucasus, where he was warring with Hulagu, his strong cousin. He detained Nevski without need all that winter, then he detained him during the following summer, and only late in autumn could the prince set out for home, sick and broken, to die before reaching Vladimir. He came to Nizni-Novgorod, and when they brought him to Gorodets his last hour was near. At that place he took the monk’s habit, and on November 14, 1263, his life left him.The death of Nevski fell on Russia like a thunderbolt. It was a national calamity expected by no man, for with all his great services Nevski died when only forty-two years had passed over him. Even when burying him people could not believe that he had left them forever. His name, his very coffin seemed sacred.When the great Peter had founded St. Petersburg on the Neva, concluded peace with the Swedes and restored the ancient patrimony of Ijora, he brought Nevski’s bones to the capital, where they repose in the monastery of Alexander Nevski, and are honored at present and will be for the ages to come as relics of a saint and a hero. There is no better saint in the whole Russian calendar, and no greater statesman or warrior in its history than Alexander Nevski. By his wisdom and by his policy of yielding with apparent[290]resignation to the tyranny of the Mongols, he suppressed revolts which would have perhaps brought about the abolition of native government, with the substitution of Mongol for Russian princes. Such substitution would have endangered the language, religion and race of the Russian people. This had to be avoided at every sacrifice. No man knew the relative strength of the Mongols and Russians better than Alexander Nevski; no man was more devoted to Russia than he; no man was more respected by his own; therefore his words had weight, and when he explained that resistance would be ruin and submission was the only road to salvation the people believed and obeyed him. In this way he rescued Novgorod and many another city from utter destruction, and saved the lives of untold thousands. Above all his influence remained; it curbed passion and instilled patience and courage into the minds of men, and the knowledge that violence only made the yoke more oppressive.About the time of Nevski’s death, Moscow began to increase in size and importance. Daniel, his youngest son, received this town, then very small, and a few villages around it, as his inheritance.In Yuri Dolgoruki’s principality of Vladimir was laid the foundation of Moscow, and all that distinguished Vladimir from Rostoff and Suzdal distinguished Moscow in a higher degree. The advantage of Vladimir over earlier cities consisted in this, that there were none of those “ancient strong families” which held themselves separate from others. The Vladimir principality was settled by people who had come from many places and established themselves there during that historical period when out of a varied multitude of Slav stocks and families were formed one Russian people. This from the very first was the place of all Russia, this was Vladimir’s distinction. This must be said in a higher degree touching Moscow, the youngest and most recent of places subjected to Yuri, and formed later than others into a well-ordered region. When Dolgoruki’s inheritance had become a strong state under princes succeeding him, the cities therein became so assimilated to Vladimir that they recognized no longer the pretensions to primacy of Rostoff and Suzdal. In the days of Big Nest the appellation Great Russia was connected somewhat loosely with Vladimir. This appellation, before which not only[291]Rostoff and Suzdal yielded, but Lord Novgorod, was forced to incline, became permanently connected with Moscow, when that city rose to power finally. If, after the death of Andrei Bogolyubski, Rostoff and Suzdal boyars insisted on calling Vladimir an adjunct, they could not pretend that Moscow depended on the boyars of any place, since Yuri Dolgoruki had raised it against boyars in general. The tradition was that Moscow had been founded by Dolgoruki, and then seized from him by boyars with violence which he punished with immediate death.The distinction of Vladimir rule lay in the fact that the power of the prince acted firmly. Dolgoruki, and still more his son Andrei Bogolyubski, put an end to boyar control, which in other principalities was strong, and in some of them absolute, almighty. The struggle of boyars to uphold the ancient, and for them useful order of rule, their struggle for exceptional rights above other men, had in the Vladimir land dropped to the place and the character of intrigue and of treason, against which the people rose almost unanimously. The power of the prince thus appeared with single effect, and the people hastened to make it a state power. By precisely this aid of the people Big Nest had overcome the proud and powerful “great ones,” who stood against the “small people.” He had ended every claim of the boyars, claims hostile to all rule which favored the people. He had earned the love of earth-tillers and other workers by the fact that he permitted no town or district to be governed through boyar authority, but sent his own faithful servants to manage, and went himself yearly with his family and trusted persons to see what was taking place, and to personally give justice to all men. These servants differed greatly from boyars; they were just as much subject to the Vladimir prince as were the rest of the people. It was for their profit to strengthen and support the native prince who was ruling.In the Vladimir principality the whole social structure was built upon land. The interests of all coincided. All, from small to great, earth-tillers, artisans, clergy, merchants, warriors up to the prince himself, formed one solid power, and this was Great Russia. When Big Nest, near the end of his life, was opposed by his eldest son, Constantine, and resolved on a radical change, he turned for support to the people. He desired strength from the whole land as a unit. He did not assemble simply boyars in[292]an affair of such magnitude, he did not turn to his confidants only, he called boyars, merchants, and all classes of people. Such a union of the prince and the people ruled by him was confirmed by kissing the cross, and was a pledge of future union and consequent greatness. This union was the special distinction, and formed the main force of Great Russia. This belonged not to Rostoff and Suzdal, where, through ties with Great Novgorod and the old time, the boyar spirit was still strong. Not to the earliest cities did the trait belong at its best, but to later places, and most of all to the youngest, for this trait depended much on the general success attained not immediately, but slowly, with pain and great labor, by the princes of Vladimir, and later on by the princes of Moscow.At first while they were bringing into Vladimir the new type of rule to replace the old boyar order, the men pushed aside and driven out opposed it in every way possible. They complained of the prince’s agents and servants, they invented keen sayings against this new system. At that time none of the powerful men of the ancient order were reconciled with the new, and some fled from the country. But in the days of Daniel, son of Nevski, when Moscow was becoming prominent, the complete solidarity of prince and people, and the devotion of the people to an established princely line, became the chief trait of Moscow, the coming capital of Russia. The sturdy, industrious, persistent and peace-loving people were delighted to have the youngest son of Nevski, who was but two years of age when his father died, as Prince of Moscow and the country surrounding it. That region invited new settlers, who came in large numbers from all sides, because there was peace there and order, while north and south was disturbance and turmoil. This great advantage of being a peaceful and modest place was at that time the preëminence of Moscow, where Daniel, who alone of all the brothers had inherited the “sacred virtues” of his father, ruled quietly and unobserved.Following Nevski’s death in 1263, there was a dreary interval during which the princes struggled for the possession of Vladimir. Nevski was succeeded by Andrei, his brother, who lived only a few months. Yaroslav of Tver, brother of Andrei, then became Grand Prince. In the early years of his reign the people of Novgorod were involved in a stubborn war with Danes and the Knights of Livonia. During these troubles they lived in peace with[293]Yaroslav, but in 1270 they rose against him, and he was forced to ask aid of the Mongols. They promised assistance, and had sent forward a considerable army when, through the influence of Vassili, Yaroslav’s brother, it was suddenly recalled. The Grand Prince and his warriors then marched alone against Novgorod, but at the instance of the Metropolitan of Kief, he made peace with the rebellious boyars.In 1272 Yaroslav died, and was succeeded by Vassili, who lived somewhat less than three years. Then Dmitri, son of Nevski, became Grand Prince. While the principality was thus passing from the possession of one prince to that of another, the Mongols were taking full advantage of the quarreling, confusion and disorder brought about by constant change. They pillaged the provinces near by, and in 1278 burned Ryazan.In 1281 Dmitri’s brother, Andrei, conspired against him, and going to the Horde obtained, through bribes and flattery, the title of Grand Prince. Troops were sent from Sarai, and dependent princes were ordered to join their forces to Andrei’s and march against Dmitri, but they refused. Because of this refusal, Andrei’s own warriors lost courage and deserted him, and he fled. The Mongols, meanwhile, ravaged Murom and many large towns. Pereyaslavl resisted and received dire punishment. It was sacked and most of the people were slaughtered.Andrei now went to Sarai a second time and brought an army against Dmitri, who fled to Pskoff, and the Mongols seated Andrei on the throne of Vladimir. Again Russian towns were pillaged. Suzdal and Moscow suffered greatly, churches were sacked and precious vessels broken. If people resisted they were slaughtered. Dmitri, driven from Vladimir, wished to return to Pereyaslavl, his capital, but he was attacked by Andrei and fled to Tver, where Michael made peace between the brothers, and Dmitri, after struggling for three years to hold his own, promised to abdicate all claim to the Grand Principality. Shortly after this he fell ill and died (1294).During all these troubled years Moscow had been slowly gaining power and influence. Daniel, called by the people, who loved his peaceful and gentle life, “Holy Daniel,” was the first Prince of Moscow, the first real heir to it, and he became the founder of the Moscow line of princes, as well as the founder of the city’s[294]greatness. Nevski’s youngest son received the smallest portion, but, though no one could even dream of it in Daniel’s day, it was to excel in glory and importance every other capital in Russia. Vladimir, Kief and Novgorod all paled before Moscow. After Daniel had united to his capital places on the border and had acquired Pereyaslavl, his portion, by its size and good order, surpassed every other. He was not Grand Prince; the glory of his name, which was to be handed down from generation to generation, was not in a resounding title, or in mighty deeds. His entire reign passed in comparative peace, but to him specially fell the honor of maintaining the illustrious memory of his ancestors, so that they might be renowned among Russians till the remotest generation. The glory of his name is connected forever with Moscow. While his brothers were struggling with one another and with their uncle for the Grand Principality of Vladimir and the title, not one of them left a permanent inheritance to their children, not one of them became famous. Daniel, called simply “the Moscow prince,” collected an entire principality around his inconsiderable town, and amassed such an inheritance for his descendants that not only his grandchildren and his great-grandchildren, but his own children were called Princes of All Russia.We have few facts concerning Daniel; they are not to be found in Russian chronicles. He was among the best of the princes—a man who worked in the gloomy days of Mongol oppression.Daniel’s work was continued by his son Ivan, surnamed Kalitá (Purse). As his father had gathered around Moscow a whole principality and his residence had become the capital of a coming empire, so Ivan began to gather round Moscow all the unconnected parts of the country, and in his day the city appeared as the center of Great Russia, its genuine capital, and Vladimir ceased to be important. Though without the splendid virtues of his father, he, more than any of his brothers, resembled him. A churchgoer, he loved home and economy,—the latter he carried to excess even. His predecessors had struggled for the Grand Principality, but Ivan left this work to Yuri, his brother, and improved that which his father had left him. To things beyond Moscow, Ivan paid no attention. During twenty-five years his name was mentioned rarely. Meanwhile he was toiling at the heritage left by Nevski and winning strength in it. One of his great works consisted[295]of clearing the whole principality of thieves, evil-doers and robbers. There was no such order anywhere in that day as in Moscow, and the city increased through immigration and otherwise beyond all places.Besides other advantages, the central position of this principality helped it immensely. In it the roads crossed in every direction. The great water system began in its borders. Craftsmen, traders and people of all kinds came readily to settle in Moscow. Land-tillers found it more to their profit to live there than in places torn by quarrels. Hence Moscow was made up of men from every part of Russia. Next to Moscow was Tver, but there was less strength in Tver and less order. The turmoils of Novgorod were felt in Tver somewhat, and Tver was more exposed to raids from Lithuania. The place was, moreover, distinguished for an almost frivolous and insolent demeanor toward Mongols; hence in Moscow there was less danger from Mongols. All these causes taken together made Tver less desirable to immigrants than Moscow.In 1304 died Andrei, brother of Nevski. After his death, two men were rivals for the dignity of Grand Prince. Yuri, son of Daniel, through the glory of his grandfather, Nevski, and the newly won greatness of Moscow, where he and his brother Ivan were ruling, looked on himself as the senior. But the senior in fact, if descent were decisive, was Michael of Tver, the youngest brother of Nevski. Both Yuri and Michael hastened to occupy the throne of Vladimir, and each strove to incline Novgorod to his side. Michael hurried off to the Horde to win the patent, but found that Yuri had preceded him. The boyars of Andrei, the recent Grand Prince, were in favor of Michael, and the men who had served with Andrei were convinced that the throne would fall to their candidate. But Yuri succeeded in occupying Vladimir, and Novgorod was divided. Though that city contained many followers of Yuri, it did not reject Michael. The Novgorod men declared to both candidates that they would accept him who obtained the Khan’s patent; still they murmured at Michael. Why was he sending officials to Novgorod while he lacked confirmation?Maxim, the metropolitan, was friendly to Michael; he revered Ksenia, Michael’s widowed mother, as one of God’s chosen people; and respected Michael’s wife, Princess Anna, because she had[296]many Christian virtues. Yuri seemed to him not in the right as compared with his senior. Seeing the general movement of warriors and regiments on both sides, he was greatly alarmed, and, wishing for agreement, he not only threatened Yuri, but implored him to make peace. Maxim thought that he had succeeded, but he did not know Yuri, who never dropped any claim that he cherished. He would give no word not to go to the Horde. When the metropolitan tried to win a promise he answered:“I am not going to the Horde for a patent, but for another object.”This wily prince, who was ambitious and unprincipled, stopped at nothing to obtain power, which was dearer to him than all things else. He knew well that the Horde was all-powerful, and the Khan was its master in Russia. The word of the Khan was his sword; on this sword Yuri’s trust was unswerving, and he used every means to wield it; hence he set out for Sarai. While on the journey Michael’s adherents came very near seizing Yuri. He escaped, however, and by a roundabout road reached the Horde in safety, but only after much effort.The Mongol magnates charmed the prince with their readiness to feast and make friends with him. “Give more than Michael, and the yarlyk (patent) will be thine,” said they. So the princes strove to surpass each other in making presents to the Khan’s wives and favorites, as well as to Horde magnates. It proved, however, that Michael had more gold to spend than had Yuri. Yuri halted, and going to Michael, he said: “Let us strive no longer. I will not ruin my heritage. Let Vladimir be thine.” Soon after this the Khan gave the patent to Michael, who returned home eight months later.While the princes were at the Horde there was great activity in Russia. Boris, Yuri’s brother, sent by him to seize Kostroma, had been captured and taken to Tver. Novgorod men had expelled Michael’s boyars, who strengthened Nova-Torg, and then planned to attack Pereyaslavl and take it from Moscow. Akinfi, a Moscow boyar, having quarreled with Rodion Nestorvitch, a boyar who had come from Kief to Moscow with seven hundred followers and had received the first place in service, left Moscow in anger to seek a better place, which he found with the Tver prince, who made him the first among boyars. Akinfi assisted in[297]planning the campaign, and led the troops against Pereyaslavl. But in Tver there were many well-wishers of Moscow, and they gave warning of Akinfi’s adventure. The army which Ivan hurriedly led from Moscow was successful. Akinfi’s troops were defeated and he lost his life in the struggle; with him fell his son-in-law and many warriors. His sons, Ivan and Feodor, fled to Tver with few attendants. As Rodion Nestorvitch, who had sustained a leading part in this unsparing and decisive conflict, was leaving the battle-field, he raised his rival’s head on a lance-point and held it up before Ivan of Moscow. Ivan’s name, mentioned this once, was not mentioned earlier in Russianchronicles, and was left unmentioned thereafter for a long time. In the quarrels with Tver and Vladimir not Ivan, but Yuri, his brother, is prominent.The Grand Prince Michael, on returning from the Horde, settled down in Tver and ruled both the Grand Principality and Novgorod through his lieutenants. He would not leave unavenged Akinfi, his chief boyar. A campaign against Moscow was undertaken with every force which the Grand Prince could summon. But he had not the strength to bend Moscow. Neither opponent had sufficient power to crush the other; one had to retreat and the other had to let him go unpunished. It seemed that all that remained for Michael was to rule and live peaceably as Grand Prince. He had no foe except Yuri, who, though he had made peace with Michael, would not acknowledge his headship; nay, more, he challenged Michael’s position directly. Causes and excuses for this were plentiful on every side. Yuri not only did not yield the disputed Tver boundaries to Michael, but he seized other lands in addition. At last Michael complained without ceasing that Yuri was taking Tver lands from him, while he, Michael, sought nothing save lands belonging to Tver in the time of his father. Yuri would not give peace to his rival in Novgorod or Vladimir; he roused both secret and open intrigues against him unceasingly through his adherents in the two cities, and tried to undermine Michael at all times. Novgorod as usual was divided against itself. Factions were at war in the city. Some were in favor of the prince, while others demanded his expulsion and wanted a new man.Yuri and Ivan ruled together in Moscow and gave no voice to their brothers. It was evident that Yuri intended to place his younger[298]brothers in other principalities. With that intent he had sent Boris to Kostroma, where he was captured by Tver men. Besides Kostroma there was only Nizni-Novgorod, but in general Yuri had his eye upon any place which might be open to seizure. He was not troubled with delicacy in dealing with princes, and soon there was a quarrel about Nizni-Novgorod. As Michael was patient, Yuri’s insolence was overlooked for a season, but the more Michael yielded, the greater were Yuri’s demands on him. Their strength might seem equal, but Moscow was so far superior that the Tver prince, even adding Vladimir, was not the stronger.In 1308, three years after his first attack upon Moscow, Michael, because of Novgorod, was forced to take arms against Yuri a second time. This campaign was undertaken with all the power which the Grand Prince could summon and there was a great battle; much harm was inflicted, but again Michael failed to take Moscow, and returned to Tver without triumph.Michael’s position in Novgorod was difficult. There were old involved boundary questions between Novgorod and Vladimir; also between Tver and Novgorod. If Michael did justice to Tver, he made Novgorod an enemy. If he acceded to Novgorod’s demands, he made Tver indignant. Yuri, knowing this difficulty, inflamed Michael’s enemies in Novgorod, and upheld the demands of that city.Tok Timur, Khan of the Golden Horde, died in 1312, and was succeeded by Uzbek, the first Mongol ruler of Russia to become a Mohammedan, though he was more Mongol by far than a follower of Mohammed. Again all princes must visit Sarai and bow down to the Khan. Michael of Tver appeared at the Horde before the others. He was accompanied by the Metropolitan of Russia, who was allowed to go home after a very short time. He returned to Vladimir before any one looked for him, but for his friend Michael they waited till they ceased to expect him. One year passed, a second began. At last, however, his visit came to a favorable end. Uzbek confirmed him in the Grand Principality and commanded Novgorod’s obedience. This was to be assured by Horde warriors, who were prompt in assistance. With Michael went from the Horde three “sultans” (commanders), Taitmar, Matroja and Indy. And the capricious Moscow prince, who, during Michael’s absence, had made himself master of Novgorod,[299]was threatened with anger and summoned to Sarai to answer Michael’s charges. Yuri set out from Novgorod directly, leaving Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor Rjerski behind him to govern the city. A Novgorod embassy went to the Horde to help Yuri. This support was especially valuable to him, since the people never sent men with empty hands to do business; they scattered gold and silver as far as was needed. In money power no place at that time was equal to Novgorod. Yuri knew well how to manage the Mongols. The Golden Horde magnates had pleased him immensely in the days of his earliest visit, because of their readiness to feast and rejoice with him. He had had friends and allies during Tok Timur’s reign, but since he had promised Novgorod men to relieve them of Michael, he had vastly more influence, for Novgorod’s liberality was measureless. He received worthy aid for the road and was assured of further assistance whenever the need came, and in any proportion necessary, if only the Novgorod wish could be gratified. Yuri felt sure of success. When he entered Sarai all things seemed favorable. To begin with, Prince Michael, his enemy, who in Tok Timur’s time had contended with him for the Grand Principality, though the patent had been given him, was not popular at the Horde, for he had not become intimate with any one. He knew not how to win Mongol favor. Mild and sedate, he had not roused respect even by his obedience. His sober, methodical life was unendurable to Mongols. On the other hand, Yuri was loved by his old, and now by his new friends. Kavgady was the keenest of the Mongol magnates, and he had the Khan’s fullest confidence; with this man Yuri became specially intimate. Soon the Khan himself was very gracious to Yuri, who was at home not only throughout the Horde, but in the Khan’s family. There was no great feast without him. In 1297, when young, he had married a Rostoff princess, but he was now a widower. Soon it was known to all the high Mongols that Konchaka, the Khan’s favorite sister, was to marry Yuri. Uzbek permitted her to become a Christian, and she took in baptism the name Agatha.Yuri remained at the Horde about two years. While he was there Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor, placed by him in Novgorod, carried on war against Michael, who marched toward Novgorod and met their forces at Torjok in the spring of 1316. The Novgorod[300]warriors were choice and not few in number, but they were of the boyar party, for the people would take no part in this war. Their army was defeated and was forced to seek refuge inside the walls of Torjok.Then Michael sent to them saying: “Give me the princes, Afanasi and Feodor, and I will make peace.” “We will die for Holy Sophia with honor,” was the answer. “We will not yield up those princes.” Then Michael sent a second time: “Give me Feodor alone.” At first they refused, then finally surrendered him, and peace was made.But soon a new war broke out which dragged on a whole year, if not longer. Michael sent his posadnik and officials to Novgorod, but the city expelled them and the war continued, while Yuri was absent arranging with Uzbek. Novgorod charged Michael with perfidy. The tribute which Michael imposed on Torjok was not paid, and Novgorod accused him of detaining hostages and of seizing their people, with arms and horses. They sent an embassy to Yuri, but Tver warriors intercepted those envoys and detained them. Novgorod complained that after Michael had withdrawn from Torjok they sent a request through their bishop asking him to liberate the Novgorod people detained by him, but this he had refused to do. The Tver men in answer pointed out Novgorod’s injustice. “Why send envoys to Yuri and the Horde, and incite anger against Tver, Pskoff, Ladoga and other places? Why did Novgorod in time of council throw Basok into the river, declaring him a spy from Prince Michael? Why also was Daniel Pistsoff slain?”Again Michael marched against Novgorod, but this time, though he was not defeated, he suffered greatly. Approaching within fifty versts of the city and discovering that men from Pskoff, Ladoga and other places had come to help Novgorod, he withdrew. While retreating his troops lost their way amid lakes and swamps, and were forced by hunger to eat their own horses and even the rawhide of their shields. Many died of hunger and cold; those who survived reached home in great wretchedness.But this unfortunate expedition did not affect Michael so much as the news from the Horde, news which forced him to make peace with Novgorod, remit all arrears and return prisoners and hostages. Novgorod, on its part, engaged to withdraw from Yuri and take[301]no part in quarrels between the two princes. The news which reached Michael before he made peace, and which Novgorod did not at that time know, was then published to all men. The Khan’s brother-in-law, Yuri, with his princess, had left the Horde with large regiments from the Khan, and a suite of Horde magnates. They were coming to strip Michael of his office. No one doubted that Yuri was Grand Prince; that was the report, and the first to believe it was Michael. He waited for further news, but no news was forthcoming. No messenger came from the Khan, nor did he receive any word from his men, who were at the Horde in attendance. But that which was done in the Mongol camp and declared to the world was incredible, unless Yuri had the patent.Kavgady sent Telebuga, his assistant, to Novgorod to summon all warriors to the banners of Yuri. Astrobyl was sent to the Volga for the same purpose. Kavgady himself moved with his own troops, and some from Yuri. They expected reinforcements from places above and below them.Michael, fearing an attack on Tver, increased its defenses and summoned in other princes. But in Rostoff and Suzdal, as well as Vladimir, no one knew anything accurately. So that while some princes favored Michael, others joined his opponents, and still others were undecided which prince to support, though Kavgady had ordered all to join Yuri.Michael marched toward Kostroma, but when he came in sight of Yuri and his army, he sent him this message: “If the Khan has given thee the office of Grand Prince, I withdraw. But touch not my heritage.”One of the principal duties and the distinguishing right of the Grand Prince was to give the Khan all the tribute collected by princes. For this the Grand Prince was responsible directly, and in questions concerning it he treated smaller princes as pleased him. They had to deal with him only, and had not the right to appear at the Horde with their tribute. Hence, because of those tributes, there were endless disputes between the Grand Prince and the princes beneath him. It was almost impossible to disentangle the questions of tribute paid too late or too early, neglected, overpaid or underpaid. But Michael was distinguished in this as in all things requiring accuracy. Every item was recorded. How much he had received from this prince or that, was written down[302]carefully and delivered with precision. So now, when he yielded the office of Grand Prince, he thought it his duty to give a clear list of the tribute, including that which was not yet delivered. All this was explained to Kavgady and to Yuri. Michael then gave up the Grand Principality and the tribute.“I will remain in my own place,” said he; “only leave me in quiet.” Thus all was arranged and Michael, before the eyes of his enemies, dismissed his main forces, leading home only a small retinue. Meanwhile Yuri disbanded no warriors, but strengthened his army. The Suzdal princes took Yuri’s side. Yuri now went to Moscow and with him went his princess, “Konchaka,” as the people continued to call her. During the summer Michael was occupied in fortifying Tver. Toward October, Kavgady and Yuri marched against him. The whole Volga region joined Yuri. Novgorod men were to be at Torjok to act against Michael.When Yuri’s army reached the Tver border he began to burn towns and take prisoners. Avoiding the capital, he turned against the Tver possessions beyond the Volga. Michael lost patience at this point. Tver men had always been noted for hating the Mongols. Michael’s sons, his boyars and his warriors all demanded war, and he could not curb them. “It is impossible,” said the people, “for thee not to go against Yuri. We are ready to lay down our lives in this action.”Michael and his forces met the foe forty versts from the city, December 22, 1317, and Yuri was thoroughly defeated. He fled to Novi-Torg with few attendants, and then to Novgorod. His camp and his tent were seized by the victors. They captured Konchaka, Yuri’s princess, and Boris, his brother. When Kavgady saw that the battle was lost, he surrendered to Michael, whose armor was cut and hacked, but whose body was not wounded.The delight of the victors was unbounded in view of the multitude of prisoners. But the pleasure of their triumph was lessened by the fact that many Mongols had fallen in the battle. Men learned now, and they might have guessed earlier, that the conflict had been brought on by Yuri and Kavgady without the Khan’s order or knowledge. What could they do in Tver with the prisoners? Michael lodged Konchaka in his palace with honor, and gave her every attention. Kavgady and his attendants were favored with gifts and with feasts. The Mongols flattered their entertainers[303]and praised their generosity, but this deceived no one. They remembered what wealth they had lost in the battle, and how many captives had been taken from them, and it was seen in their eyes how revenge lurked in their souls while they flattered.That winter, just before Lent, Yuri led Novgorod men against Michael, who, unwilling to cause more bloodshed so soon after his recent victory, marched out, stopped Yuri from crossing the Volga, and sent him this message: “We must go to the Khan; why should we fight before going?” Yuri answered with insolence but agreed finally that both should go to the Horde and let the Khan judge them. Michael declared that Konchaka and Boris would be given up immediately, and the opponents parted without an encounter.But terrible trouble came now upon Michael. Konchaka died in his palace, and the report was spread that she had been poisoned. The coffin containing the body of the ill-fated woman was taken from Tver to Rostoff and given to Yuri’s relatives. Michael was weighed down with woe. Fate seemed to pursue him in this struggle with Yuri.On learning that Michael was preparing to visit Sarai, Kavgady insisted that Yuri should hasten and anticipate the Tver prince, and in clear proof of the importance of doing so hurried off himself. When going, he advised Yuri to collect as many men as possible of those who had had dealings with Michael in the matter of tribute, so that they could be called to give testimony against the Tver prince.Michael understood well what serious work was before him, for it was known at the Horde that Kavgady always misrepresented him to the Khan, and reports of this had come to Michael. At last, toward the end of the summer, he realized that he must loiter no longer. At Vladimir he met Akhmyl, an envoy, from whom he hoped to learn something of what was taking place in Sarai. Akhmyl counseled haste; he gave no precise information, only whispering Kavgady’s calumnies, “Be there before a month has passed,” said he. “Kavgady has stated that thou art not coming.” Michael’s boyars advised him not to go; his sons said, “Send us.” The prince hesitated. “One of thy sons is there now,” said the boyars; “send another.” “Listen to us,” begged the sons. “Go not, thou artcalumniated. Send us. Go when the Khan’s rage has softened.”[304]Michael sat long in thought. At last he said, “The Khan has not asked for you. It is my head that he wants. If I do not go, my inheritance will be seized, and many Christians will perish. I must die sometime; better die now, and save others.” He explained how he wished his inheritance to be divided; gave advice to his sons; wrote his will and took farewell of them. During the whole journey to the Horde he was gloomy and depressed. He was ready to pour out his soul before Uzbek, trusting in his justice. He did not doubt that the Khan would be gracious if he only knew the facts in the quarrel. But would the Khan know the facts?When Michael reached Sarai he found that Uzbek had gone, and he had to journey a thousand versts farther, to find him near the mouth of the Don at the Sea of Azoff. Constantine, Michael’s son, who had been in Sarai, could give his father no information except that one of the Khan’s wives was kind; he had visited her and she liked him. From his boyars, who were with Constantine at the Horde, he heard that the Khan had spoken no evil against him. At the Horde all received his presents graciously, but he could learn nothing decisive.At last the day came when he was to bow to the earth before Uzbek. He could see no displeasure in the Khan’s visage; he seemed as friendly as when he had given the patent; he was neither kind nor unkind. In the Horde it was the same—neither kind nor unkind. There was no recognition between him and Kavgady or Yuri. The whole Horde was with them, as it seemed to Michael. Everything confirmed the statement of his friends that Kavgady was calumniating him always. It was said also that the intimates of the Khan had mentioned repeatedly the necessity of judging the Tver prince. When the Khan promised and afterward forgot, they reminded him that the case was important and should not be deferred; that a state is made strong through showing favor to good men, and punishing the wicked.Michael lived six weeks in anxiety without trial. Then he was suddenly summoned to receive judgment. The Khan, who was as much occupied by amusement as by affairs, was preparing for a grand hunt in the Caucasus and beyond those mountains. Pleasure, it appeared, coincided with policy. Some said that he was taking the forces of the Horde to a great hunt and was then going to a war on the Persian boundary. At all events, before setting out,[305]he wished to settle certain questions which annoyed him, and suddenly he said to his magnates, “Judge Yuri and the Grand Prince; then bring your decision. Whoever is right, him will I reward; the guilty I will punish.” This was all Kavgady needed.Next day they summoned Michael. Many complaints were preferred against him: he had withheld the Khan’s tribute; he had sent his wealth to Livonia; he had begged aid of the Pope; he had borrowed money from tax collectors and princes, and had not returned it; he had been a robber; he had been unjust to subject princes,—this must have referred to Novgorod. Then came the two great offenses: he had poisoned Konchaka, and had warred against the Khan’s envoys.The princes of the Horde sat in judgment; a great accumulation of complaints lay before them. Kavgady and Yuri were among the judges; they were witnesses as well. When Michael presented strict accounts of the tribute and lists of all taken from each person they cried out: “Thou art haughty and disobedient; thou hast insulted the Khan’s envoy, Kavgady, and fought with him; kept back the Khan’s tribute, and poisoned Yuri’s princess; thou hast beaten the Khan’s magnates.” “I have obeyed the Khan,” answered Michael, “and I obey him now. I have given accurate tribute. The Khan’s envoy attacked me with warriors; I was forced to defend myself. After that I honored him and gave him good presents; I took farewell of him with gifts, and with homage. I did not kill Yuri’s princess; her death came from nature.”When the trial was ended it was repeated to the Khan. Uzbek was waiting. “Prince Michael,” said the judges, “is worthy of death, but thy word is free. All will be done according to thy pleasure.” And they explained the main offenses. The Khan commanded to give a new trial and test the truth carefully a second time. The judges were confused and retired with submission. But going later on to the Khan, by the advice of Kavgady, who was assisting them, they said: “Michael is worthy of death. If thou command to revise the late trial he should stand before us in fetters. We would not see thee offended; thy glory and honor touch us, O Khan, and concern all the people.” Kavgady now added: “The case between Yuri and Michael is known to me perfectly; I know the whole truth of it.” “Do as ye like,” replied[306]Uzbek, after thinking a little. “But judge the case justly, and come to me afterward.”Michael was judged as he had been judged the first time, and warriors were commanded to lead away the condemned man. The second trial was on Friday, and lasted till late in the evening. The judges went directly to Uzbek. “We find Michael worthy of death this time also,” said they. “If that is just,” replied Uzbek, “act as ye have decided.” The judges now strove to hasten the execution, but Uzbek deferred it.From the moment of the second trial, Michael knew well that his cause was lost. On returning to his tent he repeated the words “My days have vanished like smoke and have passed like a vision.” Two hours later heavier fetters were put on him; his attendants were expelled; his robes of a prince were stripped from his body, and the guards seized his effects. This was done always in the case of condemned men. He was left then with guards to watch over him strictly. On Sunday he learned that the Horde was to follow the Khan to a hunt on the Caucasus north and south of the Terek. That day they put a kang on him,—an instrument of torture and an index of infamy, borrowed by the Mongols from China. It was made of two planks, and was four-cornered like a small oblong table. In the center was a round hole cut to fit the neck and a smaller one on either side into which the hands of the victim were inserted. The planks were pushed apart, the neck and wrists fixed in their places, and then the planks were brought together and fastened. Chains were attached to the kang, by which men led the prisoner. In this way the unfortunate Michael was led behind the Khan’s forces and for twenty-five days he traveled in that horrible torture.Hunting, the favorite amusement of the Mongol Khans, continued usually a month or two, and showed strikingly their character. The whole Horde was in motion. Two or three hundred thousand men often shared in this immense spectacle and enjoyment. Each man rode his best horse and wore his finest clothes; countless wagons carried goods from Greece, India and other distant regions. Delight and luxury were visible everywhere. Lonely steppes were filled with people; certain places in them became populous cities for a day or two, and all was noise, mirth and turmoil. Michael dragged on, walking behind this great[307]army of pleasure seekers, for in his case Uzbek had not spoken the death words. A great part of the way the ill-fated prisoner was urged forward on foot. Occasionally the kang was removed, but at such times he was heavily chained. The hunt lasted long and extended far beyond the Terek to the mountains and the Caspian.When the decision of the judges was at last confirmed by the Khan, the execution was summary. November 22, 1318, Kavgady saw Uzbek in the morning, and received the order to execute Michael. Toward midday, while the prince, who had grown mortally weary of life, was repeating the fifty-fifth psalm: “My heart is sore pained within me, and the terrors of death are fallen upon me,” an attendant rushed up, and cried: “Kavgady and Yuri are coming with a number of people.” “I know why they are coming,” said Michael.The two men halted on the market-place, at a distance of a stone’s throw from the prisoner’s tent, and Michael was summoned. The executioners seized him and threw him to the earth, but he sprang up quickly. They threw him again, beat him with fists, and then with their heels stamped his life out. When they had killed him, they put the corpse out on the steppe, where they left it. Yuri went to look at the body. “Why art thou looking?” asked Kavgady, reproachfully. “He was to thee as thy father. Have him covered!” One of Yuri’s men removed his upper garment and covered the body. Soon after this, Michael’s attendants came out, tied the corpse firmly to a plank, and then, by Yuri’s order, bore it to Moscow.[308]

CHAPTER XIIIALEXANDER NEVSKI

In 1252–1253 Alexander Nevski began rule and was the real successor of Yaroslav, his father. When Andrei had grown weary of exile, he begged Nevski to intercede for him at the Horde. Meanwhile Sartak, Batu’s son, had been murdered, as is said, by Berkai, his uncle, who took the Kipchak throne and waited confirmation from Mangu, at that time Grand Khan.Again all Russian princes had to visit the Horde and wait to have their titles confirmed. Alexander sent his nephews, Glaib and Boris, with rich gifts to Ulavchi, the favorite. The gifts were accepted and Andrei was forgiven, but Nevski himself had to go to the Horde with his guilty brother to receive the formal pardon.The eternal enmity in Novgorod between the strong and the weak; the rich and the poor; the rooted hostility of haughty merchants and opulent traders to craftsmen and land-tillers; and the rivalry among the ambitious for power and offices raged unceasingly. From of old a large number, and at times a majority, were attracted to the Russia outside of Great Novgorod. There had long been partisans of Vladimir among Novgorod boyars, men who thought it well for their country to act with Vladimir and even to be merged in it, but there were also implacable opponents to either coöperation or union, and these nourished hatred for Vladimir at every hazard. On the Vladimir side were all the more or less well-to-do people, the peace men. Therefore it seemed as if the adherents of Vladimir were only the well-to-do, and the satisfied, who cared not for the poor; but this was not the case. On the side of Vladimir were the land-tillers and common folk.When Nevski took power in Vladimir he placed his eldest son, Vassili, in Novgorod. Vassili could not oppress Novgorod; he was too young for such action. He was, also, a real Novgorod partisan,[280]as he showed later on by contemning his father. These partisans were supported by the mob of the city, men without houses, with nothing to lose at any time, and nothing to gain except what they could win through disorder. They were advocates of the loudly lauded “Novgorod liberties.” They appeared, though untruly, as friends and defenders of working men. But working men saw in boyars who “loved liberty” their chief and main enemies. They saw in them persons who sought liberty for themselves, but not for “small people.” Among these boyars were the very rich, the proud, who recognized no man beyond their circle. In all riots, no matter how many there might be, these great and rich persons directed the councils and managed the city. Some of them claimed to love liberty and poor men; others did not go that far. But in cases of riot both divisions of those “great people” strove to hold the street mob at command. They put forward bold rioters, who cared not for small or great persons, but found profit in disorder. And when during encounters the people came to examine the question at issue, or had at last to interfere in those matters, such confused causes were presented that it seemed beyond human power to explain them. Each side appealed to the rights of Great Novgorod and the good of the people, but the people could never find out the real cause of the disturbance, or where there could be any profit for them in the turmoil.Just such a riddle was offered in the case of Vassili, son of Nevski. There was a party in Novgorod which had pretexts at all times for rousing the people, and beclouding good counsel. As Mongol oppression increased and taxes and tribute grew heavier, oppression of all kinds gave designing men chances for evil incitement. They needed simply to shout: “We are defending our liberties against cursed eaters of raw flesh. Away then with favorites of the Khan, slaves to Mongols!” and the conflict would begin.In 1255 Novgorod disturbers summoned Yaroslav as prince to their city. Nevski was astounded when he heard that his son had been driven away in disgrace, and that his place had been given to Yaroslav. Why could Yaroslav serve Novgorod better than Vassili, unless because Yaroslav was in disgrace at the Horde, and under the Khan’s anger? Nevski moved at once against Novgorod. In Torjok, where he met his son, he learned still newer details of the riot from Novgorod men, who had come out to[281]meet him. The city was terribly excited, disorder had taken unusual proportions. Yaroslav had fled when he heard that his brother was coming. The posadnik at that time was Anani, a well-known opponent of Vladimir. The adherents of Vladimir, who were, of course, favorable to Nevski, strove to allay the excitement, and bring back Vassili, but they also had an object apart from this: their leader was Mihalko Stepanovitch, whom they wished to make posadnik; therefore they accused Anani of causing the disturbance, and tried to expel him from office. Mihalko appeared boldly against his opponents, and the people were divided. It seemed to uninformed observers as if Mihalko’s adherents were seeking merely for the profit of boyars. “Were they not mainly those rich men, who cared not for poor folk, while Anani’s adherents were simple men, standing up bravely for liberty and the honor of Novgorod?” The excitement became greater and greater. Nevski, having drawn near, sent a command to Novgorod to put an end to the riot, and give him Anani. Through this the excitement was not decreased, but heightened immensely,—nay, it became general. The outbreak was involved by the fact that Anani, though a known enemy of Vladimir, proved to be innocent this time. The disturbers on both sides had abused his name greatly. One party promised to die for him, the other to throw him into the river, and drown him. Some declared that the whole riot was made to protect their good guardian and defender, while others represented him falsely as the banisher of Vassili, and the father of every known evil. Those in arms against Mihalko encamped at Nikola, and swore to die for Anani.When Nevski was approaching, they asked of one another, “What shall we do?” and finally resolved not to surrender any of their people. The “small folk” kissed the cross, declaring: “We will defend Novgorod rights and live or die for them.” When Nevski commanded them to surrender Anani, all were confused, and, not knowing what course to pursue, they went to Dolinot, the archbishop, and counseled. They knew Nevski’s persistence, they knew that when he had once taken a position he would not retire from it, and to the demand these words were added: “If ye will not yield me Anani, I am no longer your prince, I will march straight against you.” They decided at last to beg Dolinot,[282]and Klim, the commander, to go to Nevski in the name of all Novgorod, and say to him: “Come, Prince, to thy throne and give no ear to offenders. Work thy displeasure on Anani and others.”The two men went to Nevski as ambassadors. All waited their return with impatience. The prince listened neither to Klim nor to Dolinot. When they returned and announced their failure, there was sorrow on both sides. In the meeting which followed, people said with one voice: “It is a sin for those men who have brought us to quarrel with Nevski.” They came almost to bloodshed, and if blood did not flow the whole merit belonged to Anani. Mihalko with his men was ready to fall on Anani’s adherents, but Anani sent secret observers to note all that was happening. When the adherents of these two men came to blows, and the mob rushed to burn the house of Mihalko and kill him, Anani stopped them, saying: “Brothers, if ye wish to kill him, ye must take my life from me first.”The third day after this, Nevski’s forces stood fully armed before Novgorod. On the fourth day he sent again a message to the city, but now it was changed somewhat: “Remove Anani from office, and I will forgive you.” All yielded willingly, and Anani himself before others. They gave the office to Mihalko, making peace with Nevski on his own terms. Prince Vassili was seated in Novgorod again, and his return should have pleased the city, since his reign was not without profit. The Riga Germans, and also the Swedes, had begun new attacks on the Novgorod borders, and frequent raids were made by the Lithuanians. Vassili won victories over all these enemies. The Lithuanians were crushed; the prince pursued them far west of Toropets. The Germans withdrew before the Pskoff warriors, and the Swedes were badly defeated.This new attack of the Swedes disturbed Nevski, hence he came to Novgorod with large forces, and commanded the city to assemble fresh regiments. The point of his intended attack was kept secret. Cyril, Metropolitan of Russia, came with him, and conducted the prince and his troops to Koporye. From there he sent him on his journey, after blessing the warriors, who learned then that their campaign was to end in that region where in summer the sun does not set for six months, and in winter does not rise for the same[283]length of time. This locality—the country of the Lopars, later called Lapland by Germans—was the remotest part of Novgorod possessions, and was visited rarely, for it had not been assailed hitherto by the enemies of Russia, but about this time the Swedes were endeavoring to take those lands from Russia, and connect them with Sweden.This was among Nevski’s most striking campaigns. Marching along difficult cliffs and through dense forests he finally reached the sea. The wearied Novgorod men now refused to go farther, though they had made but half the journey, so Nevski sent them home and finished the campaign with his own personal followers, who were as untiring and fearless as their prince. He won all the seacoast, and returned bringing a multitude of prisoners, and leaving the country behind him in fear and obedience. Nevski’s men had before this pushed through the gloom of Yatoyag forests; they had made paths through wooded swamps in Lithuania; they had suffered from blizzards in Trans-Volga regions; they had endured all kinds of hardship and toil in campaigning, but they had seen nothing like that which they experienced in this war against Chuds and Lopars (Fins and Lapps). Nevski had now marked with his sword, for the use of coming ages, the Finnish boundary of Russia.Whenever Nevski went to the Horde he was distinguished beyond other princes; they did not detain him too long; they granted his requests, and dismissed him with honor. When he brought with him Yaroslav, his brother, as he had brought Andrei earlier, the Khan forgave Yaroslav, who after that remained quietly in his own possessions. And when an order came from the Khan to send forces beyond the Terek near the foot of the Caucasus, the Russians were freed from this service at Nevski’s request.The prince suffered more and more from those visits to the Horde. In former days he seemed stern and serious after each of them, but now he seemed worn and exhausted. His health did not promise long life to him. The demands of the Mongols were increasing, and soon a decision was published which brought all men to despair when they heard it. No one had power to set aside or change this decision. The Khan commanded to take a great census, to count all his subjects, and increase his income by imposing[284]a head tax. This time Nevski’s intercession was useless. The greedy master of the Horde insisted on his decision, adding that such was the will of the Grand Khan. Mangu had in fact commanded to enumerate all men and things under Mongol dominion.Officials of the Horde appeared first in Ryazan and in Murom. There they counted the people and described the land minutely. Dues were imposed upon all men except the clergy. Town and village property, and occupations were described in this census. The officials went thence to Suzdal, Rostoff, and Vladimir. One year and a second had passed before they finished. They did this work with great care, without haste, and most accurately. Next inspectors appeared to ensure the close gathering of the tribute and taxes. All this time an ominous sound was heard coming from Novgorod, though there had been order in the city since the second installation of Nevski’s son, Vassili, now sixteen years of age and well conversant with the affairs of that place.Nevski was observing the census carefully everywhere, in places ruled by others as well as by himself. His labor in studying this work took much of his time and strength.In the winter of 1257–1258 the Mongols were sent to Novgorod to enumerate the inhabitants and property of that place. When the officials were leaving Vladimir, Nevski gave them as assistants a number of his own men, but he did not go himself, since he wished to hear from his son before further action. While he was waiting for news, the chief Mongols came rushing back to Vladimir in anger. How they had been offended in Novgorod no man could learn from their account and their outcries. With a great din they attacked the prince, saying that they had gone to Novgorod believing in his word, but if they were to be treated in this way they would throw aside everything and go back to the Golden Horde straightway.Nevski, seeing clearly the danger, summoned his brothers, Boris from Rostoff, and Andrei from Suzdal, but only with great difficulty could he detain the Mongols. At last, however, they consented to return to Novgorod, if accompanied by Nevski and his brothers. The Grand Prince, upon approaching Novgorod, was surprised that his son did not come out to meet him. Most of the Mongols had followed their superiors to Vladimir, only a few[285]had remained in the city; these declared that no census had been made, and added: “We know not what is happening.”The posadnik, Mihalko, had been killed,—Anani had died a few months earlier. Some said that Prince Vassili had declared to the people his willingness to die for the liberties of Novgorod; others said that he was not in the city. A second posadnik had been chosen, and killed. Klim, the commander, they had driven out of Novgorod.When Vassili heard that his father was coming, he had in fact said to the people: “They are bringing fetters to put on us. Let us die for the liberties of Novgorod!” He had been taught these daring words by boyars. But after uttering them his courage failed and he fled to Pskoff with these same boyars.Nevski wished to march against Pskoff without waiting, but the Mongols would not permit it; they feared to part with him. Novgorod then sent the following message to the Mongols: “Honor from us to the Khan, and to you. We have gifts for him, and for you also.”Nevski now turned to Pskoff with this message: “Send back my son and all the traitorous boyars immediately.” The guilty men were sent back, and, knowing that Nevski was not mild with offenders, they looked for dire punishment. “To evil men an evil end,” said the people. “These boyars have brought Prince Vassili to sorrow.” All in the city expected that one would be hanged, and another beheaded. The authors of these troubles were, in fact, cruelly punished. Some had their eyes put out, some had a hand cut off, others had their nostrils torn away, their tongues cut out, or their ears taken off; Vassili was put under guard and sent to Suzdal.The Mongol officials, well pleased with this punishment, and with the rich gifts of the city, promised to make no complaint to the Khan; they would either be silent, they said, touching what had been done, or would mention it mildly. So those officials were pacified, and brought to good humor.Novgorod had chosen Misha as posadnik, but he had been murdered during the disturbance. They now selected Michael; a third man, Jiroha, was appointed as commander to succeed Klim, who had been driven from Novgorod. The people begged[286]Nevski not to leave them without a prince. Many Novgorod men had recently visited Vladimir; some of these had gone on errands, and some had been sent by Nevski to see how obedience was rendered the Mongols in that city. Hearing from the people there all the terrors of Nevruya’s “promenade” they knew well the meaning of a Mongol census invasion. Some of these men, on returning, informed their friends that if Novgorod would not yield to the census, a Mongol host would come quickly, and bring woe to the city; others reported dread tidings: Mongol forces were marching already. Novgorod grew quiet at once, and the leading citizens decided to permit the census to be taken. Because of this decision, Nevski was able to satisfy the Mongols, and he begged them not to delay or defer, but to carry out the Khan’s will immediately. They consented, but required that the Grand Prince himself should stay with them.When the census officials appeared to begin their work again in Novgorod and districts around it, the promise to yield was as if it had never been given. When the officials stepped out of sleighs, and were assigned the best houses to live in, and the Mongols made ready to pass from street to street, and from house to house, an ominous murmur went up throughout Novgorod. In all districts near the city there was disturbance and uproar. Men ridiculed the Mongols, and spoke evil words to their faces. The censors, in alarm, asked Nevski to protect them. He sent guards to their houses, and among these the son of the posadnik. But neither posadnik nor commander had meaning for Novgorod malcontents. Not only were common people terribly excited, but the chief men fell into two parties opposed to each other. The Khan’s officials threatened to abandon their task altogether. Nevski was forced to stay with them always. The people grew still more excited: “We will die for Holy Sophia!” was their watchword. The Mongol officials turned to the boyars, repeating suggestively: “Permit us to take the census, or we will leave Novgorod!” The boyars laid all blame on the people. The Mongols turned then to Nevski, with these words: “Why should we stay here longer? Your people will kill us.” On the square louder and louder were heard threatening voices. “Let us resist to the death! Whoso is just let him join us!” The crowd of people felt sure of their rights and complained: “The rich command[287]to count our heads. They make everything easy for themselves, but evil for small folk.” There was a roar throughout the city: “We will die for justice!” All at once a report was spread that the Mongols were to move on the Kremlin from two points. There was a rush to the cathedral from all parts, and a cry rose: “Let us go to Saint Sophia. We will lay down our heads there!”Meanwhile the Mongols were only thinking of how to save themselves. Nevski, greatly fearing lest the people might kill them, did not think it wise to detain them longer. Not merely had they not finished the census, they had barely begun it. Still, in spite of the turmoil, no riot took place in that boisterous Novgorod, accustomed to disorder and bloodshed. No “pagan eater of raw flesh” was attacked, either inside its walls or beyond them.At the beginning of 1259, new envoys from the Horde arrived at Vladimir, men so important that even the people remembered their names, which were Berkai and Kasatchik. They were sent to command the Khan’s men, and to finish the census in Novgorod. Again Nevski was forced to accompany census officials. On the way to Novgorod he joined with his own forces Rostoff regiments, and also the regiments of Suzdal. Berkai and Kasatchik had demanded this aid to protect them. They approached the city with a great force of warriors. This time the Novgorod men were alarmed, but they yielded only when they found resistance to be vain. The new envoys did not return to the Horde till the work had begun in their presence and they felt sure that their subordinates would be able to complete it. These men went along each street from house to house, describing accurately all the land, houses, goods, and people.But Novgorod showed a no less desperate opposition than earlier, an opposition which was strong, protracted and stubborn. Both sides were prepared for a bloody conclusion. On one side was the dense population of a city in which all carried weapons; on the other the armies of the Grand Prince and the Khan’s commanders. Two almost equal forces stood opposed to each other, and had reached the utmost bounds of excitement. They had come to that moment beyond which a bloody encounter must take place. But at this critical juncture an idea flashed on Nevski which averted the peril. He begged the Khan’s envoys[288]to go from Novgorod, and he would assume all responsibility. They did this, and then he declared to the people that he had exhausted all means and methods of saving them. He would leave them now to the Khan, they might meet his anger in their own way. Thereupon he commanded his troops to leave the city immediately, and he himself walked forth from the fortress. The Novgorod men had waited for his order to the troops to attack them, and now to their amazement he had commanded those troops to march out of the city. This command produced terror. All bowed down at once before Nevski, and implored him not to leave them. They promised to yield to his will absolutely. This ended the trouble. The Mongols were recalled, and their work began in good earnest. Later on the delight of Great Novgorod was unbounded when the Khan’s agents finished the census, and vanished.The struggle and anxieties of this period, ending with the completion of the Novgorod census, took much time and strength from Nevski. Only in 1260 was there, as the chronicler tells us, “any peace for Christians.”In the beginning of 1261, Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, was born to him. After that year the prince had no respite from suffering.The worst of the Mongol yoke was not that every man’s head, and every horn and hoof of his cattle was registered, not that Mongol inspectors were stationed in all parts of the country; the heaviest weight of the yoke came when the Khan farmed Russian taxes to men from Khiva, Turkestan and Bukhara. Among partners and aids of those tax-farmers were Jews and Armenians, persons of various languages and religions. These traders in tribute, a people unheard of in Russia till that time, began a work which greatly intensified Mongol oppression. They became real torturers, squeezing the last copper coin from the people. They imposed grinding interest for arrears of tribute. They were worse than the most cruel usurer. Men who were unable to pay they sold into slavery or beat savagely with whips and clubs. This terror extended from end to end of the country. From those galling oppressions came riots. The riots were suppressed most unsparingly, and with bloodshed. No longer could safety and peace be connected with any place. There were disorders in Suzdal, in Pskoff, even in Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest.[289]These uprisings were not against Mongols directly. The people beat tax-farmers and their assistants, not the Khan’s men, hence the Khan could not be angry in the same degree; still his anger might be looked for, and reports were often current that regiments from the Horde were marching “to pacify” Russia.At this juncture news came that Germans, the Knights of Livonia, were advancing with a numerous force to attack Pskoff. Nevski sent his own personal troops to Dmitri, his son, Prince of Novgorod at that time, and ordered his brother, Yaroslav of Tver, to go also; he went then to the Horde to try to save the Russian people from some of their new and great afflictions. The gifts which he took with him were more valuable than any he had given earlier, and his petitions were the simplest, and the most reasonable. But at the Horde they gave Nevski to understand that they were dissatisfied. They let him know that they were not pleased with him personally. Berkai was different from what he had been while Batu was still living or while he was struggling with Sartak for mastery. He was curbed now by no man; besides, he was angered by military failure beyond the Caucasus, where he was warring with Hulagu, his strong cousin. He detained Nevski without need all that winter, then he detained him during the following summer, and only late in autumn could the prince set out for home, sick and broken, to die before reaching Vladimir. He came to Nizni-Novgorod, and when they brought him to Gorodets his last hour was near. At that place he took the monk’s habit, and on November 14, 1263, his life left him.The death of Nevski fell on Russia like a thunderbolt. It was a national calamity expected by no man, for with all his great services Nevski died when only forty-two years had passed over him. Even when burying him people could not believe that he had left them forever. His name, his very coffin seemed sacred.When the great Peter had founded St. Petersburg on the Neva, concluded peace with the Swedes and restored the ancient patrimony of Ijora, he brought Nevski’s bones to the capital, where they repose in the monastery of Alexander Nevski, and are honored at present and will be for the ages to come as relics of a saint and a hero. There is no better saint in the whole Russian calendar, and no greater statesman or warrior in its history than Alexander Nevski. By his wisdom and by his policy of yielding with apparent[290]resignation to the tyranny of the Mongols, he suppressed revolts which would have perhaps brought about the abolition of native government, with the substitution of Mongol for Russian princes. Such substitution would have endangered the language, religion and race of the Russian people. This had to be avoided at every sacrifice. No man knew the relative strength of the Mongols and Russians better than Alexander Nevski; no man was more devoted to Russia than he; no man was more respected by his own; therefore his words had weight, and when he explained that resistance would be ruin and submission was the only road to salvation the people believed and obeyed him. In this way he rescued Novgorod and many another city from utter destruction, and saved the lives of untold thousands. Above all his influence remained; it curbed passion and instilled patience and courage into the minds of men, and the knowledge that violence only made the yoke more oppressive.About the time of Nevski’s death, Moscow began to increase in size and importance. Daniel, his youngest son, received this town, then very small, and a few villages around it, as his inheritance.In Yuri Dolgoruki’s principality of Vladimir was laid the foundation of Moscow, and all that distinguished Vladimir from Rostoff and Suzdal distinguished Moscow in a higher degree. The advantage of Vladimir over earlier cities consisted in this, that there were none of those “ancient strong families” which held themselves separate from others. The Vladimir principality was settled by people who had come from many places and established themselves there during that historical period when out of a varied multitude of Slav stocks and families were formed one Russian people. This from the very first was the place of all Russia, this was Vladimir’s distinction. This must be said in a higher degree touching Moscow, the youngest and most recent of places subjected to Yuri, and formed later than others into a well-ordered region. When Dolgoruki’s inheritance had become a strong state under princes succeeding him, the cities therein became so assimilated to Vladimir that they recognized no longer the pretensions to primacy of Rostoff and Suzdal. In the days of Big Nest the appellation Great Russia was connected somewhat loosely with Vladimir. This appellation, before which not only[291]Rostoff and Suzdal yielded, but Lord Novgorod, was forced to incline, became permanently connected with Moscow, when that city rose to power finally. If, after the death of Andrei Bogolyubski, Rostoff and Suzdal boyars insisted on calling Vladimir an adjunct, they could not pretend that Moscow depended on the boyars of any place, since Yuri Dolgoruki had raised it against boyars in general. The tradition was that Moscow had been founded by Dolgoruki, and then seized from him by boyars with violence which he punished with immediate death.The distinction of Vladimir rule lay in the fact that the power of the prince acted firmly. Dolgoruki, and still more his son Andrei Bogolyubski, put an end to boyar control, which in other principalities was strong, and in some of them absolute, almighty. The struggle of boyars to uphold the ancient, and for them useful order of rule, their struggle for exceptional rights above other men, had in the Vladimir land dropped to the place and the character of intrigue and of treason, against which the people rose almost unanimously. The power of the prince thus appeared with single effect, and the people hastened to make it a state power. By precisely this aid of the people Big Nest had overcome the proud and powerful “great ones,” who stood against the “small people.” He had ended every claim of the boyars, claims hostile to all rule which favored the people. He had earned the love of earth-tillers and other workers by the fact that he permitted no town or district to be governed through boyar authority, but sent his own faithful servants to manage, and went himself yearly with his family and trusted persons to see what was taking place, and to personally give justice to all men. These servants differed greatly from boyars; they were just as much subject to the Vladimir prince as were the rest of the people. It was for their profit to strengthen and support the native prince who was ruling.In the Vladimir principality the whole social structure was built upon land. The interests of all coincided. All, from small to great, earth-tillers, artisans, clergy, merchants, warriors up to the prince himself, formed one solid power, and this was Great Russia. When Big Nest, near the end of his life, was opposed by his eldest son, Constantine, and resolved on a radical change, he turned for support to the people. He desired strength from the whole land as a unit. He did not assemble simply boyars in[292]an affair of such magnitude, he did not turn to his confidants only, he called boyars, merchants, and all classes of people. Such a union of the prince and the people ruled by him was confirmed by kissing the cross, and was a pledge of future union and consequent greatness. This union was the special distinction, and formed the main force of Great Russia. This belonged not to Rostoff and Suzdal, where, through ties with Great Novgorod and the old time, the boyar spirit was still strong. Not to the earliest cities did the trait belong at its best, but to later places, and most of all to the youngest, for this trait depended much on the general success attained not immediately, but slowly, with pain and great labor, by the princes of Vladimir, and later on by the princes of Moscow.At first while they were bringing into Vladimir the new type of rule to replace the old boyar order, the men pushed aside and driven out opposed it in every way possible. They complained of the prince’s agents and servants, they invented keen sayings against this new system. At that time none of the powerful men of the ancient order were reconciled with the new, and some fled from the country. But in the days of Daniel, son of Nevski, when Moscow was becoming prominent, the complete solidarity of prince and people, and the devotion of the people to an established princely line, became the chief trait of Moscow, the coming capital of Russia. The sturdy, industrious, persistent and peace-loving people were delighted to have the youngest son of Nevski, who was but two years of age when his father died, as Prince of Moscow and the country surrounding it. That region invited new settlers, who came in large numbers from all sides, because there was peace there and order, while north and south was disturbance and turmoil. This great advantage of being a peaceful and modest place was at that time the preëminence of Moscow, where Daniel, who alone of all the brothers had inherited the “sacred virtues” of his father, ruled quietly and unobserved.Following Nevski’s death in 1263, there was a dreary interval during which the princes struggled for the possession of Vladimir. Nevski was succeeded by Andrei, his brother, who lived only a few months. Yaroslav of Tver, brother of Andrei, then became Grand Prince. In the early years of his reign the people of Novgorod were involved in a stubborn war with Danes and the Knights of Livonia. During these troubles they lived in peace with[293]Yaroslav, but in 1270 they rose against him, and he was forced to ask aid of the Mongols. They promised assistance, and had sent forward a considerable army when, through the influence of Vassili, Yaroslav’s brother, it was suddenly recalled. The Grand Prince and his warriors then marched alone against Novgorod, but at the instance of the Metropolitan of Kief, he made peace with the rebellious boyars.In 1272 Yaroslav died, and was succeeded by Vassili, who lived somewhat less than three years. Then Dmitri, son of Nevski, became Grand Prince. While the principality was thus passing from the possession of one prince to that of another, the Mongols were taking full advantage of the quarreling, confusion and disorder brought about by constant change. They pillaged the provinces near by, and in 1278 burned Ryazan.In 1281 Dmitri’s brother, Andrei, conspired against him, and going to the Horde obtained, through bribes and flattery, the title of Grand Prince. Troops were sent from Sarai, and dependent princes were ordered to join their forces to Andrei’s and march against Dmitri, but they refused. Because of this refusal, Andrei’s own warriors lost courage and deserted him, and he fled. The Mongols, meanwhile, ravaged Murom and many large towns. Pereyaslavl resisted and received dire punishment. It was sacked and most of the people were slaughtered.Andrei now went to Sarai a second time and brought an army against Dmitri, who fled to Pskoff, and the Mongols seated Andrei on the throne of Vladimir. Again Russian towns were pillaged. Suzdal and Moscow suffered greatly, churches were sacked and precious vessels broken. If people resisted they were slaughtered. Dmitri, driven from Vladimir, wished to return to Pereyaslavl, his capital, but he was attacked by Andrei and fled to Tver, where Michael made peace between the brothers, and Dmitri, after struggling for three years to hold his own, promised to abdicate all claim to the Grand Principality. Shortly after this he fell ill and died (1294).During all these troubled years Moscow had been slowly gaining power and influence. Daniel, called by the people, who loved his peaceful and gentle life, “Holy Daniel,” was the first Prince of Moscow, the first real heir to it, and he became the founder of the Moscow line of princes, as well as the founder of the city’s[294]greatness. Nevski’s youngest son received the smallest portion, but, though no one could even dream of it in Daniel’s day, it was to excel in glory and importance every other capital in Russia. Vladimir, Kief and Novgorod all paled before Moscow. After Daniel had united to his capital places on the border and had acquired Pereyaslavl, his portion, by its size and good order, surpassed every other. He was not Grand Prince; the glory of his name, which was to be handed down from generation to generation, was not in a resounding title, or in mighty deeds. His entire reign passed in comparative peace, but to him specially fell the honor of maintaining the illustrious memory of his ancestors, so that they might be renowned among Russians till the remotest generation. The glory of his name is connected forever with Moscow. While his brothers were struggling with one another and with their uncle for the Grand Principality of Vladimir and the title, not one of them left a permanent inheritance to their children, not one of them became famous. Daniel, called simply “the Moscow prince,” collected an entire principality around his inconsiderable town, and amassed such an inheritance for his descendants that not only his grandchildren and his great-grandchildren, but his own children were called Princes of All Russia.We have few facts concerning Daniel; they are not to be found in Russian chronicles. He was among the best of the princes—a man who worked in the gloomy days of Mongol oppression.Daniel’s work was continued by his son Ivan, surnamed Kalitá (Purse). As his father had gathered around Moscow a whole principality and his residence had become the capital of a coming empire, so Ivan began to gather round Moscow all the unconnected parts of the country, and in his day the city appeared as the center of Great Russia, its genuine capital, and Vladimir ceased to be important. Though without the splendid virtues of his father, he, more than any of his brothers, resembled him. A churchgoer, he loved home and economy,—the latter he carried to excess even. His predecessors had struggled for the Grand Principality, but Ivan left this work to Yuri, his brother, and improved that which his father had left him. To things beyond Moscow, Ivan paid no attention. During twenty-five years his name was mentioned rarely. Meanwhile he was toiling at the heritage left by Nevski and winning strength in it. One of his great works consisted[295]of clearing the whole principality of thieves, evil-doers and robbers. There was no such order anywhere in that day as in Moscow, and the city increased through immigration and otherwise beyond all places.Besides other advantages, the central position of this principality helped it immensely. In it the roads crossed in every direction. The great water system began in its borders. Craftsmen, traders and people of all kinds came readily to settle in Moscow. Land-tillers found it more to their profit to live there than in places torn by quarrels. Hence Moscow was made up of men from every part of Russia. Next to Moscow was Tver, but there was less strength in Tver and less order. The turmoils of Novgorod were felt in Tver somewhat, and Tver was more exposed to raids from Lithuania. The place was, moreover, distinguished for an almost frivolous and insolent demeanor toward Mongols; hence in Moscow there was less danger from Mongols. All these causes taken together made Tver less desirable to immigrants than Moscow.In 1304 died Andrei, brother of Nevski. After his death, two men were rivals for the dignity of Grand Prince. Yuri, son of Daniel, through the glory of his grandfather, Nevski, and the newly won greatness of Moscow, where he and his brother Ivan were ruling, looked on himself as the senior. But the senior in fact, if descent were decisive, was Michael of Tver, the youngest brother of Nevski. Both Yuri and Michael hastened to occupy the throne of Vladimir, and each strove to incline Novgorod to his side. Michael hurried off to the Horde to win the patent, but found that Yuri had preceded him. The boyars of Andrei, the recent Grand Prince, were in favor of Michael, and the men who had served with Andrei were convinced that the throne would fall to their candidate. But Yuri succeeded in occupying Vladimir, and Novgorod was divided. Though that city contained many followers of Yuri, it did not reject Michael. The Novgorod men declared to both candidates that they would accept him who obtained the Khan’s patent; still they murmured at Michael. Why was he sending officials to Novgorod while he lacked confirmation?Maxim, the metropolitan, was friendly to Michael; he revered Ksenia, Michael’s widowed mother, as one of God’s chosen people; and respected Michael’s wife, Princess Anna, because she had[296]many Christian virtues. Yuri seemed to him not in the right as compared with his senior. Seeing the general movement of warriors and regiments on both sides, he was greatly alarmed, and, wishing for agreement, he not only threatened Yuri, but implored him to make peace. Maxim thought that he had succeeded, but he did not know Yuri, who never dropped any claim that he cherished. He would give no word not to go to the Horde. When the metropolitan tried to win a promise he answered:“I am not going to the Horde for a patent, but for another object.”This wily prince, who was ambitious and unprincipled, stopped at nothing to obtain power, which was dearer to him than all things else. He knew well that the Horde was all-powerful, and the Khan was its master in Russia. The word of the Khan was his sword; on this sword Yuri’s trust was unswerving, and he used every means to wield it; hence he set out for Sarai. While on the journey Michael’s adherents came very near seizing Yuri. He escaped, however, and by a roundabout road reached the Horde in safety, but only after much effort.The Mongol magnates charmed the prince with their readiness to feast and make friends with him. “Give more than Michael, and the yarlyk (patent) will be thine,” said they. So the princes strove to surpass each other in making presents to the Khan’s wives and favorites, as well as to Horde magnates. It proved, however, that Michael had more gold to spend than had Yuri. Yuri halted, and going to Michael, he said: “Let us strive no longer. I will not ruin my heritage. Let Vladimir be thine.” Soon after this the Khan gave the patent to Michael, who returned home eight months later.While the princes were at the Horde there was great activity in Russia. Boris, Yuri’s brother, sent by him to seize Kostroma, had been captured and taken to Tver. Novgorod men had expelled Michael’s boyars, who strengthened Nova-Torg, and then planned to attack Pereyaslavl and take it from Moscow. Akinfi, a Moscow boyar, having quarreled with Rodion Nestorvitch, a boyar who had come from Kief to Moscow with seven hundred followers and had received the first place in service, left Moscow in anger to seek a better place, which he found with the Tver prince, who made him the first among boyars. Akinfi assisted in[297]planning the campaign, and led the troops against Pereyaslavl. But in Tver there were many well-wishers of Moscow, and they gave warning of Akinfi’s adventure. The army which Ivan hurriedly led from Moscow was successful. Akinfi’s troops were defeated and he lost his life in the struggle; with him fell his son-in-law and many warriors. His sons, Ivan and Feodor, fled to Tver with few attendants. As Rodion Nestorvitch, who had sustained a leading part in this unsparing and decisive conflict, was leaving the battle-field, he raised his rival’s head on a lance-point and held it up before Ivan of Moscow. Ivan’s name, mentioned this once, was not mentioned earlier in Russianchronicles, and was left unmentioned thereafter for a long time. In the quarrels with Tver and Vladimir not Ivan, but Yuri, his brother, is prominent.The Grand Prince Michael, on returning from the Horde, settled down in Tver and ruled both the Grand Principality and Novgorod through his lieutenants. He would not leave unavenged Akinfi, his chief boyar. A campaign against Moscow was undertaken with every force which the Grand Prince could summon. But he had not the strength to bend Moscow. Neither opponent had sufficient power to crush the other; one had to retreat and the other had to let him go unpunished. It seemed that all that remained for Michael was to rule and live peaceably as Grand Prince. He had no foe except Yuri, who, though he had made peace with Michael, would not acknowledge his headship; nay, more, he challenged Michael’s position directly. Causes and excuses for this were plentiful on every side. Yuri not only did not yield the disputed Tver boundaries to Michael, but he seized other lands in addition. At last Michael complained without ceasing that Yuri was taking Tver lands from him, while he, Michael, sought nothing save lands belonging to Tver in the time of his father. Yuri would not give peace to his rival in Novgorod or Vladimir; he roused both secret and open intrigues against him unceasingly through his adherents in the two cities, and tried to undermine Michael at all times. Novgorod as usual was divided against itself. Factions were at war in the city. Some were in favor of the prince, while others demanded his expulsion and wanted a new man.Yuri and Ivan ruled together in Moscow and gave no voice to their brothers. It was evident that Yuri intended to place his younger[298]brothers in other principalities. With that intent he had sent Boris to Kostroma, where he was captured by Tver men. Besides Kostroma there was only Nizni-Novgorod, but in general Yuri had his eye upon any place which might be open to seizure. He was not troubled with delicacy in dealing with princes, and soon there was a quarrel about Nizni-Novgorod. As Michael was patient, Yuri’s insolence was overlooked for a season, but the more Michael yielded, the greater were Yuri’s demands on him. Their strength might seem equal, but Moscow was so far superior that the Tver prince, even adding Vladimir, was not the stronger.In 1308, three years after his first attack upon Moscow, Michael, because of Novgorod, was forced to take arms against Yuri a second time. This campaign was undertaken with all the power which the Grand Prince could summon and there was a great battle; much harm was inflicted, but again Michael failed to take Moscow, and returned to Tver without triumph.Michael’s position in Novgorod was difficult. There were old involved boundary questions between Novgorod and Vladimir; also between Tver and Novgorod. If Michael did justice to Tver, he made Novgorod an enemy. If he acceded to Novgorod’s demands, he made Tver indignant. Yuri, knowing this difficulty, inflamed Michael’s enemies in Novgorod, and upheld the demands of that city.Tok Timur, Khan of the Golden Horde, died in 1312, and was succeeded by Uzbek, the first Mongol ruler of Russia to become a Mohammedan, though he was more Mongol by far than a follower of Mohammed. Again all princes must visit Sarai and bow down to the Khan. Michael of Tver appeared at the Horde before the others. He was accompanied by the Metropolitan of Russia, who was allowed to go home after a very short time. He returned to Vladimir before any one looked for him, but for his friend Michael they waited till they ceased to expect him. One year passed, a second began. At last, however, his visit came to a favorable end. Uzbek confirmed him in the Grand Principality and commanded Novgorod’s obedience. This was to be assured by Horde warriors, who were prompt in assistance. With Michael went from the Horde three “sultans” (commanders), Taitmar, Matroja and Indy. And the capricious Moscow prince, who, during Michael’s absence, had made himself master of Novgorod,[299]was threatened with anger and summoned to Sarai to answer Michael’s charges. Yuri set out from Novgorod directly, leaving Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor Rjerski behind him to govern the city. A Novgorod embassy went to the Horde to help Yuri. This support was especially valuable to him, since the people never sent men with empty hands to do business; they scattered gold and silver as far as was needed. In money power no place at that time was equal to Novgorod. Yuri knew well how to manage the Mongols. The Golden Horde magnates had pleased him immensely in the days of his earliest visit, because of their readiness to feast and rejoice with him. He had had friends and allies during Tok Timur’s reign, but since he had promised Novgorod men to relieve them of Michael, he had vastly more influence, for Novgorod’s liberality was measureless. He received worthy aid for the road and was assured of further assistance whenever the need came, and in any proportion necessary, if only the Novgorod wish could be gratified. Yuri felt sure of success. When he entered Sarai all things seemed favorable. To begin with, Prince Michael, his enemy, who in Tok Timur’s time had contended with him for the Grand Principality, though the patent had been given him, was not popular at the Horde, for he had not become intimate with any one. He knew not how to win Mongol favor. Mild and sedate, he had not roused respect even by his obedience. His sober, methodical life was unendurable to Mongols. On the other hand, Yuri was loved by his old, and now by his new friends. Kavgady was the keenest of the Mongol magnates, and he had the Khan’s fullest confidence; with this man Yuri became specially intimate. Soon the Khan himself was very gracious to Yuri, who was at home not only throughout the Horde, but in the Khan’s family. There was no great feast without him. In 1297, when young, he had married a Rostoff princess, but he was now a widower. Soon it was known to all the high Mongols that Konchaka, the Khan’s favorite sister, was to marry Yuri. Uzbek permitted her to become a Christian, and she took in baptism the name Agatha.Yuri remained at the Horde about two years. While he was there Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor, placed by him in Novgorod, carried on war against Michael, who marched toward Novgorod and met their forces at Torjok in the spring of 1316. The Novgorod[300]warriors were choice and not few in number, but they were of the boyar party, for the people would take no part in this war. Their army was defeated and was forced to seek refuge inside the walls of Torjok.Then Michael sent to them saying: “Give me the princes, Afanasi and Feodor, and I will make peace.” “We will die for Holy Sophia with honor,” was the answer. “We will not yield up those princes.” Then Michael sent a second time: “Give me Feodor alone.” At first they refused, then finally surrendered him, and peace was made.But soon a new war broke out which dragged on a whole year, if not longer. Michael sent his posadnik and officials to Novgorod, but the city expelled them and the war continued, while Yuri was absent arranging with Uzbek. Novgorod charged Michael with perfidy. The tribute which Michael imposed on Torjok was not paid, and Novgorod accused him of detaining hostages and of seizing their people, with arms and horses. They sent an embassy to Yuri, but Tver warriors intercepted those envoys and detained them. Novgorod complained that after Michael had withdrawn from Torjok they sent a request through their bishop asking him to liberate the Novgorod people detained by him, but this he had refused to do. The Tver men in answer pointed out Novgorod’s injustice. “Why send envoys to Yuri and the Horde, and incite anger against Tver, Pskoff, Ladoga and other places? Why did Novgorod in time of council throw Basok into the river, declaring him a spy from Prince Michael? Why also was Daniel Pistsoff slain?”Again Michael marched against Novgorod, but this time, though he was not defeated, he suffered greatly. Approaching within fifty versts of the city and discovering that men from Pskoff, Ladoga and other places had come to help Novgorod, he withdrew. While retreating his troops lost their way amid lakes and swamps, and were forced by hunger to eat their own horses and even the rawhide of their shields. Many died of hunger and cold; those who survived reached home in great wretchedness.But this unfortunate expedition did not affect Michael so much as the news from the Horde, news which forced him to make peace with Novgorod, remit all arrears and return prisoners and hostages. Novgorod, on its part, engaged to withdraw from Yuri and take[301]no part in quarrels between the two princes. The news which reached Michael before he made peace, and which Novgorod did not at that time know, was then published to all men. The Khan’s brother-in-law, Yuri, with his princess, had left the Horde with large regiments from the Khan, and a suite of Horde magnates. They were coming to strip Michael of his office. No one doubted that Yuri was Grand Prince; that was the report, and the first to believe it was Michael. He waited for further news, but no news was forthcoming. No messenger came from the Khan, nor did he receive any word from his men, who were at the Horde in attendance. But that which was done in the Mongol camp and declared to the world was incredible, unless Yuri had the patent.Kavgady sent Telebuga, his assistant, to Novgorod to summon all warriors to the banners of Yuri. Astrobyl was sent to the Volga for the same purpose. Kavgady himself moved with his own troops, and some from Yuri. They expected reinforcements from places above and below them.Michael, fearing an attack on Tver, increased its defenses and summoned in other princes. But in Rostoff and Suzdal, as well as Vladimir, no one knew anything accurately. So that while some princes favored Michael, others joined his opponents, and still others were undecided which prince to support, though Kavgady had ordered all to join Yuri.Michael marched toward Kostroma, but when he came in sight of Yuri and his army, he sent him this message: “If the Khan has given thee the office of Grand Prince, I withdraw. But touch not my heritage.”One of the principal duties and the distinguishing right of the Grand Prince was to give the Khan all the tribute collected by princes. For this the Grand Prince was responsible directly, and in questions concerning it he treated smaller princes as pleased him. They had to deal with him only, and had not the right to appear at the Horde with their tribute. Hence, because of those tributes, there were endless disputes between the Grand Prince and the princes beneath him. It was almost impossible to disentangle the questions of tribute paid too late or too early, neglected, overpaid or underpaid. But Michael was distinguished in this as in all things requiring accuracy. Every item was recorded. How much he had received from this prince or that, was written down[302]carefully and delivered with precision. So now, when he yielded the office of Grand Prince, he thought it his duty to give a clear list of the tribute, including that which was not yet delivered. All this was explained to Kavgady and to Yuri. Michael then gave up the Grand Principality and the tribute.“I will remain in my own place,” said he; “only leave me in quiet.” Thus all was arranged and Michael, before the eyes of his enemies, dismissed his main forces, leading home only a small retinue. Meanwhile Yuri disbanded no warriors, but strengthened his army. The Suzdal princes took Yuri’s side. Yuri now went to Moscow and with him went his princess, “Konchaka,” as the people continued to call her. During the summer Michael was occupied in fortifying Tver. Toward October, Kavgady and Yuri marched against him. The whole Volga region joined Yuri. Novgorod men were to be at Torjok to act against Michael.When Yuri’s army reached the Tver border he began to burn towns and take prisoners. Avoiding the capital, he turned against the Tver possessions beyond the Volga. Michael lost patience at this point. Tver men had always been noted for hating the Mongols. Michael’s sons, his boyars and his warriors all demanded war, and he could not curb them. “It is impossible,” said the people, “for thee not to go against Yuri. We are ready to lay down our lives in this action.”Michael and his forces met the foe forty versts from the city, December 22, 1317, and Yuri was thoroughly defeated. He fled to Novi-Torg with few attendants, and then to Novgorod. His camp and his tent were seized by the victors. They captured Konchaka, Yuri’s princess, and Boris, his brother. When Kavgady saw that the battle was lost, he surrendered to Michael, whose armor was cut and hacked, but whose body was not wounded.The delight of the victors was unbounded in view of the multitude of prisoners. But the pleasure of their triumph was lessened by the fact that many Mongols had fallen in the battle. Men learned now, and they might have guessed earlier, that the conflict had been brought on by Yuri and Kavgady without the Khan’s order or knowledge. What could they do in Tver with the prisoners? Michael lodged Konchaka in his palace with honor, and gave her every attention. Kavgady and his attendants were favored with gifts and with feasts. The Mongols flattered their entertainers[303]and praised their generosity, but this deceived no one. They remembered what wealth they had lost in the battle, and how many captives had been taken from them, and it was seen in their eyes how revenge lurked in their souls while they flattered.That winter, just before Lent, Yuri led Novgorod men against Michael, who, unwilling to cause more bloodshed so soon after his recent victory, marched out, stopped Yuri from crossing the Volga, and sent him this message: “We must go to the Khan; why should we fight before going?” Yuri answered with insolence but agreed finally that both should go to the Horde and let the Khan judge them. Michael declared that Konchaka and Boris would be given up immediately, and the opponents parted without an encounter.But terrible trouble came now upon Michael. Konchaka died in his palace, and the report was spread that she had been poisoned. The coffin containing the body of the ill-fated woman was taken from Tver to Rostoff and given to Yuri’s relatives. Michael was weighed down with woe. Fate seemed to pursue him in this struggle with Yuri.On learning that Michael was preparing to visit Sarai, Kavgady insisted that Yuri should hasten and anticipate the Tver prince, and in clear proof of the importance of doing so hurried off himself. When going, he advised Yuri to collect as many men as possible of those who had had dealings with Michael in the matter of tribute, so that they could be called to give testimony against the Tver prince.Michael understood well what serious work was before him, for it was known at the Horde that Kavgady always misrepresented him to the Khan, and reports of this had come to Michael. At last, toward the end of the summer, he realized that he must loiter no longer. At Vladimir he met Akhmyl, an envoy, from whom he hoped to learn something of what was taking place in Sarai. Akhmyl counseled haste; he gave no precise information, only whispering Kavgady’s calumnies, “Be there before a month has passed,” said he. “Kavgady has stated that thou art not coming.” Michael’s boyars advised him not to go; his sons said, “Send us.” The prince hesitated. “One of thy sons is there now,” said the boyars; “send another.” “Listen to us,” begged the sons. “Go not, thou artcalumniated. Send us. Go when the Khan’s rage has softened.”[304]Michael sat long in thought. At last he said, “The Khan has not asked for you. It is my head that he wants. If I do not go, my inheritance will be seized, and many Christians will perish. I must die sometime; better die now, and save others.” He explained how he wished his inheritance to be divided; gave advice to his sons; wrote his will and took farewell of them. During the whole journey to the Horde he was gloomy and depressed. He was ready to pour out his soul before Uzbek, trusting in his justice. He did not doubt that the Khan would be gracious if he only knew the facts in the quarrel. But would the Khan know the facts?When Michael reached Sarai he found that Uzbek had gone, and he had to journey a thousand versts farther, to find him near the mouth of the Don at the Sea of Azoff. Constantine, Michael’s son, who had been in Sarai, could give his father no information except that one of the Khan’s wives was kind; he had visited her and she liked him. From his boyars, who were with Constantine at the Horde, he heard that the Khan had spoken no evil against him. At the Horde all received his presents graciously, but he could learn nothing decisive.At last the day came when he was to bow to the earth before Uzbek. He could see no displeasure in the Khan’s visage; he seemed as friendly as when he had given the patent; he was neither kind nor unkind. In the Horde it was the same—neither kind nor unkind. There was no recognition between him and Kavgady or Yuri. The whole Horde was with them, as it seemed to Michael. Everything confirmed the statement of his friends that Kavgady was calumniating him always. It was said also that the intimates of the Khan had mentioned repeatedly the necessity of judging the Tver prince. When the Khan promised and afterward forgot, they reminded him that the case was important and should not be deferred; that a state is made strong through showing favor to good men, and punishing the wicked.Michael lived six weeks in anxiety without trial. Then he was suddenly summoned to receive judgment. The Khan, who was as much occupied by amusement as by affairs, was preparing for a grand hunt in the Caucasus and beyond those mountains. Pleasure, it appeared, coincided with policy. Some said that he was taking the forces of the Horde to a great hunt and was then going to a war on the Persian boundary. At all events, before setting out,[305]he wished to settle certain questions which annoyed him, and suddenly he said to his magnates, “Judge Yuri and the Grand Prince; then bring your decision. Whoever is right, him will I reward; the guilty I will punish.” This was all Kavgady needed.Next day they summoned Michael. Many complaints were preferred against him: he had withheld the Khan’s tribute; he had sent his wealth to Livonia; he had begged aid of the Pope; he had borrowed money from tax collectors and princes, and had not returned it; he had been a robber; he had been unjust to subject princes,—this must have referred to Novgorod. Then came the two great offenses: he had poisoned Konchaka, and had warred against the Khan’s envoys.The princes of the Horde sat in judgment; a great accumulation of complaints lay before them. Kavgady and Yuri were among the judges; they were witnesses as well. When Michael presented strict accounts of the tribute and lists of all taken from each person they cried out: “Thou art haughty and disobedient; thou hast insulted the Khan’s envoy, Kavgady, and fought with him; kept back the Khan’s tribute, and poisoned Yuri’s princess; thou hast beaten the Khan’s magnates.” “I have obeyed the Khan,” answered Michael, “and I obey him now. I have given accurate tribute. The Khan’s envoy attacked me with warriors; I was forced to defend myself. After that I honored him and gave him good presents; I took farewell of him with gifts, and with homage. I did not kill Yuri’s princess; her death came from nature.”When the trial was ended it was repeated to the Khan. Uzbek was waiting. “Prince Michael,” said the judges, “is worthy of death, but thy word is free. All will be done according to thy pleasure.” And they explained the main offenses. The Khan commanded to give a new trial and test the truth carefully a second time. The judges were confused and retired with submission. But going later on to the Khan, by the advice of Kavgady, who was assisting them, they said: “Michael is worthy of death. If thou command to revise the late trial he should stand before us in fetters. We would not see thee offended; thy glory and honor touch us, O Khan, and concern all the people.” Kavgady now added: “The case between Yuri and Michael is known to me perfectly; I know the whole truth of it.” “Do as ye like,” replied[306]Uzbek, after thinking a little. “But judge the case justly, and come to me afterward.”Michael was judged as he had been judged the first time, and warriors were commanded to lead away the condemned man. The second trial was on Friday, and lasted till late in the evening. The judges went directly to Uzbek. “We find Michael worthy of death this time also,” said they. “If that is just,” replied Uzbek, “act as ye have decided.” The judges now strove to hasten the execution, but Uzbek deferred it.From the moment of the second trial, Michael knew well that his cause was lost. On returning to his tent he repeated the words “My days have vanished like smoke and have passed like a vision.” Two hours later heavier fetters were put on him; his attendants were expelled; his robes of a prince were stripped from his body, and the guards seized his effects. This was done always in the case of condemned men. He was left then with guards to watch over him strictly. On Sunday he learned that the Horde was to follow the Khan to a hunt on the Caucasus north and south of the Terek. That day they put a kang on him,—an instrument of torture and an index of infamy, borrowed by the Mongols from China. It was made of two planks, and was four-cornered like a small oblong table. In the center was a round hole cut to fit the neck and a smaller one on either side into which the hands of the victim were inserted. The planks were pushed apart, the neck and wrists fixed in their places, and then the planks were brought together and fastened. Chains were attached to the kang, by which men led the prisoner. In this way the unfortunate Michael was led behind the Khan’s forces and for twenty-five days he traveled in that horrible torture.Hunting, the favorite amusement of the Mongol Khans, continued usually a month or two, and showed strikingly their character. The whole Horde was in motion. Two or three hundred thousand men often shared in this immense spectacle and enjoyment. Each man rode his best horse and wore his finest clothes; countless wagons carried goods from Greece, India and other distant regions. Delight and luxury were visible everywhere. Lonely steppes were filled with people; certain places in them became populous cities for a day or two, and all was noise, mirth and turmoil. Michael dragged on, walking behind this great[307]army of pleasure seekers, for in his case Uzbek had not spoken the death words. A great part of the way the ill-fated prisoner was urged forward on foot. Occasionally the kang was removed, but at such times he was heavily chained. The hunt lasted long and extended far beyond the Terek to the mountains and the Caspian.When the decision of the judges was at last confirmed by the Khan, the execution was summary. November 22, 1318, Kavgady saw Uzbek in the morning, and received the order to execute Michael. Toward midday, while the prince, who had grown mortally weary of life, was repeating the fifty-fifth psalm: “My heart is sore pained within me, and the terrors of death are fallen upon me,” an attendant rushed up, and cried: “Kavgady and Yuri are coming with a number of people.” “I know why they are coming,” said Michael.The two men halted on the market-place, at a distance of a stone’s throw from the prisoner’s tent, and Michael was summoned. The executioners seized him and threw him to the earth, but he sprang up quickly. They threw him again, beat him with fists, and then with their heels stamped his life out. When they had killed him, they put the corpse out on the steppe, where they left it. Yuri went to look at the body. “Why art thou looking?” asked Kavgady, reproachfully. “He was to thee as thy father. Have him covered!” One of Yuri’s men removed his upper garment and covered the body. Soon after this, Michael’s attendants came out, tied the corpse firmly to a plank, and then, by Yuri’s order, bore it to Moscow.[308]

In 1252–1253 Alexander Nevski began rule and was the real successor of Yaroslav, his father. When Andrei had grown weary of exile, he begged Nevski to intercede for him at the Horde. Meanwhile Sartak, Batu’s son, had been murdered, as is said, by Berkai, his uncle, who took the Kipchak throne and waited confirmation from Mangu, at that time Grand Khan.

Again all Russian princes had to visit the Horde and wait to have their titles confirmed. Alexander sent his nephews, Glaib and Boris, with rich gifts to Ulavchi, the favorite. The gifts were accepted and Andrei was forgiven, but Nevski himself had to go to the Horde with his guilty brother to receive the formal pardon.

The eternal enmity in Novgorod between the strong and the weak; the rich and the poor; the rooted hostility of haughty merchants and opulent traders to craftsmen and land-tillers; and the rivalry among the ambitious for power and offices raged unceasingly. From of old a large number, and at times a majority, were attracted to the Russia outside of Great Novgorod. There had long been partisans of Vladimir among Novgorod boyars, men who thought it well for their country to act with Vladimir and even to be merged in it, but there were also implacable opponents to either coöperation or union, and these nourished hatred for Vladimir at every hazard. On the Vladimir side were all the more or less well-to-do people, the peace men. Therefore it seemed as if the adherents of Vladimir were only the well-to-do, and the satisfied, who cared not for the poor; but this was not the case. On the side of Vladimir were the land-tillers and common folk.

When Nevski took power in Vladimir he placed his eldest son, Vassili, in Novgorod. Vassili could not oppress Novgorod; he was too young for such action. He was, also, a real Novgorod partisan,[280]as he showed later on by contemning his father. These partisans were supported by the mob of the city, men without houses, with nothing to lose at any time, and nothing to gain except what they could win through disorder. They were advocates of the loudly lauded “Novgorod liberties.” They appeared, though untruly, as friends and defenders of working men. But working men saw in boyars who “loved liberty” their chief and main enemies. They saw in them persons who sought liberty for themselves, but not for “small people.” Among these boyars were the very rich, the proud, who recognized no man beyond their circle. In all riots, no matter how many there might be, these great and rich persons directed the councils and managed the city. Some of them claimed to love liberty and poor men; others did not go that far. But in cases of riot both divisions of those “great people” strove to hold the street mob at command. They put forward bold rioters, who cared not for small or great persons, but found profit in disorder. And when during encounters the people came to examine the question at issue, or had at last to interfere in those matters, such confused causes were presented that it seemed beyond human power to explain them. Each side appealed to the rights of Great Novgorod and the good of the people, but the people could never find out the real cause of the disturbance, or where there could be any profit for them in the turmoil.

Just such a riddle was offered in the case of Vassili, son of Nevski. There was a party in Novgorod which had pretexts at all times for rousing the people, and beclouding good counsel. As Mongol oppression increased and taxes and tribute grew heavier, oppression of all kinds gave designing men chances for evil incitement. They needed simply to shout: “We are defending our liberties against cursed eaters of raw flesh. Away then with favorites of the Khan, slaves to Mongols!” and the conflict would begin.

In 1255 Novgorod disturbers summoned Yaroslav as prince to their city. Nevski was astounded when he heard that his son had been driven away in disgrace, and that his place had been given to Yaroslav. Why could Yaroslav serve Novgorod better than Vassili, unless because Yaroslav was in disgrace at the Horde, and under the Khan’s anger? Nevski moved at once against Novgorod. In Torjok, where he met his son, he learned still newer details of the riot from Novgorod men, who had come out to[281]meet him. The city was terribly excited, disorder had taken unusual proportions. Yaroslav had fled when he heard that his brother was coming. The posadnik at that time was Anani, a well-known opponent of Vladimir. The adherents of Vladimir, who were, of course, favorable to Nevski, strove to allay the excitement, and bring back Vassili, but they also had an object apart from this: their leader was Mihalko Stepanovitch, whom they wished to make posadnik; therefore they accused Anani of causing the disturbance, and tried to expel him from office. Mihalko appeared boldly against his opponents, and the people were divided. It seemed to uninformed observers as if Mihalko’s adherents were seeking merely for the profit of boyars. “Were they not mainly those rich men, who cared not for poor folk, while Anani’s adherents were simple men, standing up bravely for liberty and the honor of Novgorod?” The excitement became greater and greater. Nevski, having drawn near, sent a command to Novgorod to put an end to the riot, and give him Anani. Through this the excitement was not decreased, but heightened immensely,—nay, it became general. The outbreak was involved by the fact that Anani, though a known enemy of Vladimir, proved to be innocent this time. The disturbers on both sides had abused his name greatly. One party promised to die for him, the other to throw him into the river, and drown him. Some declared that the whole riot was made to protect their good guardian and defender, while others represented him falsely as the banisher of Vassili, and the father of every known evil. Those in arms against Mihalko encamped at Nikola, and swore to die for Anani.

When Nevski was approaching, they asked of one another, “What shall we do?” and finally resolved not to surrender any of their people. The “small folk” kissed the cross, declaring: “We will defend Novgorod rights and live or die for them.” When Nevski commanded them to surrender Anani, all were confused, and, not knowing what course to pursue, they went to Dolinot, the archbishop, and counseled. They knew Nevski’s persistence, they knew that when he had once taken a position he would not retire from it, and to the demand these words were added: “If ye will not yield me Anani, I am no longer your prince, I will march straight against you.” They decided at last to beg Dolinot,[282]and Klim, the commander, to go to Nevski in the name of all Novgorod, and say to him: “Come, Prince, to thy throne and give no ear to offenders. Work thy displeasure on Anani and others.”

The two men went to Nevski as ambassadors. All waited their return with impatience. The prince listened neither to Klim nor to Dolinot. When they returned and announced their failure, there was sorrow on both sides. In the meeting which followed, people said with one voice: “It is a sin for those men who have brought us to quarrel with Nevski.” They came almost to bloodshed, and if blood did not flow the whole merit belonged to Anani. Mihalko with his men was ready to fall on Anani’s adherents, but Anani sent secret observers to note all that was happening. When the adherents of these two men came to blows, and the mob rushed to burn the house of Mihalko and kill him, Anani stopped them, saying: “Brothers, if ye wish to kill him, ye must take my life from me first.”

The third day after this, Nevski’s forces stood fully armed before Novgorod. On the fourth day he sent again a message to the city, but now it was changed somewhat: “Remove Anani from office, and I will forgive you.” All yielded willingly, and Anani himself before others. They gave the office to Mihalko, making peace with Nevski on his own terms. Prince Vassili was seated in Novgorod again, and his return should have pleased the city, since his reign was not without profit. The Riga Germans, and also the Swedes, had begun new attacks on the Novgorod borders, and frequent raids were made by the Lithuanians. Vassili won victories over all these enemies. The Lithuanians were crushed; the prince pursued them far west of Toropets. The Germans withdrew before the Pskoff warriors, and the Swedes were badly defeated.

This new attack of the Swedes disturbed Nevski, hence he came to Novgorod with large forces, and commanded the city to assemble fresh regiments. The point of his intended attack was kept secret. Cyril, Metropolitan of Russia, came with him, and conducted the prince and his troops to Koporye. From there he sent him on his journey, after blessing the warriors, who learned then that their campaign was to end in that region where in summer the sun does not set for six months, and in winter does not rise for the same[283]length of time. This locality—the country of the Lopars, later called Lapland by Germans—was the remotest part of Novgorod possessions, and was visited rarely, for it had not been assailed hitherto by the enemies of Russia, but about this time the Swedes were endeavoring to take those lands from Russia, and connect them with Sweden.

This was among Nevski’s most striking campaigns. Marching along difficult cliffs and through dense forests he finally reached the sea. The wearied Novgorod men now refused to go farther, though they had made but half the journey, so Nevski sent them home and finished the campaign with his own personal followers, who were as untiring and fearless as their prince. He won all the seacoast, and returned bringing a multitude of prisoners, and leaving the country behind him in fear and obedience. Nevski’s men had before this pushed through the gloom of Yatoyag forests; they had made paths through wooded swamps in Lithuania; they had suffered from blizzards in Trans-Volga regions; they had endured all kinds of hardship and toil in campaigning, but they had seen nothing like that which they experienced in this war against Chuds and Lopars (Fins and Lapps). Nevski had now marked with his sword, for the use of coming ages, the Finnish boundary of Russia.

Whenever Nevski went to the Horde he was distinguished beyond other princes; they did not detain him too long; they granted his requests, and dismissed him with honor. When he brought with him Yaroslav, his brother, as he had brought Andrei earlier, the Khan forgave Yaroslav, who after that remained quietly in his own possessions. And when an order came from the Khan to send forces beyond the Terek near the foot of the Caucasus, the Russians were freed from this service at Nevski’s request.

The prince suffered more and more from those visits to the Horde. In former days he seemed stern and serious after each of them, but now he seemed worn and exhausted. His health did not promise long life to him. The demands of the Mongols were increasing, and soon a decision was published which brought all men to despair when they heard it. No one had power to set aside or change this decision. The Khan commanded to take a great census, to count all his subjects, and increase his income by imposing[284]a head tax. This time Nevski’s intercession was useless. The greedy master of the Horde insisted on his decision, adding that such was the will of the Grand Khan. Mangu had in fact commanded to enumerate all men and things under Mongol dominion.

Officials of the Horde appeared first in Ryazan and in Murom. There they counted the people and described the land minutely. Dues were imposed upon all men except the clergy. Town and village property, and occupations were described in this census. The officials went thence to Suzdal, Rostoff, and Vladimir. One year and a second had passed before they finished. They did this work with great care, without haste, and most accurately. Next inspectors appeared to ensure the close gathering of the tribute and taxes. All this time an ominous sound was heard coming from Novgorod, though there had been order in the city since the second installation of Nevski’s son, Vassili, now sixteen years of age and well conversant with the affairs of that place.

Nevski was observing the census carefully everywhere, in places ruled by others as well as by himself. His labor in studying this work took much of his time and strength.

In the winter of 1257–1258 the Mongols were sent to Novgorod to enumerate the inhabitants and property of that place. When the officials were leaving Vladimir, Nevski gave them as assistants a number of his own men, but he did not go himself, since he wished to hear from his son before further action. While he was waiting for news, the chief Mongols came rushing back to Vladimir in anger. How they had been offended in Novgorod no man could learn from their account and their outcries. With a great din they attacked the prince, saying that they had gone to Novgorod believing in his word, but if they were to be treated in this way they would throw aside everything and go back to the Golden Horde straightway.

Nevski, seeing clearly the danger, summoned his brothers, Boris from Rostoff, and Andrei from Suzdal, but only with great difficulty could he detain the Mongols. At last, however, they consented to return to Novgorod, if accompanied by Nevski and his brothers. The Grand Prince, upon approaching Novgorod, was surprised that his son did not come out to meet him. Most of the Mongols had followed their superiors to Vladimir, only a few[285]had remained in the city; these declared that no census had been made, and added: “We know not what is happening.”

The posadnik, Mihalko, had been killed,—Anani had died a few months earlier. Some said that Prince Vassili had declared to the people his willingness to die for the liberties of Novgorod; others said that he was not in the city. A second posadnik had been chosen, and killed. Klim, the commander, they had driven out of Novgorod.

When Vassili heard that his father was coming, he had in fact said to the people: “They are bringing fetters to put on us. Let us die for the liberties of Novgorod!” He had been taught these daring words by boyars. But after uttering them his courage failed and he fled to Pskoff with these same boyars.

Nevski wished to march against Pskoff without waiting, but the Mongols would not permit it; they feared to part with him. Novgorod then sent the following message to the Mongols: “Honor from us to the Khan, and to you. We have gifts for him, and for you also.”

Nevski now turned to Pskoff with this message: “Send back my son and all the traitorous boyars immediately.” The guilty men were sent back, and, knowing that Nevski was not mild with offenders, they looked for dire punishment. “To evil men an evil end,” said the people. “These boyars have brought Prince Vassili to sorrow.” All in the city expected that one would be hanged, and another beheaded. The authors of these troubles were, in fact, cruelly punished. Some had their eyes put out, some had a hand cut off, others had their nostrils torn away, their tongues cut out, or their ears taken off; Vassili was put under guard and sent to Suzdal.

The Mongol officials, well pleased with this punishment, and with the rich gifts of the city, promised to make no complaint to the Khan; they would either be silent, they said, touching what had been done, or would mention it mildly. So those officials were pacified, and brought to good humor.

Novgorod had chosen Misha as posadnik, but he had been murdered during the disturbance. They now selected Michael; a third man, Jiroha, was appointed as commander to succeed Klim, who had been driven from Novgorod. The people begged[286]Nevski not to leave them without a prince. Many Novgorod men had recently visited Vladimir; some of these had gone on errands, and some had been sent by Nevski to see how obedience was rendered the Mongols in that city. Hearing from the people there all the terrors of Nevruya’s “promenade” they knew well the meaning of a Mongol census invasion. Some of these men, on returning, informed their friends that if Novgorod would not yield to the census, a Mongol host would come quickly, and bring woe to the city; others reported dread tidings: Mongol forces were marching already. Novgorod grew quiet at once, and the leading citizens decided to permit the census to be taken. Because of this decision, Nevski was able to satisfy the Mongols, and he begged them not to delay or defer, but to carry out the Khan’s will immediately. They consented, but required that the Grand Prince himself should stay with them.

When the census officials appeared to begin their work again in Novgorod and districts around it, the promise to yield was as if it had never been given. When the officials stepped out of sleighs, and were assigned the best houses to live in, and the Mongols made ready to pass from street to street, and from house to house, an ominous murmur went up throughout Novgorod. In all districts near the city there was disturbance and uproar. Men ridiculed the Mongols, and spoke evil words to their faces. The censors, in alarm, asked Nevski to protect them. He sent guards to their houses, and among these the son of the posadnik. But neither posadnik nor commander had meaning for Novgorod malcontents. Not only were common people terribly excited, but the chief men fell into two parties opposed to each other. The Khan’s officials threatened to abandon their task altogether. Nevski was forced to stay with them always. The people grew still more excited: “We will die for Holy Sophia!” was their watchword. The Mongol officials turned to the boyars, repeating suggestively: “Permit us to take the census, or we will leave Novgorod!” The boyars laid all blame on the people. The Mongols turned then to Nevski, with these words: “Why should we stay here longer? Your people will kill us.” On the square louder and louder were heard threatening voices. “Let us resist to the death! Whoso is just let him join us!” The crowd of people felt sure of their rights and complained: “The rich command[287]to count our heads. They make everything easy for themselves, but evil for small folk.” There was a roar throughout the city: “We will die for justice!” All at once a report was spread that the Mongols were to move on the Kremlin from two points. There was a rush to the cathedral from all parts, and a cry rose: “Let us go to Saint Sophia. We will lay down our heads there!”

Meanwhile the Mongols were only thinking of how to save themselves. Nevski, greatly fearing lest the people might kill them, did not think it wise to detain them longer. Not merely had they not finished the census, they had barely begun it. Still, in spite of the turmoil, no riot took place in that boisterous Novgorod, accustomed to disorder and bloodshed. No “pagan eater of raw flesh” was attacked, either inside its walls or beyond them.

At the beginning of 1259, new envoys from the Horde arrived at Vladimir, men so important that even the people remembered their names, which were Berkai and Kasatchik. They were sent to command the Khan’s men, and to finish the census in Novgorod. Again Nevski was forced to accompany census officials. On the way to Novgorod he joined with his own forces Rostoff regiments, and also the regiments of Suzdal. Berkai and Kasatchik had demanded this aid to protect them. They approached the city with a great force of warriors. This time the Novgorod men were alarmed, but they yielded only when they found resistance to be vain. The new envoys did not return to the Horde till the work had begun in their presence and they felt sure that their subordinates would be able to complete it. These men went along each street from house to house, describing accurately all the land, houses, goods, and people.

But Novgorod showed a no less desperate opposition than earlier, an opposition which was strong, protracted and stubborn. Both sides were prepared for a bloody conclusion. On one side was the dense population of a city in which all carried weapons; on the other the armies of the Grand Prince and the Khan’s commanders. Two almost equal forces stood opposed to each other, and had reached the utmost bounds of excitement. They had come to that moment beyond which a bloody encounter must take place. But at this critical juncture an idea flashed on Nevski which averted the peril. He begged the Khan’s envoys[288]to go from Novgorod, and he would assume all responsibility. They did this, and then he declared to the people that he had exhausted all means and methods of saving them. He would leave them now to the Khan, they might meet his anger in their own way. Thereupon he commanded his troops to leave the city immediately, and he himself walked forth from the fortress. The Novgorod men had waited for his order to the troops to attack them, and now to their amazement he had commanded those troops to march out of the city. This command produced terror. All bowed down at once before Nevski, and implored him not to leave them. They promised to yield to his will absolutely. This ended the trouble. The Mongols were recalled, and their work began in good earnest. Later on the delight of Great Novgorod was unbounded when the Khan’s agents finished the census, and vanished.

The struggle and anxieties of this period, ending with the completion of the Novgorod census, took much time and strength from Nevski. Only in 1260 was there, as the chronicler tells us, “any peace for Christians.”

In the beginning of 1261, Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, was born to him. After that year the prince had no respite from suffering.

The worst of the Mongol yoke was not that every man’s head, and every horn and hoof of his cattle was registered, not that Mongol inspectors were stationed in all parts of the country; the heaviest weight of the yoke came when the Khan farmed Russian taxes to men from Khiva, Turkestan and Bukhara. Among partners and aids of those tax-farmers were Jews and Armenians, persons of various languages and religions. These traders in tribute, a people unheard of in Russia till that time, began a work which greatly intensified Mongol oppression. They became real torturers, squeezing the last copper coin from the people. They imposed grinding interest for arrears of tribute. They were worse than the most cruel usurer. Men who were unable to pay they sold into slavery or beat savagely with whips and clubs. This terror extended from end to end of the country. From those galling oppressions came riots. The riots were suppressed most unsparingly, and with bloodshed. No longer could safety and peace be connected with any place. There were disorders in Suzdal, in Pskoff, even in Pereyaslavl Beyond the Forest.[289]

These uprisings were not against Mongols directly. The people beat tax-farmers and their assistants, not the Khan’s men, hence the Khan could not be angry in the same degree; still his anger might be looked for, and reports were often current that regiments from the Horde were marching “to pacify” Russia.

At this juncture news came that Germans, the Knights of Livonia, were advancing with a numerous force to attack Pskoff. Nevski sent his own personal troops to Dmitri, his son, Prince of Novgorod at that time, and ordered his brother, Yaroslav of Tver, to go also; he went then to the Horde to try to save the Russian people from some of their new and great afflictions. The gifts which he took with him were more valuable than any he had given earlier, and his petitions were the simplest, and the most reasonable. But at the Horde they gave Nevski to understand that they were dissatisfied. They let him know that they were not pleased with him personally. Berkai was different from what he had been while Batu was still living or while he was struggling with Sartak for mastery. He was curbed now by no man; besides, he was angered by military failure beyond the Caucasus, where he was warring with Hulagu, his strong cousin. He detained Nevski without need all that winter, then he detained him during the following summer, and only late in autumn could the prince set out for home, sick and broken, to die before reaching Vladimir. He came to Nizni-Novgorod, and when they brought him to Gorodets his last hour was near. At that place he took the monk’s habit, and on November 14, 1263, his life left him.

The death of Nevski fell on Russia like a thunderbolt. It was a national calamity expected by no man, for with all his great services Nevski died when only forty-two years had passed over him. Even when burying him people could not believe that he had left them forever. His name, his very coffin seemed sacred.

When the great Peter had founded St. Petersburg on the Neva, concluded peace with the Swedes and restored the ancient patrimony of Ijora, he brought Nevski’s bones to the capital, where they repose in the monastery of Alexander Nevski, and are honored at present and will be for the ages to come as relics of a saint and a hero. There is no better saint in the whole Russian calendar, and no greater statesman or warrior in its history than Alexander Nevski. By his wisdom and by his policy of yielding with apparent[290]resignation to the tyranny of the Mongols, he suppressed revolts which would have perhaps brought about the abolition of native government, with the substitution of Mongol for Russian princes. Such substitution would have endangered the language, religion and race of the Russian people. This had to be avoided at every sacrifice. No man knew the relative strength of the Mongols and Russians better than Alexander Nevski; no man was more devoted to Russia than he; no man was more respected by his own; therefore his words had weight, and when he explained that resistance would be ruin and submission was the only road to salvation the people believed and obeyed him. In this way he rescued Novgorod and many another city from utter destruction, and saved the lives of untold thousands. Above all his influence remained; it curbed passion and instilled patience and courage into the minds of men, and the knowledge that violence only made the yoke more oppressive.

About the time of Nevski’s death, Moscow began to increase in size and importance. Daniel, his youngest son, received this town, then very small, and a few villages around it, as his inheritance.

In Yuri Dolgoruki’s principality of Vladimir was laid the foundation of Moscow, and all that distinguished Vladimir from Rostoff and Suzdal distinguished Moscow in a higher degree. The advantage of Vladimir over earlier cities consisted in this, that there were none of those “ancient strong families” which held themselves separate from others. The Vladimir principality was settled by people who had come from many places and established themselves there during that historical period when out of a varied multitude of Slav stocks and families were formed one Russian people. This from the very first was the place of all Russia, this was Vladimir’s distinction. This must be said in a higher degree touching Moscow, the youngest and most recent of places subjected to Yuri, and formed later than others into a well-ordered region. When Dolgoruki’s inheritance had become a strong state under princes succeeding him, the cities therein became so assimilated to Vladimir that they recognized no longer the pretensions to primacy of Rostoff and Suzdal. In the days of Big Nest the appellation Great Russia was connected somewhat loosely with Vladimir. This appellation, before which not only[291]Rostoff and Suzdal yielded, but Lord Novgorod, was forced to incline, became permanently connected with Moscow, when that city rose to power finally. If, after the death of Andrei Bogolyubski, Rostoff and Suzdal boyars insisted on calling Vladimir an adjunct, they could not pretend that Moscow depended on the boyars of any place, since Yuri Dolgoruki had raised it against boyars in general. The tradition was that Moscow had been founded by Dolgoruki, and then seized from him by boyars with violence which he punished with immediate death.

The distinction of Vladimir rule lay in the fact that the power of the prince acted firmly. Dolgoruki, and still more his son Andrei Bogolyubski, put an end to boyar control, which in other principalities was strong, and in some of them absolute, almighty. The struggle of boyars to uphold the ancient, and for them useful order of rule, their struggle for exceptional rights above other men, had in the Vladimir land dropped to the place and the character of intrigue and of treason, against which the people rose almost unanimously. The power of the prince thus appeared with single effect, and the people hastened to make it a state power. By precisely this aid of the people Big Nest had overcome the proud and powerful “great ones,” who stood against the “small people.” He had ended every claim of the boyars, claims hostile to all rule which favored the people. He had earned the love of earth-tillers and other workers by the fact that he permitted no town or district to be governed through boyar authority, but sent his own faithful servants to manage, and went himself yearly with his family and trusted persons to see what was taking place, and to personally give justice to all men. These servants differed greatly from boyars; they were just as much subject to the Vladimir prince as were the rest of the people. It was for their profit to strengthen and support the native prince who was ruling.

In the Vladimir principality the whole social structure was built upon land. The interests of all coincided. All, from small to great, earth-tillers, artisans, clergy, merchants, warriors up to the prince himself, formed one solid power, and this was Great Russia. When Big Nest, near the end of his life, was opposed by his eldest son, Constantine, and resolved on a radical change, he turned for support to the people. He desired strength from the whole land as a unit. He did not assemble simply boyars in[292]an affair of such magnitude, he did not turn to his confidants only, he called boyars, merchants, and all classes of people. Such a union of the prince and the people ruled by him was confirmed by kissing the cross, and was a pledge of future union and consequent greatness. This union was the special distinction, and formed the main force of Great Russia. This belonged not to Rostoff and Suzdal, where, through ties with Great Novgorod and the old time, the boyar spirit was still strong. Not to the earliest cities did the trait belong at its best, but to later places, and most of all to the youngest, for this trait depended much on the general success attained not immediately, but slowly, with pain and great labor, by the princes of Vladimir, and later on by the princes of Moscow.

At first while they were bringing into Vladimir the new type of rule to replace the old boyar order, the men pushed aside and driven out opposed it in every way possible. They complained of the prince’s agents and servants, they invented keen sayings against this new system. At that time none of the powerful men of the ancient order were reconciled with the new, and some fled from the country. But in the days of Daniel, son of Nevski, when Moscow was becoming prominent, the complete solidarity of prince and people, and the devotion of the people to an established princely line, became the chief trait of Moscow, the coming capital of Russia. The sturdy, industrious, persistent and peace-loving people were delighted to have the youngest son of Nevski, who was but two years of age when his father died, as Prince of Moscow and the country surrounding it. That region invited new settlers, who came in large numbers from all sides, because there was peace there and order, while north and south was disturbance and turmoil. This great advantage of being a peaceful and modest place was at that time the preëminence of Moscow, where Daniel, who alone of all the brothers had inherited the “sacred virtues” of his father, ruled quietly and unobserved.

Following Nevski’s death in 1263, there was a dreary interval during which the princes struggled for the possession of Vladimir. Nevski was succeeded by Andrei, his brother, who lived only a few months. Yaroslav of Tver, brother of Andrei, then became Grand Prince. In the early years of his reign the people of Novgorod were involved in a stubborn war with Danes and the Knights of Livonia. During these troubles they lived in peace with[293]Yaroslav, but in 1270 they rose against him, and he was forced to ask aid of the Mongols. They promised assistance, and had sent forward a considerable army when, through the influence of Vassili, Yaroslav’s brother, it was suddenly recalled. The Grand Prince and his warriors then marched alone against Novgorod, but at the instance of the Metropolitan of Kief, he made peace with the rebellious boyars.

In 1272 Yaroslav died, and was succeeded by Vassili, who lived somewhat less than three years. Then Dmitri, son of Nevski, became Grand Prince. While the principality was thus passing from the possession of one prince to that of another, the Mongols were taking full advantage of the quarreling, confusion and disorder brought about by constant change. They pillaged the provinces near by, and in 1278 burned Ryazan.

In 1281 Dmitri’s brother, Andrei, conspired against him, and going to the Horde obtained, through bribes and flattery, the title of Grand Prince. Troops were sent from Sarai, and dependent princes were ordered to join their forces to Andrei’s and march against Dmitri, but they refused. Because of this refusal, Andrei’s own warriors lost courage and deserted him, and he fled. The Mongols, meanwhile, ravaged Murom and many large towns. Pereyaslavl resisted and received dire punishment. It was sacked and most of the people were slaughtered.

Andrei now went to Sarai a second time and brought an army against Dmitri, who fled to Pskoff, and the Mongols seated Andrei on the throne of Vladimir. Again Russian towns were pillaged. Suzdal and Moscow suffered greatly, churches were sacked and precious vessels broken. If people resisted they were slaughtered. Dmitri, driven from Vladimir, wished to return to Pereyaslavl, his capital, but he was attacked by Andrei and fled to Tver, where Michael made peace between the brothers, and Dmitri, after struggling for three years to hold his own, promised to abdicate all claim to the Grand Principality. Shortly after this he fell ill and died (1294).

During all these troubled years Moscow had been slowly gaining power and influence. Daniel, called by the people, who loved his peaceful and gentle life, “Holy Daniel,” was the first Prince of Moscow, the first real heir to it, and he became the founder of the Moscow line of princes, as well as the founder of the city’s[294]greatness. Nevski’s youngest son received the smallest portion, but, though no one could even dream of it in Daniel’s day, it was to excel in glory and importance every other capital in Russia. Vladimir, Kief and Novgorod all paled before Moscow. After Daniel had united to his capital places on the border and had acquired Pereyaslavl, his portion, by its size and good order, surpassed every other. He was not Grand Prince; the glory of his name, which was to be handed down from generation to generation, was not in a resounding title, or in mighty deeds. His entire reign passed in comparative peace, but to him specially fell the honor of maintaining the illustrious memory of his ancestors, so that they might be renowned among Russians till the remotest generation. The glory of his name is connected forever with Moscow. While his brothers were struggling with one another and with their uncle for the Grand Principality of Vladimir and the title, not one of them left a permanent inheritance to their children, not one of them became famous. Daniel, called simply “the Moscow prince,” collected an entire principality around his inconsiderable town, and amassed such an inheritance for his descendants that not only his grandchildren and his great-grandchildren, but his own children were called Princes of All Russia.

We have few facts concerning Daniel; they are not to be found in Russian chronicles. He was among the best of the princes—a man who worked in the gloomy days of Mongol oppression.

Daniel’s work was continued by his son Ivan, surnamed Kalitá (Purse). As his father had gathered around Moscow a whole principality and his residence had become the capital of a coming empire, so Ivan began to gather round Moscow all the unconnected parts of the country, and in his day the city appeared as the center of Great Russia, its genuine capital, and Vladimir ceased to be important. Though without the splendid virtues of his father, he, more than any of his brothers, resembled him. A churchgoer, he loved home and economy,—the latter he carried to excess even. His predecessors had struggled for the Grand Principality, but Ivan left this work to Yuri, his brother, and improved that which his father had left him. To things beyond Moscow, Ivan paid no attention. During twenty-five years his name was mentioned rarely. Meanwhile he was toiling at the heritage left by Nevski and winning strength in it. One of his great works consisted[295]of clearing the whole principality of thieves, evil-doers and robbers. There was no such order anywhere in that day as in Moscow, and the city increased through immigration and otherwise beyond all places.

Besides other advantages, the central position of this principality helped it immensely. In it the roads crossed in every direction. The great water system began in its borders. Craftsmen, traders and people of all kinds came readily to settle in Moscow. Land-tillers found it more to their profit to live there than in places torn by quarrels. Hence Moscow was made up of men from every part of Russia. Next to Moscow was Tver, but there was less strength in Tver and less order. The turmoils of Novgorod were felt in Tver somewhat, and Tver was more exposed to raids from Lithuania. The place was, moreover, distinguished for an almost frivolous and insolent demeanor toward Mongols; hence in Moscow there was less danger from Mongols. All these causes taken together made Tver less desirable to immigrants than Moscow.

In 1304 died Andrei, brother of Nevski. After his death, two men were rivals for the dignity of Grand Prince. Yuri, son of Daniel, through the glory of his grandfather, Nevski, and the newly won greatness of Moscow, where he and his brother Ivan were ruling, looked on himself as the senior. But the senior in fact, if descent were decisive, was Michael of Tver, the youngest brother of Nevski. Both Yuri and Michael hastened to occupy the throne of Vladimir, and each strove to incline Novgorod to his side. Michael hurried off to the Horde to win the patent, but found that Yuri had preceded him. The boyars of Andrei, the recent Grand Prince, were in favor of Michael, and the men who had served with Andrei were convinced that the throne would fall to their candidate. But Yuri succeeded in occupying Vladimir, and Novgorod was divided. Though that city contained many followers of Yuri, it did not reject Michael. The Novgorod men declared to both candidates that they would accept him who obtained the Khan’s patent; still they murmured at Michael. Why was he sending officials to Novgorod while he lacked confirmation?

Maxim, the metropolitan, was friendly to Michael; he revered Ksenia, Michael’s widowed mother, as one of God’s chosen people; and respected Michael’s wife, Princess Anna, because she had[296]many Christian virtues. Yuri seemed to him not in the right as compared with his senior. Seeing the general movement of warriors and regiments on both sides, he was greatly alarmed, and, wishing for agreement, he not only threatened Yuri, but implored him to make peace. Maxim thought that he had succeeded, but he did not know Yuri, who never dropped any claim that he cherished. He would give no word not to go to the Horde. When the metropolitan tried to win a promise he answered:

“I am not going to the Horde for a patent, but for another object.”

This wily prince, who was ambitious and unprincipled, stopped at nothing to obtain power, which was dearer to him than all things else. He knew well that the Horde was all-powerful, and the Khan was its master in Russia. The word of the Khan was his sword; on this sword Yuri’s trust was unswerving, and he used every means to wield it; hence he set out for Sarai. While on the journey Michael’s adherents came very near seizing Yuri. He escaped, however, and by a roundabout road reached the Horde in safety, but only after much effort.

The Mongol magnates charmed the prince with their readiness to feast and make friends with him. “Give more than Michael, and the yarlyk (patent) will be thine,” said they. So the princes strove to surpass each other in making presents to the Khan’s wives and favorites, as well as to Horde magnates. It proved, however, that Michael had more gold to spend than had Yuri. Yuri halted, and going to Michael, he said: “Let us strive no longer. I will not ruin my heritage. Let Vladimir be thine.” Soon after this the Khan gave the patent to Michael, who returned home eight months later.

While the princes were at the Horde there was great activity in Russia. Boris, Yuri’s brother, sent by him to seize Kostroma, had been captured and taken to Tver. Novgorod men had expelled Michael’s boyars, who strengthened Nova-Torg, and then planned to attack Pereyaslavl and take it from Moscow. Akinfi, a Moscow boyar, having quarreled with Rodion Nestorvitch, a boyar who had come from Kief to Moscow with seven hundred followers and had received the first place in service, left Moscow in anger to seek a better place, which he found with the Tver prince, who made him the first among boyars. Akinfi assisted in[297]planning the campaign, and led the troops against Pereyaslavl. But in Tver there were many well-wishers of Moscow, and they gave warning of Akinfi’s adventure. The army which Ivan hurriedly led from Moscow was successful. Akinfi’s troops were defeated and he lost his life in the struggle; with him fell his son-in-law and many warriors. His sons, Ivan and Feodor, fled to Tver with few attendants. As Rodion Nestorvitch, who had sustained a leading part in this unsparing and decisive conflict, was leaving the battle-field, he raised his rival’s head on a lance-point and held it up before Ivan of Moscow. Ivan’s name, mentioned this once, was not mentioned earlier in Russianchronicles, and was left unmentioned thereafter for a long time. In the quarrels with Tver and Vladimir not Ivan, but Yuri, his brother, is prominent.

The Grand Prince Michael, on returning from the Horde, settled down in Tver and ruled both the Grand Principality and Novgorod through his lieutenants. He would not leave unavenged Akinfi, his chief boyar. A campaign against Moscow was undertaken with every force which the Grand Prince could summon. But he had not the strength to bend Moscow. Neither opponent had sufficient power to crush the other; one had to retreat and the other had to let him go unpunished. It seemed that all that remained for Michael was to rule and live peaceably as Grand Prince. He had no foe except Yuri, who, though he had made peace with Michael, would not acknowledge his headship; nay, more, he challenged Michael’s position directly. Causes and excuses for this were plentiful on every side. Yuri not only did not yield the disputed Tver boundaries to Michael, but he seized other lands in addition. At last Michael complained without ceasing that Yuri was taking Tver lands from him, while he, Michael, sought nothing save lands belonging to Tver in the time of his father. Yuri would not give peace to his rival in Novgorod or Vladimir; he roused both secret and open intrigues against him unceasingly through his adherents in the two cities, and tried to undermine Michael at all times. Novgorod as usual was divided against itself. Factions were at war in the city. Some were in favor of the prince, while others demanded his expulsion and wanted a new man.

Yuri and Ivan ruled together in Moscow and gave no voice to their brothers. It was evident that Yuri intended to place his younger[298]brothers in other principalities. With that intent he had sent Boris to Kostroma, where he was captured by Tver men. Besides Kostroma there was only Nizni-Novgorod, but in general Yuri had his eye upon any place which might be open to seizure. He was not troubled with delicacy in dealing with princes, and soon there was a quarrel about Nizni-Novgorod. As Michael was patient, Yuri’s insolence was overlooked for a season, but the more Michael yielded, the greater were Yuri’s demands on him. Their strength might seem equal, but Moscow was so far superior that the Tver prince, even adding Vladimir, was not the stronger.

In 1308, three years after his first attack upon Moscow, Michael, because of Novgorod, was forced to take arms against Yuri a second time. This campaign was undertaken with all the power which the Grand Prince could summon and there was a great battle; much harm was inflicted, but again Michael failed to take Moscow, and returned to Tver without triumph.

Michael’s position in Novgorod was difficult. There were old involved boundary questions between Novgorod and Vladimir; also between Tver and Novgorod. If Michael did justice to Tver, he made Novgorod an enemy. If he acceded to Novgorod’s demands, he made Tver indignant. Yuri, knowing this difficulty, inflamed Michael’s enemies in Novgorod, and upheld the demands of that city.

Tok Timur, Khan of the Golden Horde, died in 1312, and was succeeded by Uzbek, the first Mongol ruler of Russia to become a Mohammedan, though he was more Mongol by far than a follower of Mohammed. Again all princes must visit Sarai and bow down to the Khan. Michael of Tver appeared at the Horde before the others. He was accompanied by the Metropolitan of Russia, who was allowed to go home after a very short time. He returned to Vladimir before any one looked for him, but for his friend Michael they waited till they ceased to expect him. One year passed, a second began. At last, however, his visit came to a favorable end. Uzbek confirmed him in the Grand Principality and commanded Novgorod’s obedience. This was to be assured by Horde warriors, who were prompt in assistance. With Michael went from the Horde three “sultans” (commanders), Taitmar, Matroja and Indy. And the capricious Moscow prince, who, during Michael’s absence, had made himself master of Novgorod,[299]was threatened with anger and summoned to Sarai to answer Michael’s charges. Yuri set out from Novgorod directly, leaving Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor Rjerski behind him to govern the city. A Novgorod embassy went to the Horde to help Yuri. This support was especially valuable to him, since the people never sent men with empty hands to do business; they scattered gold and silver as far as was needed. In money power no place at that time was equal to Novgorod. Yuri knew well how to manage the Mongols. The Golden Horde magnates had pleased him immensely in the days of his earliest visit, because of their readiness to feast and rejoice with him. He had had friends and allies during Tok Timur’s reign, but since he had promised Novgorod men to relieve them of Michael, he had vastly more influence, for Novgorod’s liberality was measureless. He received worthy aid for the road and was assured of further assistance whenever the need came, and in any proportion necessary, if only the Novgorod wish could be gratified. Yuri felt sure of success. When he entered Sarai all things seemed favorable. To begin with, Prince Michael, his enemy, who in Tok Timur’s time had contended with him for the Grand Principality, though the patent had been given him, was not popular at the Horde, for he had not become intimate with any one. He knew not how to win Mongol favor. Mild and sedate, he had not roused respect even by his obedience. His sober, methodical life was unendurable to Mongols. On the other hand, Yuri was loved by his old, and now by his new friends. Kavgady was the keenest of the Mongol magnates, and he had the Khan’s fullest confidence; with this man Yuri became specially intimate. Soon the Khan himself was very gracious to Yuri, who was at home not only throughout the Horde, but in the Khan’s family. There was no great feast without him. In 1297, when young, he had married a Rostoff princess, but he was now a widower. Soon it was known to all the high Mongols that Konchaka, the Khan’s favorite sister, was to marry Yuri. Uzbek permitted her to become a Christian, and she took in baptism the name Agatha.

Yuri remained at the Horde about two years. While he was there Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor, placed by him in Novgorod, carried on war against Michael, who marched toward Novgorod and met their forces at Torjok in the spring of 1316. The Novgorod[300]warriors were choice and not few in number, but they were of the boyar party, for the people would take no part in this war. Their army was defeated and was forced to seek refuge inside the walls of Torjok.

Then Michael sent to them saying: “Give me the princes, Afanasi and Feodor, and I will make peace.” “We will die for Holy Sophia with honor,” was the answer. “We will not yield up those princes.” Then Michael sent a second time: “Give me Feodor alone.” At first they refused, then finally surrendered him, and peace was made.

But soon a new war broke out which dragged on a whole year, if not longer. Michael sent his posadnik and officials to Novgorod, but the city expelled them and the war continued, while Yuri was absent arranging with Uzbek. Novgorod charged Michael with perfidy. The tribute which Michael imposed on Torjok was not paid, and Novgorod accused him of detaining hostages and of seizing their people, with arms and horses. They sent an embassy to Yuri, but Tver warriors intercepted those envoys and detained them. Novgorod complained that after Michael had withdrawn from Torjok they sent a request through their bishop asking him to liberate the Novgorod people detained by him, but this he had refused to do. The Tver men in answer pointed out Novgorod’s injustice. “Why send envoys to Yuri and the Horde, and incite anger against Tver, Pskoff, Ladoga and other places? Why did Novgorod in time of council throw Basok into the river, declaring him a spy from Prince Michael? Why also was Daniel Pistsoff slain?”

Again Michael marched against Novgorod, but this time, though he was not defeated, he suffered greatly. Approaching within fifty versts of the city and discovering that men from Pskoff, Ladoga and other places had come to help Novgorod, he withdrew. While retreating his troops lost their way amid lakes and swamps, and were forced by hunger to eat their own horses and even the rawhide of their shields. Many died of hunger and cold; those who survived reached home in great wretchedness.

But this unfortunate expedition did not affect Michael so much as the news from the Horde, news which forced him to make peace with Novgorod, remit all arrears and return prisoners and hostages. Novgorod, on its part, engaged to withdraw from Yuri and take[301]no part in quarrels between the two princes. The news which reached Michael before he made peace, and which Novgorod did not at that time know, was then published to all men. The Khan’s brother-in-law, Yuri, with his princess, had left the Horde with large regiments from the Khan, and a suite of Horde magnates. They were coming to strip Michael of his office. No one doubted that Yuri was Grand Prince; that was the report, and the first to believe it was Michael. He waited for further news, but no news was forthcoming. No messenger came from the Khan, nor did he receive any word from his men, who were at the Horde in attendance. But that which was done in the Mongol camp and declared to the world was incredible, unless Yuri had the patent.

Kavgady sent Telebuga, his assistant, to Novgorod to summon all warriors to the banners of Yuri. Astrobyl was sent to the Volga for the same purpose. Kavgady himself moved with his own troops, and some from Yuri. They expected reinforcements from places above and below them.

Michael, fearing an attack on Tver, increased its defenses and summoned in other princes. But in Rostoff and Suzdal, as well as Vladimir, no one knew anything accurately. So that while some princes favored Michael, others joined his opponents, and still others were undecided which prince to support, though Kavgady had ordered all to join Yuri.

Michael marched toward Kostroma, but when he came in sight of Yuri and his army, he sent him this message: “If the Khan has given thee the office of Grand Prince, I withdraw. But touch not my heritage.”

One of the principal duties and the distinguishing right of the Grand Prince was to give the Khan all the tribute collected by princes. For this the Grand Prince was responsible directly, and in questions concerning it he treated smaller princes as pleased him. They had to deal with him only, and had not the right to appear at the Horde with their tribute. Hence, because of those tributes, there were endless disputes between the Grand Prince and the princes beneath him. It was almost impossible to disentangle the questions of tribute paid too late or too early, neglected, overpaid or underpaid. But Michael was distinguished in this as in all things requiring accuracy. Every item was recorded. How much he had received from this prince or that, was written down[302]carefully and delivered with precision. So now, when he yielded the office of Grand Prince, he thought it his duty to give a clear list of the tribute, including that which was not yet delivered. All this was explained to Kavgady and to Yuri. Michael then gave up the Grand Principality and the tribute.

“I will remain in my own place,” said he; “only leave me in quiet.” Thus all was arranged and Michael, before the eyes of his enemies, dismissed his main forces, leading home only a small retinue. Meanwhile Yuri disbanded no warriors, but strengthened his army. The Suzdal princes took Yuri’s side. Yuri now went to Moscow and with him went his princess, “Konchaka,” as the people continued to call her. During the summer Michael was occupied in fortifying Tver. Toward October, Kavgady and Yuri marched against him. The whole Volga region joined Yuri. Novgorod men were to be at Torjok to act against Michael.

When Yuri’s army reached the Tver border he began to burn towns and take prisoners. Avoiding the capital, he turned against the Tver possessions beyond the Volga. Michael lost patience at this point. Tver men had always been noted for hating the Mongols. Michael’s sons, his boyars and his warriors all demanded war, and he could not curb them. “It is impossible,” said the people, “for thee not to go against Yuri. We are ready to lay down our lives in this action.”

Michael and his forces met the foe forty versts from the city, December 22, 1317, and Yuri was thoroughly defeated. He fled to Novi-Torg with few attendants, and then to Novgorod. His camp and his tent were seized by the victors. They captured Konchaka, Yuri’s princess, and Boris, his brother. When Kavgady saw that the battle was lost, he surrendered to Michael, whose armor was cut and hacked, but whose body was not wounded.

The delight of the victors was unbounded in view of the multitude of prisoners. But the pleasure of their triumph was lessened by the fact that many Mongols had fallen in the battle. Men learned now, and they might have guessed earlier, that the conflict had been brought on by Yuri and Kavgady without the Khan’s order or knowledge. What could they do in Tver with the prisoners? Michael lodged Konchaka in his palace with honor, and gave her every attention. Kavgady and his attendants were favored with gifts and with feasts. The Mongols flattered their entertainers[303]and praised their generosity, but this deceived no one. They remembered what wealth they had lost in the battle, and how many captives had been taken from them, and it was seen in their eyes how revenge lurked in their souls while they flattered.

That winter, just before Lent, Yuri led Novgorod men against Michael, who, unwilling to cause more bloodshed so soon after his recent victory, marched out, stopped Yuri from crossing the Volga, and sent him this message: “We must go to the Khan; why should we fight before going?” Yuri answered with insolence but agreed finally that both should go to the Horde and let the Khan judge them. Michael declared that Konchaka and Boris would be given up immediately, and the opponents parted without an encounter.

But terrible trouble came now upon Michael. Konchaka died in his palace, and the report was spread that she had been poisoned. The coffin containing the body of the ill-fated woman was taken from Tver to Rostoff and given to Yuri’s relatives. Michael was weighed down with woe. Fate seemed to pursue him in this struggle with Yuri.

On learning that Michael was preparing to visit Sarai, Kavgady insisted that Yuri should hasten and anticipate the Tver prince, and in clear proof of the importance of doing so hurried off himself. When going, he advised Yuri to collect as many men as possible of those who had had dealings with Michael in the matter of tribute, so that they could be called to give testimony against the Tver prince.

Michael understood well what serious work was before him, for it was known at the Horde that Kavgady always misrepresented him to the Khan, and reports of this had come to Michael. At last, toward the end of the summer, he realized that he must loiter no longer. At Vladimir he met Akhmyl, an envoy, from whom he hoped to learn something of what was taking place in Sarai. Akhmyl counseled haste; he gave no precise information, only whispering Kavgady’s calumnies, “Be there before a month has passed,” said he. “Kavgady has stated that thou art not coming.” Michael’s boyars advised him not to go; his sons said, “Send us.” The prince hesitated. “One of thy sons is there now,” said the boyars; “send another.” “Listen to us,” begged the sons. “Go not, thou artcalumniated. Send us. Go when the Khan’s rage has softened.”[304]

Michael sat long in thought. At last he said, “The Khan has not asked for you. It is my head that he wants. If I do not go, my inheritance will be seized, and many Christians will perish. I must die sometime; better die now, and save others.” He explained how he wished his inheritance to be divided; gave advice to his sons; wrote his will and took farewell of them. During the whole journey to the Horde he was gloomy and depressed. He was ready to pour out his soul before Uzbek, trusting in his justice. He did not doubt that the Khan would be gracious if he only knew the facts in the quarrel. But would the Khan know the facts?

When Michael reached Sarai he found that Uzbek had gone, and he had to journey a thousand versts farther, to find him near the mouth of the Don at the Sea of Azoff. Constantine, Michael’s son, who had been in Sarai, could give his father no information except that one of the Khan’s wives was kind; he had visited her and she liked him. From his boyars, who were with Constantine at the Horde, he heard that the Khan had spoken no evil against him. At the Horde all received his presents graciously, but he could learn nothing decisive.

At last the day came when he was to bow to the earth before Uzbek. He could see no displeasure in the Khan’s visage; he seemed as friendly as when he had given the patent; he was neither kind nor unkind. In the Horde it was the same—neither kind nor unkind. There was no recognition between him and Kavgady or Yuri. The whole Horde was with them, as it seemed to Michael. Everything confirmed the statement of his friends that Kavgady was calumniating him always. It was said also that the intimates of the Khan had mentioned repeatedly the necessity of judging the Tver prince. When the Khan promised and afterward forgot, they reminded him that the case was important and should not be deferred; that a state is made strong through showing favor to good men, and punishing the wicked.

Michael lived six weeks in anxiety without trial. Then he was suddenly summoned to receive judgment. The Khan, who was as much occupied by amusement as by affairs, was preparing for a grand hunt in the Caucasus and beyond those mountains. Pleasure, it appeared, coincided with policy. Some said that he was taking the forces of the Horde to a great hunt and was then going to a war on the Persian boundary. At all events, before setting out,[305]he wished to settle certain questions which annoyed him, and suddenly he said to his magnates, “Judge Yuri and the Grand Prince; then bring your decision. Whoever is right, him will I reward; the guilty I will punish.” This was all Kavgady needed.

Next day they summoned Michael. Many complaints were preferred against him: he had withheld the Khan’s tribute; he had sent his wealth to Livonia; he had begged aid of the Pope; he had borrowed money from tax collectors and princes, and had not returned it; he had been a robber; he had been unjust to subject princes,—this must have referred to Novgorod. Then came the two great offenses: he had poisoned Konchaka, and had warred against the Khan’s envoys.

The princes of the Horde sat in judgment; a great accumulation of complaints lay before them. Kavgady and Yuri were among the judges; they were witnesses as well. When Michael presented strict accounts of the tribute and lists of all taken from each person they cried out: “Thou art haughty and disobedient; thou hast insulted the Khan’s envoy, Kavgady, and fought with him; kept back the Khan’s tribute, and poisoned Yuri’s princess; thou hast beaten the Khan’s magnates.” “I have obeyed the Khan,” answered Michael, “and I obey him now. I have given accurate tribute. The Khan’s envoy attacked me with warriors; I was forced to defend myself. After that I honored him and gave him good presents; I took farewell of him with gifts, and with homage. I did not kill Yuri’s princess; her death came from nature.”

When the trial was ended it was repeated to the Khan. Uzbek was waiting. “Prince Michael,” said the judges, “is worthy of death, but thy word is free. All will be done according to thy pleasure.” And they explained the main offenses. The Khan commanded to give a new trial and test the truth carefully a second time. The judges were confused and retired with submission. But going later on to the Khan, by the advice of Kavgady, who was assisting them, they said: “Michael is worthy of death. If thou command to revise the late trial he should stand before us in fetters. We would not see thee offended; thy glory and honor touch us, O Khan, and concern all the people.” Kavgady now added: “The case between Yuri and Michael is known to me perfectly; I know the whole truth of it.” “Do as ye like,” replied[306]Uzbek, after thinking a little. “But judge the case justly, and come to me afterward.”

Michael was judged as he had been judged the first time, and warriors were commanded to lead away the condemned man. The second trial was on Friday, and lasted till late in the evening. The judges went directly to Uzbek. “We find Michael worthy of death this time also,” said they. “If that is just,” replied Uzbek, “act as ye have decided.” The judges now strove to hasten the execution, but Uzbek deferred it.

From the moment of the second trial, Michael knew well that his cause was lost. On returning to his tent he repeated the words “My days have vanished like smoke and have passed like a vision.” Two hours later heavier fetters were put on him; his attendants were expelled; his robes of a prince were stripped from his body, and the guards seized his effects. This was done always in the case of condemned men. He was left then with guards to watch over him strictly. On Sunday he learned that the Horde was to follow the Khan to a hunt on the Caucasus north and south of the Terek. That day they put a kang on him,—an instrument of torture and an index of infamy, borrowed by the Mongols from China. It was made of two planks, and was four-cornered like a small oblong table. In the center was a round hole cut to fit the neck and a smaller one on either side into which the hands of the victim were inserted. The planks were pushed apart, the neck and wrists fixed in their places, and then the planks were brought together and fastened. Chains were attached to the kang, by which men led the prisoner. In this way the unfortunate Michael was led behind the Khan’s forces and for twenty-five days he traveled in that horrible torture.

Hunting, the favorite amusement of the Mongol Khans, continued usually a month or two, and showed strikingly their character. The whole Horde was in motion. Two or three hundred thousand men often shared in this immense spectacle and enjoyment. Each man rode his best horse and wore his finest clothes; countless wagons carried goods from Greece, India and other distant regions. Delight and luxury were visible everywhere. Lonely steppes were filled with people; certain places in them became populous cities for a day or two, and all was noise, mirth and turmoil. Michael dragged on, walking behind this great[307]army of pleasure seekers, for in his case Uzbek had not spoken the death words. A great part of the way the ill-fated prisoner was urged forward on foot. Occasionally the kang was removed, but at such times he was heavily chained. The hunt lasted long and extended far beyond the Terek to the mountains and the Caspian.

When the decision of the judges was at last confirmed by the Khan, the execution was summary. November 22, 1318, Kavgady saw Uzbek in the morning, and received the order to execute Michael. Toward midday, while the prince, who had grown mortally weary of life, was repeating the fifty-fifth psalm: “My heart is sore pained within me, and the terrors of death are fallen upon me,” an attendant rushed up, and cried: “Kavgady and Yuri are coming with a number of people.” “I know why they are coming,” said Michael.

The two men halted on the market-place, at a distance of a stone’s throw from the prisoner’s tent, and Michael was summoned. The executioners seized him and threw him to the earth, but he sprang up quickly. They threw him again, beat him with fists, and then with their heels stamped his life out. When they had killed him, they put the corpse out on the steppe, where they left it. Yuri went to look at the body. “Why art thou looking?” asked Kavgady, reproachfully. “He was to thee as thy father. Have him covered!” One of Yuri’s men removed his upper garment and covered the body. Soon after this, Michael’s attendants came out, tied the corpse firmly to a plank, and then, by Yuri’s order, bore it to Moscow.[308]

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