CHAPTER XV

[Contents]CHAPTER XVDIVISION OF THE MONGOL HORDELithuania increased after Gedimin’s death, and so did Moscow when Ivan Kalitá was succeeded by Simeon.After the death of Ivan, who died a few months before Uzbek, his sons Simeon, Ivan, and Andrei went to Sarai. Other princes went hither also, among them Constantine, son of Michael of Tver, and the Suzdal prince, Constantine, son of Vassili. Both the Tver prince and the Suzdal prince hoped to obtain the first place through seniority. Uzbek, now very old, received the three Moscow princes with kindness and sympathy. Through friendship for their father, he preferred them to others, and gave Simeon the patent immediately. He enjoined obedience to the Grand Khan, declared that he would listen to no calumnies against them, and dismissed the three brothers with affection and honor. Ivan’s heirs were all included in this grand patent. Uzbek engaged not to take from those heirs the inheritance of their ancestors, to give the principality to them, and not to others. After them it should go to their children. This distinction exalted the Moscow house above others immediately, and raised Simeon, the oldest man in it, supremely.Simeon, like his father, used the title Grand Prince of All Russia. This title, so great in its meaning and future importance, received strength from the Moscow throne, which had now become magnified. On returning from the Horde Simeon took his place in Moscow as Grand Prince. While at the Horde he had met many Russian princes; he met others in Vladimir, where, after he had received the metropolitan’s blessing, he was solemnly greeted by all men. Later, there was a general assembling of princes in Moscow, at Simeon’s invitation. “Esteemed and dear brethren,” said Simeon, addressing the princes, “if there be peace and agreement[337]among us, Russia will be free again, as she was in the days of the earlier princes.”According to Simeon, there was power enough to defend Russia, but there was lack of agreement. At that meeting he mentioned the offenses of Novgorod, complained of those unjust, wayward people, and said, “They make war and peace with whomever they please, consulting with no one. Novgorod regards not all Russia, and will not obey her Grand Prince.” It was resolved then to punish and subdue Great Novgorod. War had been declared by Ivan before his death, and Simeon had inherited this struggle.Meanwhile Novgorod had added a new offense. Its daring freebooters, who were real river and land pirates, had plundered Moscow possessions in the Ustyug and Bailozero regions. To such an insolent challenge, Simeon replied with moderation. He sent men to collect Torjok arrears of long established taxes, which, because of troubles in Vladimir, Novgorod had neglected. At times these taxes were paid, at times they were disputed. With the tax officials went now a small number of warriors. These men remained in Torjok, and sent collectors to all appointed places. At this the Novgorod boyars in Torjok sent to their city for aid. When the Novgorod party appeared, they imprisoned Simeon’s lieutenant and his officials. Torjok envoys arrived at this time in Moscow with haughty speeches.“How is this?” asked they of Simeon. “Thou art not confirmed yet in Novgorod, and hast not taken thy seat in the city; still thy boyars are acting among us.” They pointed out to Simeon that he wasgosudar(lord) in Moscow alone; that Novgorod chose its own princes and would not endure dictation. To sum up briefly, they multiplied those explanations because of which Kalitá had recently declared war against Novgorod.Simeon did not argue; he mustered his forces. There was an outbreak and riot in Torjok, where, as in Novgorod, common men took the part of the Grand Prince. They freed the Moscow officials, and then fell to plundering the rich men of Novgorod.Meanwhile Simeon was rapidly approaching with his army. He was met with gladness by the people of Torjok. With him came princes from Rostoff, Yaroslavl, and Suzdal. Novgorod men, as ever, used lofty phrases at first, but eschewed hopeless[338]warfare, and sent to ask peace of the Grand Prince. They paid all dues past and present; besides, it was settled that without the consent of the Grand Prince, the city would not war against any one, or make an alliance.In general it may be said that during Simeon’s reign and that of his immediate successors the affairs of Novgorod and Pskoff did not thrive very greatly. Meanwhile there was continual conflict along Baltic waters, east, north and south of Riga. Every place was in fear of being attacked on a sudden. Hostility from foreigners was the great, the chronic evil. In Moscow, peace reigned almost as completely as in Kalitá’s day. The same relations with the Horde that had been maintained during Uzbek’s reign were maintained during the rule of Chanibek, who became Khan in 1340. The first threats of danger came from the West, which was at this time an enemy far more dangerous to Moscow than were the Mongols.When Olgerd took Vilna in 1345, and declared himself lord of Lithuania, certain brothers of his sought an asylum in Moscow. Simeon had now to reckon on meeting Olgerd, whose attack on Majaisk was still fresh in his memory, as well as his raid on Novgorod, and his insolent deeds in Pskoff, which were followed by plundering Pskoff regions. Roused to action by Olgerd’s fleeing brothers, Simeon was ready for conflict. Olgerd, knowing this, planned to checkmate him. He sent a great embassy to Chanibek with rich presents. At the head of this embassy went his own brother, Koriat, accompanied by a number of princes. He asked for an alliance against their common enemies, chief of whom, as he stated, was the Grand Prince of Moscow.Simeon learned of this move, and sent envoys immediately to Chanibek. Among them were Russianized Mongol murzas, then serving the Moscow prince.By Lithuania they understood at the Horde, from Batu’s day, something quite different and independent of that Russia subjected by Mongols. In Gedimin’s time, Lithuania was not only independent, but dangerous, and dreaded by Uzbek. Hence the imploring and lowly attitude of Lithuania pleased the Khan greatly, and the embassy was received with distinction. But when Simeon’s envoys came, the position changed quickly. They explained through the Russianized murzas that Olgerd, by his attacks and[339]incursions, was devastating the Khan’s dominions, and leading out prisoners in multitudes. “If thou permit this,” said they, “Olgerd will take us all captive, and make thy dominions a desert.”Chanibek was “as angry as fire.” He seized the Lithuanians and sent them to Moscow. With them went, as special envoy, Tatuti, to deliver to the Grand Prince Koriat, Olgerd’s brother, and all who were with him. Olgerd grew mild now, the more so since he had suffered a crushing defeat from the Germans. Those iron-clad warriors had broken into Lithuania, taken Troki, and ravaged the country around it. Olgerd had such a battle with them as he had never known previously. Fourteen thousand Lithuanians fell. It was no time to quarrel with Moscow, hence he sent an embassy to Simeon with many gifts and a humble prayer for peace, the life of his brother, and the freedom of that brother’s attendants.Simeon, who had recourse to war only when war was unavoidable, received Olgerd’s envoys with favor, concluded peace with them, and freed Koriat with his embassy.Soon after this, Olgerd again became related to Simeon, whose first wife was a daughter of Gedimin. Simeon in 1347 married Maria, the daughter of Alexander, son of Michael, the Tver prince, who, with his father, was put to death by the Mongols. Olgerd asked now for the hand of Julianna, Maria’s sister. Simeon, being the guardian of his sister-in-law, was troubled about Olgerd’s Christianity. He had been baptized before taking Maria of Vitebsk, his first wife, and had declared at Pskoff that he was a Christian, but after Maria’s death he had persecuted Christians, in order to hold his heathen subjects more firmly, and three Orthodox Christians had been martyred in Vilna. But after consulting the metropolitan, Simeon gave Julianna in marriage to Olgerd.This marriage was memorable, for by this Julianna Olgerd had his son Yagello, the first of the Yagello dynasty, the man who gave Lithuania to Latinism and to Poland.The house of Gedimin strengthened its relations with the house of Rurik by another marriage, that of Lyubart, Olgerd’s brother. After the death of his first wife, the great-granddaughter of Daniel of Galitch, Lyubart asked in marriage Simeon’s niece, a daughter of Constantine, the Pskoff prince.[340]But Olgerd, though doubly a brother-in-law of the Moscow prince, became more intimate with his wife’s brothers, Michael and Vsevolod, sons of Alexander the martyr. Soon after this, Michael became the most prominent of all the Tver princes, and threatened Moscow, through Olgerd, with attacks, which Olgerd, in the guise of assistance to the Tver prince, never ceased to make while it was humanly possible to do so.While Michael’s sons were living, Constantine in Tver, and Vassili in Kashin, the Tver princes bore themselves peaceably. Their quarrels were moderated somewhat by Simeon, who gave his daughter in marriage to Michael, the son of Vassili. Simeon favored Vassili because of his seniority, though he loved Vsevolod, who was quarreling with Michael. But after Simeon’s death, the internal Tver quarrel broke out with violence.In Ryazan princely quarrels were endless, till Oleg rose there above other princes, and for a time was important.During his short reign Simeon warred only with those who attacked him, against whom he was forced to defend himself. The first of these was Olgerd, who, at the death of Simeon’s father, had attacked Mojaisk. In company with the Smolensk prince, Olgerd also attacked Novgorod savagely. But these wars were stopped before they became very serious.After Olgerd’s second marriage he did not desist from those seizures. When he had connected many towns of Smolensk with his rule, and annexed some of them, he strove to extend his dominion to places claimed both by Moscow and Tver, and also to places south of Smolensk and Kaluga.In 1351–1352 Simeon was forced to take arms because of this action. He declared war on Olgerd, and marched with strong forces against him. Olgerd preferred to negotiate. He sent envoys with gifts, and Simeon inclined to peace. Certain towns acknowledged by Olgerd as belonging to Moscow were claimed by Smolensk. Simeon then led forward his forces, and took possession of them. In this way the war ended favorably for Moscow, and was the last act of Simeon’s life. He died of the plague April 27, 1352. Forty days earlier, Feognost, the metropolitan of Russia, had died of old age. That same week Simeon lost two young sons, and almost at the same time Andrei, his brother. Of Kalitá’s sons there now remained only one, Ivan, the successor of Simeon.[341]Before touching on the reign of Ivan, it is well to give some account of the man who succeeded Feognost as metropolitan, namely, Alexis. In the time of Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, the boyar, Feodor Byakont, came to Moscow from Chernigoff, and was looked on with favor by Daniel. When Feodor’s first son was christened, Ivan, son of Daniel, then eight years of age, became his sponsor. The child was named Yelevtheri. He grew up, so to speak, in the palace, for he was a favorite in the family of Prince Daniel. They reared him carefully to serve the prince, but from childhood he was drawn in another direction. While still a youth he became a monk, and was distinguished among all monks in Moscow for love of letters, and zeal in everything with which he was entrusted.Feognost noted Yelevtheri, and tried him in various ways. The young monk learned Greek sufficiently well to gain familiarity with the ancient classics, and compare the Slav testament with the original. There remains to this day a copy of the Gospels, which is not only his translation, but is in his handwriting. When Yelevtheri, now called Alexis, reached the office of abbot, Feognost, who was absent frequently, made him assistant, and finally vicar. Later he was bishop in Vladimir, and there he was when Feognost passed away from his labors. Feognost had wished Alexis to be his successor if possible.It had been the fixed habit of the Patriarchs to appoint Greeks to the office of metropolitan. On the eve of Feognost’s death he sent his last letter to Tsargrad. In this letter he asked with insistence that Alexis succeed him. He explained that it would harm the Empire if another were chosen, and no matter whom they might send, the Grand Prince would not receive him.For his zeal Feognost, though a Greek, was beloved in Russia, since he understood the true interests of the country. When he came to Russia in that gloomy day of the Mongol domination, it depended greatly on him to keep the seat of his office in Moscow. Selected by Peter, his predecessor, he did not forget Peter’s blessing to the city, and he made it his residence.Tenibek and Chanibek, Uzbek’s successors at the Horde, were not tolerant like their father. They had a Mohammedan hatred of Christians, and wished to tax Christianity. The metropolitan stood firm against this, though threatened with torture, and he[342]succeeded in preserving ecclesiastical freedom. Among his many services one of the greatest was his choice of a successor, whose services to the Church of Russia at that time were beyond estimate.Simeon, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was succeeded by Ivan, his brother. Constantine of Suzdal, assisted by Novgorod, strove in vain to obtain the Grand Principality. Though Novgorod sent great gifts to the Horde, we may be sure that the Moscow gifts were not of less value. This Ivan, called the Mild, who, according to contemporary opinion, looked on the honor and glory of this world as nothing, and was considered notably good by his people, later historians speak of as being weak, though facts do not bear out this estimate. The difficulties of his time rose from circumstances, and not from Ivan’s lack of ability. In fact his patience was perhaps the best weapon that could have been used. The evils not being serious, dropped away of themselves, and Ivan left to his successor a principality strengthened by peace, and not weakened by struggles.The first trouble of his reign was an attack from Ryazan. Oleg, the new prince there, seized Lopasnya. A Moscow boyar, Ivan’s lieutenant, was imprisoned, and was freed only after a heavy ransom had been paid. Oleg, not hoping to keep the place without the Khan’s sanction, took means to obtain it.Five years later Mamat Hodja informed Ivan that he had been appointed by the Khan to establish an exact boundary between Ryazan and Moscow. The Moscow prince, knowing that this was a move directed against him, refused to let Mamat enter Moscow territory, and sent word to him that his boundaries were known to himself and undoubted. Mamat could accomplish nothing; so he started to return to the Horde. On the road he quarreled with one of the Khan’s favorites and killed him. He fled to the mouth of the Don, but quick pursuers overtook him, and he was slain at command of the Khan. Thus the places seized by Oleg were not yielded by Moscow.More serious than Oleg’s attempt to change the boundaries, which remained without result, were the efforts of the Suzdal prince, Constantine, who, assisted by Novgorod, strove to win the Grand Principality. Failing in this, he still did not make peace with Moscow, neither did Novgorod, which withheld Mongol tribute, and expelled Moscow lieutenants.[343]Not succeeding at the Horde, Constantine withdrew to Nizni-Novgorod, where he built a stone church to the Saviour, and strengthened the Kremlin. Boris, his son, he married to a daughter of Olgerd: he made friends with Lithuania; kept up with Novgorod relations hostile to Moscow, and bore himself haughtily at all times.Olgerd attacked now most actively. His plan was to master all Russia, as he had mastered Polotsk, Kief, and Vilna. While at war with Smolensk he captured the heir to that place and detained him. In regions touching Kaluga and Tula, such as Obolensk, Novasil, and Odoeff he seated his lieutenants as in Grodno or Vitebsk. In regions where his plans had been balked by Simeon of Moscow, he made himself master in Ivan’s time. In all places he injured the Moscow prince, set aside his authority, and extended his own power; in one place by dominion, in another by influence. In Tver, in Nizni-Novgorod, even in Ryazan, he had adherents. In Tsargrad itself he met no refusal. At his request, and through gifts, a second metropolitan, named Roman, was appointed for Russia.Olgerd considered as his own not only all parts of Western and Southern Russia, but also those regions which were under the Khan; caring little that the Mongol was its master. Nay, he used this fact as reason for extending dominion, since the shield of Lithuania promised freedom from the Mongol. Olgerd looked on the Tver principality as half conquered. In Tver at this time, the reduced princes, descendants of Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr, were on the verge of political extinction.Alexander, Michael’s second son, had become the eldest of the line, through the death of Michael’s brother Dmitri Terrible-Eyes, who died childless. The chief power of this prince and his brothers came from Olgerd, whose wife was Julianna, their sister, the mother of Yagello, It is clear that at this time Olgerd’s influence in Tver was very great. The descendants of Constantine and Vassili, who had become poor and were quarreling continually, sought the assistance of Moscow, while Olgerd’s brothers-in-law turned from Moscow and were growing hostile to Ivan.Tver began to recognize Roman, Olgerd’s metropolitan. Novgorod also, through enmity to Moscow, preferred Roman. Even[344]Boris, Olgerd’s new son-in-law, refused somewhat later in Nizni to communicate with Moscow in church matters, and turned to Lithuania. But if in places like those just mentioned, subject only to Olgerd’s remote influence, there was such opposition to the Moscow metropolitan of Kief and all Russia, in places half subject to Olgerd,—and there were many such,—if people wished to recognize him, the civil power stopped them when possible. In places where Olgerd had real power, Roman, the metropolitan whom he had created, was declared metropolitan of Kief and all Russia.Olgerd’s design was to unite Russia, both spiritually and temporally. To do this he must eliminate the metropolitan of Moscow, and bring all princes under his own dominion. At this time, too, the Horde sternly demanded fresh tribute. This was the situation which confronted Ivan the Mild. It was not created by him, and was not the result of his qualities. It may be that Olgerd’s daring was roused and strengthened by Ivan’s mildness, but in the end Lithuania gained nothing by it. The ill-will between Novgorod and Moscow ended easily. Novgorod continued its opposition for a year and a half, but no evil to Moscow resulted from it.After Prince Constantine had strengthened Nizni-Novgorod, and built a stone church there, no warriors came from Moscow to threaten him, but that was not through any weakness in Moscow. Ivan did not hide his displeasure at Novgorod for supporting Constantine at the Horde, and withholding the tribute. Novgorod complained against the Moscow metropolitan at Tsargrad, and had relations with Olgerd. Ivan was well aware of this. It was known that he was preparing to chastise Novgorod, and that many of the other princes were ready to march with him. Constantine, not daring to disobey an order from the Khan to make peace with the Grand Prince, sent envoys to Moscow. Those envoys were joined by others from Novgorod. Thus Ivan, without warring, won peace at last from all opponents, Novgorod paid the tribute, and received the tax officials who had been appointed by Moscow in Simeon’s time.In the popular mind there was later a wonderful tradition concerning the days of Ivan the Mild; that serious and even dreadful period when all feared destruction. There had been demands for fresh tribute, and there were ominous reports from the Horde,[345]when, as the tale runs, this message came to the Grand Prince: “Send thy chief priest (the metropolitan) to us quickly. We hear that God listens to his prayers always. Let him cure our Tsaritsa.” The metropolitan answered: “That is beyond my measure.” Encouraged, however, by the Grand Prince, and trusting in God, he went to the Horde and found that Taidula, the Khan’s wife, was blind, in addition to other ailings. He declared that he was not a physician of the body, but that whoso asks with faith him God will not despise, and he prayed over the sick woman. She was cured and there was great rejoicing at the Horde. Taidula made the metropolitan a present of much value, a ring with her seal on it. By putting this seal to papers, he could give them the power of the Khan’s patent. Such was the faith in Alexis. But he hurried from the Horde, for trouble came quickly. Taidula’s husband was no longer Khan, but her son Berdibek, who had seized the place of his father, Chanibek. Chanibek had been able to keep together for a short time the inheritance of Uzbek, his father, by killing his two brothers. He had ruled the Horde in the old way and extended his power from the Volga to the Aral, and beyond the river Terek to Persia. Terrible to his Mohammedan subjects, he was kind to Russian Christians. He reigned, however, only eighteen years.Not long before Chanibek’s death, there rose in the Horde a strong personage, Tavlug Bey, who disliked Chanibek and did not cease to whisper to Berdibek, the Khan’s son: “It is time for thee to sit on the throne. It is time for thy father to leave it.” Through various devices he was able to bring the Horde magnates to that way of thinking. When in 1358 his perfidious advice was accepted, Chanibek died by strangulation.Berdibek’s accession forced the princes to go to the Horde for fresh confirmation. On gaining power the new Khan killed all his brothers—there were twelve of them. There was now great trouble in Russia, a new demand was made for tribute. From Moscow came a request for Alexis the metropolitan to go to the Horde and soothe Berdibek’s anger. So he hastened back, and was there probably when Berdibek’s brothers were murdered. It is undoubted that the metropolitan was able to influence Berdibek, and save the Russian Church from taxation.Ivan the Mild died November, 1359, at the age of thirty-three,[346]after a reign of six years. Now too died Berdibek, who had ruled a little more than a year. Then evil gave birth to new evil, one conspiracy succeeded another, parricide was followed by fratricide; one Khan took the place of another on a blood-reeking throne, and over each one the chronicler utter these words: “He received the reward of his actions.”Berdibek was followed by Kulpa, who ruled six months and five days, then “the judgment of God did not suffer him longer.” He and his two sons were assassinated by Nurus, but not long could Nurus hold the throne, for Hidjrbek of the Blue Horde on the Yaik intrigued against him. He was given up to Hidjrbek, and he and his sons were murdered. Hidjrbek was murdered by his son, Timur Khoja, in 1361. One month and seven days later Timur Khoja was slain in a revolution effected unexpectedly by a new man, Mamai. This Mamai surpassed in a short time all others to such a degree that the bloody revolution made by him put an end to uprisings.Mamai’s adherents, who were in the Don region, separated from those of Sarai on the Volga, and rose against Timur Khoja. This parricide feared death in Sarai, and fled from the left to the right bank of the Volga, where he perished most wretchedly.Mamai placed now in his own Horde a new Khan, Abdul; but the Sarai men proclaimed Hidjrbek’s brother, Murad; thus the original Volga Horde became divided, and the seeds of destruction were sown. About that time Kildybek, who declared himself to be Chanibek’s son, and a grandson of Uzbek, began war as a third Khan, and killed many prisoners, after which he himself was killed. Khan Murad now made an effort to unite the two Hordes. He attacked Mamai, and slew many warriors, but did not succeed in his purpose. There were now two Khans, Abdul was made Khan by Mamai on the right bank of the Volga, and Murad was Khan on the east of that river, “and those two Khans were in enmity always.”The division of the Horde brought great unrest and disturbance in Russia, not because Prince Dmitri, the heir to the Grand Principality, was a boy, but because at the Horde there was no one in permanent possession. Though the Moscow boyars had sent an envoy, they did not decide that Dmitri should go to either rival. This delay gave the Suzdal princes some advantage. The[347]Moscow men, hearing of Hidjrbek’s accession, took their Dmitri, who was nine years of age, to the Horde at Sarai and presented him to the Khan. But their journey was not successful. Troubles increased at the Horde. There was no time for talking with Hidjrbek. The great point was to escape at the earliest moment.Taking advantage of the turmoil of Sarai, Dmitri, son of Constantine, the late Suzdal ruler and prince in Nizni-Novgorod, settled in Vladimir, and declared himself Grand Prince, trying thus to restore to Vladimir its old-time prestige and position as capital. This namesake of Dmitri of Moscow, and some years later his father-in-law, had been advised by Andrei, his elder brother, to avoid the Grand Principality. “The Khan wants gifts,” said Andrei. “Dmitri of Moscow is the natural heir, and will get his own a little later.” But Dmitri of Suzdal would not wait; he gave immense gifts to the Horde, and got the patent. By this time many of the Russian princes had become accustomed to the idea that the Grand Principality belonged to the Moscow princes. Novgorod men, however, were well satisfied with the son of Constantine, Moscow’s opponent, but no other people were pleased with him; even in Tver they preferred the Moscow prince, and no later than 1362 Dmitri of Moscow received the patent.The Horde was so divided, that no one knew whom to obey. In Sarai, east of the Volga, was Murad, and west, on the Don side, was Abdul. Moscow preferred Murad because he held Sarai, the old capital. But as this Khan gave no troops, the Suzdal prince would neither obey nor abandon Vladimir. The Moscow boyars then put Dmitri on horseback, and also his brother and cousin, both young boys, and set out with great forces to expel the son of Constantine, who fled from Vladimir to Suzdal. His brother, Andrei, now reproached him a second time: “Have I not told thee never to trust Mongols? Why not listen to me? Thou seest that it is easy to lose what is thine while striving to take what belongs to another.” And he advised friendship with Moscow, “that Christianity might not perish.” For in Moscow men began now to see the first hope of liberation from the Mongol. The two brothers divided their inheritance. Andrei took Nizni; to Dmitri fell Suzdal.Dmitri of Moscow entered Vladimir and took his seat on the throne there. That done, he returned to Moscow. So Kalitá’s[348]grandson made certain the purpose of his grandfather. He made that inheritance of his family secure, and began the great work, the real mission of Russia.It was given to the Russian people as a task from the first to stand unbroken between Europe and Asia, to stand apart and independent of both. From the time that the name Rus first appeared the country had its own individuality, and was self-determining. From of old two warring principles attacked her, one from the West, the other from the East. This gave the great problem to Russian history. Russia was to give way neither to Europe, nor Asia; she was to fathom and understand both of them, but be subject to neither. This, too, was the position of the whole Slav race, a position which tortured and tore it, till some parts were conquered and absorbed by strange nations, so that on the west they were turned into Germans, Magyars and Italians, while on the south they were turned into Mussulman.This old and difficult problem had to be met in all its weight and its terrible bitterness by the Moscow principality. To meet it, struggle with it, and solve it successfully required an enormous waste of force, a continuous and endless persistence. If Moscow had not grown sufficiently strong at the right time there would have been no Russia at present. For on the one side there would not have been strength enough to emerge from Mongol slavery, while on the other side, if there had not been the moral and physical power to face Western Europe, Russia would have been absorbed, would have taken another form, would have been an element in the strength of her enemy. On the east, Moscow was forced to defend herself, weapons in hand, or yield to the Mongol forever. She had either to rise up in desperate war, or be voiceless and obedient. On the west, a still more dangerous power was threatening, a power which might be permanent and inexorable.This was the position of the Moscow principality when Dmitri, grandson of Kalitá, began rule in Moscow. Though the struggle on the east and the west was contemporary, the great battle was first begun with the Mongol.Abdul, the Khan on the right bank of the Volga, became jealous upon learning that Dmitri had received his patent from Murad, and immediately sent a patent from himself with a gracious embassy, though no one had asked him to do so. The Moscow[349]boyars met these men courteously, and gave them good presents at parting. But when Murad of Sarai heard that a patent had gone from Abdul to Dmitri, he was greatly enraged against Moscow, and, to spite Abdul, he made Dmitri of Suzdal Grand Prince a second time.There was in Sarai at this juncture one of the reduced Bailozero princes; with this prince, and very likely other adherents of the Suzdal prince, a Mongol embassy numbering thirty persons arrived in Suzdal to declare the Khan’s will. They had no warriors with them, still Dmitri of Suzdal was delighted with the Khan’s favor, and again took his seat in Vladimir.Moscow could not forgive this. Dmitri of Moscow marched with a great force, and not only hunted Dmitri out of Vladimir and Suzdal with shame, but ravaged Suzdal. The Suzdal prince, thus humiliated, had recourse to Andrei, who was ruling quietly in Nizni, and had often warned his foolish brother against rivalry with Moscow. Owing to Andrei’s intercession, the Moscow prince left Dmitri in Suzdal, but reduced him to thorough subjection, and deprived some of his allies of dominion.In 1363, when Moscow took final possession of Bailozero and Galiten beyond the Volga, the Starodub prince lost his possessions; his province was added to Moscow. The Grand Prince then extended his rule over the entire Rostoff region; some of the princes were left, but left as assistants of Moscow. Dmitri of Suzdal became now a firm ally of the Grand Prince. Thus the very first year of Dmitri’s reign was successful. It was distinguished by the strengthening of his primacy, and by considerable accretions. The two succeeding years were made calamitous for Moscow and all Russia by a second appearance of the “black death.” A multitude of people died, and among them were many princes. In Novgorod died Prince Andrei, so friendly to Moscow, and his brother, Dmitri of Suzdal, became by inheritance prince in Nizni, but Olgerd’s son-in-law, Boris, the youngest son of Constantine, seized Nizni before Dmitri, and would not yield. Dmitri turned then to Moscow, and the Grand Prince assisted him. At this time the Suzdal prince showed obedience to Moscow willingly. His eldest son, Vassili, who afterward lost all his possessions, and is known in history as Kirdyapa, was at the Sarai Horde just then, and secured a patent for his father, but his father refused it, and[350]informed the Grand Prince that he preferred his friendship to the favor of the Mongols.At the Horde, meanwhile, Boris, the younger brother, obtained the Nizni patent. In view of this complication, an unusual decision was taken in Moscow. As on a time the metropolitan, Peter, had forbidden the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri to lead his warriors against Nizni, where the prince should be subordinate to Yuri of Moscow, so now, in the dispute about Nizni, the metropolitan was active a second time.As Nizni was merely an adjunct of Suzdal, Nizni and Gorodets were subjected to Alexis, the Suzdal bishop. The metropolitan separated the Novgorod district from the Suzdal diocese, and declared it as belonging to the metropolitan directly. But Boris communicated with Olgerd, his father-in-law, and, having well-wishers in Tver, showed resistance to the metropolitan, and would not yield Nizni to his elder brother. In view of this disobedience, the metropolitan summoned Sergius of Radonej, the abbot of the Troitsa monastery, and sent him to declare to Boris that he must go with Dmitri and his brother to have their dispute adjudged by the Grand Prince of Moscow.The mild Sergius, who obeyed the command sorrowfully, was forced to bear another burden also: in case Boris would not obey he was to close the Nizni churches. The mildness of Sergius, his continual avoidance of quarrels and disturbance, frequent in his day, was well known, and if he did not refuse these difficult tasks it was clear to all that the disobedience of Boris was beyond measure.Boris was unbending. He would not go to Moscow; he would not yield to his brother. So troops were moved from Moscow against him; and because he refused to obey the Church order the churches in Nizni were closed to all people. Dmitri, his brother, at the head of troops sent from Moscow and his own troops, approached Nizni in great force. But the affair did not come to blows. Boris came out to meet his brother, repented, and was forgiven. The Grand Prince did not take all from him; he left Gorodets, and took Nizni, joining it again to Suzdal. Soon after this the Nizni See was restored to the Suzdal bishop.Boris lived peacefully afterward, a faithful subordinate to his brother, and to Suzdal. The Nizni prince remained friendly to Dmitri of Moscow, who shortly after married Yevdokiya, daughter[351]of the Nizni prince. Through respect for his future father-in-law, Dmitri did not wish to invite the bride to Moscow for the wedding, and as Grand Prince of all Russia he did not care to visit Suzdal, hence the ceremony took place in Kolomna, with all the rich display of that time. The country rejoiced greatly at this marriage, which strengthened the union of Nizni and Suzdal with Moscow.But barely had Moscow won agreement with Suzdal and the principalities attached to it, when a long and stubborn struggle began with Tver, which at that time had come to an alliance with Olgerd.During Dmitri’s reign Moscow had no such inveterate foe as was Olgerd, except, perhaps, Mamai the Mongol. And Olgerd, in his struggle with Moscow, had a devoted assistant in Tver, where reigned Michael, brother of Julianna, whose son, Yagello, was Olgerd’s favorite offspring. After countless blood-spilling struggles with each other for possession of petty districts, during which two towns, Tver and Kashin, were subjected to ruin repeatedly, and after the plague, which brought death to many thousands of people, there remained two rivals for the headship of Tver. The first was the only surviving son of the martyr, Michael, Vassili, then an old man; the second was Michael, a grandson of the martyr, and son of the ill-fated Alexander. This Michael was born in Pskoff, as we remember, where the Bishop of Novgorod was his godfather; through his sister, Julianna, he was brother-in-law of Olgerd. At first the small town of Mikulin was Michael’s single possession, and for a long time he was called Mikulinski. But he had now become strong through places left to him by his brothers. He had also received by will from Simeon, his cousin, the town of Dórogobuj, with its dependencies. This he received to the detriment of Vassili, his uncle, and Yeremi, Simeon’s own brother. This cousin and uncle turned now to Moscow for redress, and Dórogobuj became the cause of great trouble.Kalitá and his successors had been more inclined to Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr. Both elder sons, the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri and Alexander, had been always incurably hostile to Moscow. Terrible-Eyes left no children, but the sons of Alexander had inherited the pride of their father, and his hatred of Moscow.[352]Michael, on becoming Prince of Tver, found no quarrels between the two principalities. Dórogobuj caused the first trouble. Vassili was prince in Kashin; he had been prince in Tver after the death of his elder brother, Constantine, but was forced to yield that place to Michael, his nephew. When he, with another nephew, Yeremi, turned to Moscow for justice against Michael, the question was left to Alexis the metropolitan, who deputed Vassili, the Tver bishop, to settle it. But Vassili’s decision brought hostility instead of peace. Resting on the fact that Michael had taken Dórogobuj not by force, but by the will of the late prince, the bishop recognized it as Michael’s lawful property, and decided against Yeremi and Vassili.The baffled heirs took advantage of Michael’s visit to Lithuania, and made a new complaint in Moscow. They demanded that the bishop be called to account for judging unjustly. The inheritance, they said, did not belong to Simeon in such fashion that he could dispose of it absolutely. Only a portion belonged to him, and that portion, besides, was connected with conditions. Simeon’s uncle and his brother, Yeremi, claimed their rights with insistence. The bishop was summoned to Moscow, where it was settled that his decision was irregular, and he was forced to pay damages to the princes. Troops were then given to instate Yeremi and Vassili in that part of the property adjudged to them. But instead of peacefully taking possession of this property, they moved against Tver and demanded a ransom. They got no ransom, and could not take Tver, hence they plundered the country about it unmercifully. Michael, the Tver prince, returned from Lithuania with assistance from Olgerd, and marched directly on Kashin, where he seized the wives of the two princes with their relatives and many boyars. Vassili and Yeremi begged for peace, which was granted, and all, including Michael, treated with Dmitri of Moscow concerning it. But a year later, 1367, Yeremi set aside his oath to Michael of Tver, and went to Moscow. The princes complained that Michael oppressed and deceived them. The introduction of a Lithuanian force, and the crushing of the Kashin prince, an adherent of Moscow, but most of all, perhaps, the active and unbending pride of Prince Michael, were displeasing to the Grand Prince of Moscow. Though the Tver prince had discussed peace in company with Yeremi and Vassili, he had attacked Kashin, and[353]thus belittled the allies of Moscow, forgetting that those allies had Moscow troops at their command.Moscow might have answered with war, but another course was thought better. It seemed well to connect with this settlement all the Tver princes, and in giving a part of the inheritance to Michael to let him have as much as Simeon had a right to bequeath, and give the remainder to Yeremi and Vassili, who had struggled so stubbornly for their rights. Moreover, by thus doing justice, Moscow would somewhat weaken the Tver prince, which was the real point of the question. The complainants being allies, or rather subordinates of Moscow, Michael of Tver did not oppose this division, and agreed to visit Moscow. The Grand Prince invited him, and the metropolitan declared that they awaited him in peace and good-will for a general discussion.Michael, then thirty years old, went to visit Dmitri, who was only eighteen, but he found in Moscow what he had not expected. Having brought his most notable boyars, he thought to see the principal Moscow boyars, and present his own in Dmitri’s capital. They received him, however, not as a relative, but with haughtiness. He had thought to astonish Moscow by readiness to yield a part of his own to the other two princes, but this was considered in Moscow as decided long before, and they let him feel that that was not the main question. They wanted him to show subjection to Moscow. Michael flushed up with rage, and did not hesitate to tell Dmitri before all his boyars that the rights of hospitality had been violated. After that was said, Moscow violated those rights in reality.The men who had gone to Moscow with Michael were taken from him, and treated as if in detention. Michael himself was lodged in a separate house, or palace, as if in imprisonment. Such a turn of affairs was almost more grievous for Dmitri than for Michael, and it grieved most of all the metropolitan, for the Tver prince put the blame of the act on him. That passionate prince was indignant at the metropolitan: “I believed his words, and came hither to Moscow,” said Michael; “now see what they have done to me.” Michael considered it all planned previously through policy and cunning. Both sides were equally vehement, each side declared itself right, and each felt offended. There seemed no way to reconcile them. To hasten Michael’s release[354]would be to declare that Dmitri had been the offender; his boyars would not agree to this; they had brought about the detention and they insisted that it should continue.Dmitri now asked the metropolitan’s aid with all seriousness. Unexpectedly, at this juncture, Mongol envoys came to deliver a reprimand to Dmitri. He had not paid the tribute and had not shown himself to his master.The Tver question must be settled immediately. Michael was freed with fair promptness, and if there was some delay, it was to avoid the appearance of over haste, and preserve proprieties. The land which Michael had offered, namely Gorodok, was accepted for Yeremi, and an oath paper was taken from Michael that he was satisfied, and had no claim against any one. This done, he departed. After that Dmitri gave troops to instate Yeremi in Gorodok.During this year, 1368, Prince Vassili died in Kashin, and Michael, by the death of his uncle, became Prince of Tver in the fullest sense possible. He was now the eldest of the house, and besides, the Tver people were satisfied with him. The angry enemy of Moscow was strengthened. The position was still more entangled by the fact that the heir of the late Prince Vassili, also Michael, now Prince of Kashin, and married to Vassilissa, a daughter of Simeon the Proud, hastened in his turn to Moscow with petitions. In Moscow, opposition from Michael was expected, and even an attack upon Moscow regions was looked for. But the storm struck unexpectedly from elsewhere.Late in the autumn of 1368, Olgerd suddenly, as was his wont in such cases, attacked Moscow regions without declaring hostilities. With him came Keistut, his brother, and Vitold, his nephew, the latter still young and “not famous,” as the chronicler tells us. They led in large forces. Moscow learned of this war only when the enemy was capturing towns on the border. Moscow allies were summoned quickly, but only inconsiderable regiments had time to muster. The invading force crushed all before it. Now there was reason to be thankful for the stone walls recently built in Moscow; Dmitri had all places cleared round the Kremlin, and every house burned which was near that firm stronghold.The Lithuanian army stood three days outside those new walls. Olgerd had not power to meet or crush them, but he did great[355]harm to Moscow in many parts. He burned nearly everything in the city and in the country round, and took a multitude of captives. Then, driving along every beast which he could find, he hastened homeward, for news had come to him that the Germans had attacked his lands. He could say, however, that he had satisfied the tearful prayers of the Tver prince, his brother-in-law, Michael. Surely Moscow would remember him, for he had done as much harm as possible, and Michael was avenged.Dmitri ceased to defend Yeremi, from whom Gorodok was now taken, and Yeremi went to Tver to seek favor from Michael. It seems that besides aid from Olgerd, the Tver prince had sought to gain strength from the Mongols by rich gifts to the Khan, and to others. At the Horde, anger was increasing against Dmitri. Mamai, now all-powerful, had eliminated every opponent, and had effected that for which he had been struggling, the reunion of the Horde. He had instated Mamant, a new Khan, and was now ready for action.A storm was rising against Moscow. Peace between Tver and Moscow was short-lived. In 1370 war broke out again. Michael, the new Prince of Kashin, turned to Dmitri a second time for protection. Dmitri informed Michael of Tver that he set aside his oath papers; and the Tver prince immediately sought aid of Olgerd. This war with Tver, or more correctly with Olgerd, lasted five years, counting intervals. If at times Olgerd sought peace, even permanent peace, no one had faith in him, suspecting it to be a plot to deceive Moscow. In view of this, only short truces were given, and with caution. Through Lithuanian activity at the Horde, and through presents to the Khan, the Mongols aided the Tver prince.The war ended only when Dmitri and all the princes who acknowledged him rose against Olgerd and the Mongols, and brought Tver to conditions. Early in September, 1370, Moscow troops, led by Dmitri, marched against Michael. They moved from Voloko-Lamsk directly on Zubtsoff, a city which with Rjeff, its neighbor, had passed more than once into Olgerd’s possession, thanks to Tver men. This time the Moscow troops did not treat it with tenderness; they stormed, sacked, and destroyed the place. Then, taking everyone captive, they marched to Mikulin, which stood on the road between Moscow and Novgorod. This was[356]Michael’s own personal inheritance, hence no mercy was shown it. The native nest of Alexander’s descendants was given to destruction. The troops took it by storm, and then razed it to the ground.After taking Mikulin, they made the whole region around it empty. They captured the people, and seized all their cattle. Cattle were the main wealth of Russia at that time, hence at the end of hostilities it was often stipulated in treaties that the cattle should be returned. The Grand Prince went back to Moscow with great herds, and filled his land with cattle. He had avenged Olgerd’s insult, and humiliated the Tver men most effectively.When Michael, who was in Lithuania, heard of the ruin of his birthplace, his sister assured him that Olgerd would send him aid when he returned from warring with the Germans. Michael at the same time was in active communication with the Horde. He had sent gifts of such value to the Mongols, and had won Mamai’s confidence so thoroughly, that in Moscow they soon received most astonishing news, though hardly anything could astonish in those days,—news which made Dmitri indignant.Mamai had placed Michael of Tver in Vladimir as Grand Prince. Sari Hodja had already invited the Tver prince to come to the Horde for the patent. Dmitri immediately placed guards on all roads, and sent mounted men everywhere to seize Michael should he go for the patent. But Michael, rejoicing at Olgerd’s return from warring successfully with the Germans, deferred the Horde visit. Olgerd promised to strike the Kremlin with his spear-points, and give a lesson to Dmitri. “The true warrior makes no delay,” remarked Olgerd; “his plan being made, he strikes quickly. Dmitri threatens to take Kief, Polotsk and Vitebsk from me; through fire and sword he wants to say, in Vilna, ‘Christ has arisen.’ He need not come so far. We will break the fast in Moscow. Dmitri will be at Easter mass in the Moscow cathedral; we will give a red egg to the prince on that morning.”The campaign of Tver and Lithuania against Moscow was decided. This time, too, Olgerd’s attack was distinguished for suddenness and fury. He had not such success as the first time, however. Starting with a strong army toward the end of November, he was at Moscow on December 6. He was aided by Michael of Tver, by his brother, and by the Smolensk prince, their ally. A number of thousands of peasants with axes cut a road through[357]dense forests, and laid logs in morasses. The troops marched without rest; they hardly halted day or night. When he reached Moscow, Olgerd again burned the city, which the people had barely had time to rebuild since his first blow. He did not attack the Kremlin, however, where Dmitri himself was commanding. The metropolitan was absent in Nizni, whither he had gone to baptize a newly born grandson of Olgerd, the son of Boris of Gorodets.Meanwhile Vladimir, the cousin of the Grand Prince of Moscow, was gathering his forces and marching on Olgerd. Even troops from Ryazan were hurrying forward with assistance to Moscow. Olgerd now proposed permanent peace and alliance. In proof of his sincerity he offered his daughter to Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir. The Grand Prince refused peace, but made a truce for six months.Thus ended Olgerd’s stay of eight days before the Kremlin. The haste, and the care with which he retreated, show that numerous forces were following. He had not found the Grand Prince unprepared, and had boasted vainly in Vilna, for he did not break fast in Moscow. His fear and his hurried retreat prove how little he trusted in truces or in treaties.[358]

[Contents]CHAPTER XVDIVISION OF THE MONGOL HORDELithuania increased after Gedimin’s death, and so did Moscow when Ivan Kalitá was succeeded by Simeon.After the death of Ivan, who died a few months before Uzbek, his sons Simeon, Ivan, and Andrei went to Sarai. Other princes went hither also, among them Constantine, son of Michael of Tver, and the Suzdal prince, Constantine, son of Vassili. Both the Tver prince and the Suzdal prince hoped to obtain the first place through seniority. Uzbek, now very old, received the three Moscow princes with kindness and sympathy. Through friendship for their father, he preferred them to others, and gave Simeon the patent immediately. He enjoined obedience to the Grand Khan, declared that he would listen to no calumnies against them, and dismissed the three brothers with affection and honor. Ivan’s heirs were all included in this grand patent. Uzbek engaged not to take from those heirs the inheritance of their ancestors, to give the principality to them, and not to others. After them it should go to their children. This distinction exalted the Moscow house above others immediately, and raised Simeon, the oldest man in it, supremely.Simeon, like his father, used the title Grand Prince of All Russia. This title, so great in its meaning and future importance, received strength from the Moscow throne, which had now become magnified. On returning from the Horde Simeon took his place in Moscow as Grand Prince. While at the Horde he had met many Russian princes; he met others in Vladimir, where, after he had received the metropolitan’s blessing, he was solemnly greeted by all men. Later, there was a general assembling of princes in Moscow, at Simeon’s invitation. “Esteemed and dear brethren,” said Simeon, addressing the princes, “if there be peace and agreement[337]among us, Russia will be free again, as she was in the days of the earlier princes.”According to Simeon, there was power enough to defend Russia, but there was lack of agreement. At that meeting he mentioned the offenses of Novgorod, complained of those unjust, wayward people, and said, “They make war and peace with whomever they please, consulting with no one. Novgorod regards not all Russia, and will not obey her Grand Prince.” It was resolved then to punish and subdue Great Novgorod. War had been declared by Ivan before his death, and Simeon had inherited this struggle.Meanwhile Novgorod had added a new offense. Its daring freebooters, who were real river and land pirates, had plundered Moscow possessions in the Ustyug and Bailozero regions. To such an insolent challenge, Simeon replied with moderation. He sent men to collect Torjok arrears of long established taxes, which, because of troubles in Vladimir, Novgorod had neglected. At times these taxes were paid, at times they were disputed. With the tax officials went now a small number of warriors. These men remained in Torjok, and sent collectors to all appointed places. At this the Novgorod boyars in Torjok sent to their city for aid. When the Novgorod party appeared, they imprisoned Simeon’s lieutenant and his officials. Torjok envoys arrived at this time in Moscow with haughty speeches.“How is this?” asked they of Simeon. “Thou art not confirmed yet in Novgorod, and hast not taken thy seat in the city; still thy boyars are acting among us.” They pointed out to Simeon that he wasgosudar(lord) in Moscow alone; that Novgorod chose its own princes and would not endure dictation. To sum up briefly, they multiplied those explanations because of which Kalitá had recently declared war against Novgorod.Simeon did not argue; he mustered his forces. There was an outbreak and riot in Torjok, where, as in Novgorod, common men took the part of the Grand Prince. They freed the Moscow officials, and then fell to plundering the rich men of Novgorod.Meanwhile Simeon was rapidly approaching with his army. He was met with gladness by the people of Torjok. With him came princes from Rostoff, Yaroslavl, and Suzdal. Novgorod men, as ever, used lofty phrases at first, but eschewed hopeless[338]warfare, and sent to ask peace of the Grand Prince. They paid all dues past and present; besides, it was settled that without the consent of the Grand Prince, the city would not war against any one, or make an alliance.In general it may be said that during Simeon’s reign and that of his immediate successors the affairs of Novgorod and Pskoff did not thrive very greatly. Meanwhile there was continual conflict along Baltic waters, east, north and south of Riga. Every place was in fear of being attacked on a sudden. Hostility from foreigners was the great, the chronic evil. In Moscow, peace reigned almost as completely as in Kalitá’s day. The same relations with the Horde that had been maintained during Uzbek’s reign were maintained during the rule of Chanibek, who became Khan in 1340. The first threats of danger came from the West, which was at this time an enemy far more dangerous to Moscow than were the Mongols.When Olgerd took Vilna in 1345, and declared himself lord of Lithuania, certain brothers of his sought an asylum in Moscow. Simeon had now to reckon on meeting Olgerd, whose attack on Majaisk was still fresh in his memory, as well as his raid on Novgorod, and his insolent deeds in Pskoff, which were followed by plundering Pskoff regions. Roused to action by Olgerd’s fleeing brothers, Simeon was ready for conflict. Olgerd, knowing this, planned to checkmate him. He sent a great embassy to Chanibek with rich presents. At the head of this embassy went his own brother, Koriat, accompanied by a number of princes. He asked for an alliance against their common enemies, chief of whom, as he stated, was the Grand Prince of Moscow.Simeon learned of this move, and sent envoys immediately to Chanibek. Among them were Russianized Mongol murzas, then serving the Moscow prince.By Lithuania they understood at the Horde, from Batu’s day, something quite different and independent of that Russia subjected by Mongols. In Gedimin’s time, Lithuania was not only independent, but dangerous, and dreaded by Uzbek. Hence the imploring and lowly attitude of Lithuania pleased the Khan greatly, and the embassy was received with distinction. But when Simeon’s envoys came, the position changed quickly. They explained through the Russianized murzas that Olgerd, by his attacks and[339]incursions, was devastating the Khan’s dominions, and leading out prisoners in multitudes. “If thou permit this,” said they, “Olgerd will take us all captive, and make thy dominions a desert.”Chanibek was “as angry as fire.” He seized the Lithuanians and sent them to Moscow. With them went, as special envoy, Tatuti, to deliver to the Grand Prince Koriat, Olgerd’s brother, and all who were with him. Olgerd grew mild now, the more so since he had suffered a crushing defeat from the Germans. Those iron-clad warriors had broken into Lithuania, taken Troki, and ravaged the country around it. Olgerd had such a battle with them as he had never known previously. Fourteen thousand Lithuanians fell. It was no time to quarrel with Moscow, hence he sent an embassy to Simeon with many gifts and a humble prayer for peace, the life of his brother, and the freedom of that brother’s attendants.Simeon, who had recourse to war only when war was unavoidable, received Olgerd’s envoys with favor, concluded peace with them, and freed Koriat with his embassy.Soon after this, Olgerd again became related to Simeon, whose first wife was a daughter of Gedimin. Simeon in 1347 married Maria, the daughter of Alexander, son of Michael, the Tver prince, who, with his father, was put to death by the Mongols. Olgerd asked now for the hand of Julianna, Maria’s sister. Simeon, being the guardian of his sister-in-law, was troubled about Olgerd’s Christianity. He had been baptized before taking Maria of Vitebsk, his first wife, and had declared at Pskoff that he was a Christian, but after Maria’s death he had persecuted Christians, in order to hold his heathen subjects more firmly, and three Orthodox Christians had been martyred in Vilna. But after consulting the metropolitan, Simeon gave Julianna in marriage to Olgerd.This marriage was memorable, for by this Julianna Olgerd had his son Yagello, the first of the Yagello dynasty, the man who gave Lithuania to Latinism and to Poland.The house of Gedimin strengthened its relations with the house of Rurik by another marriage, that of Lyubart, Olgerd’s brother. After the death of his first wife, the great-granddaughter of Daniel of Galitch, Lyubart asked in marriage Simeon’s niece, a daughter of Constantine, the Pskoff prince.[340]But Olgerd, though doubly a brother-in-law of the Moscow prince, became more intimate with his wife’s brothers, Michael and Vsevolod, sons of Alexander the martyr. Soon after this, Michael became the most prominent of all the Tver princes, and threatened Moscow, through Olgerd, with attacks, which Olgerd, in the guise of assistance to the Tver prince, never ceased to make while it was humanly possible to do so.While Michael’s sons were living, Constantine in Tver, and Vassili in Kashin, the Tver princes bore themselves peaceably. Their quarrels were moderated somewhat by Simeon, who gave his daughter in marriage to Michael, the son of Vassili. Simeon favored Vassili because of his seniority, though he loved Vsevolod, who was quarreling with Michael. But after Simeon’s death, the internal Tver quarrel broke out with violence.In Ryazan princely quarrels were endless, till Oleg rose there above other princes, and for a time was important.During his short reign Simeon warred only with those who attacked him, against whom he was forced to defend himself. The first of these was Olgerd, who, at the death of Simeon’s father, had attacked Mojaisk. In company with the Smolensk prince, Olgerd also attacked Novgorod savagely. But these wars were stopped before they became very serious.After Olgerd’s second marriage he did not desist from those seizures. When he had connected many towns of Smolensk with his rule, and annexed some of them, he strove to extend his dominion to places claimed both by Moscow and Tver, and also to places south of Smolensk and Kaluga.In 1351–1352 Simeon was forced to take arms because of this action. He declared war on Olgerd, and marched with strong forces against him. Olgerd preferred to negotiate. He sent envoys with gifts, and Simeon inclined to peace. Certain towns acknowledged by Olgerd as belonging to Moscow were claimed by Smolensk. Simeon then led forward his forces, and took possession of them. In this way the war ended favorably for Moscow, and was the last act of Simeon’s life. He died of the plague April 27, 1352. Forty days earlier, Feognost, the metropolitan of Russia, had died of old age. That same week Simeon lost two young sons, and almost at the same time Andrei, his brother. Of Kalitá’s sons there now remained only one, Ivan, the successor of Simeon.[341]Before touching on the reign of Ivan, it is well to give some account of the man who succeeded Feognost as metropolitan, namely, Alexis. In the time of Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, the boyar, Feodor Byakont, came to Moscow from Chernigoff, and was looked on with favor by Daniel. When Feodor’s first son was christened, Ivan, son of Daniel, then eight years of age, became his sponsor. The child was named Yelevtheri. He grew up, so to speak, in the palace, for he was a favorite in the family of Prince Daniel. They reared him carefully to serve the prince, but from childhood he was drawn in another direction. While still a youth he became a monk, and was distinguished among all monks in Moscow for love of letters, and zeal in everything with which he was entrusted.Feognost noted Yelevtheri, and tried him in various ways. The young monk learned Greek sufficiently well to gain familiarity with the ancient classics, and compare the Slav testament with the original. There remains to this day a copy of the Gospels, which is not only his translation, but is in his handwriting. When Yelevtheri, now called Alexis, reached the office of abbot, Feognost, who was absent frequently, made him assistant, and finally vicar. Later he was bishop in Vladimir, and there he was when Feognost passed away from his labors. Feognost had wished Alexis to be his successor if possible.It had been the fixed habit of the Patriarchs to appoint Greeks to the office of metropolitan. On the eve of Feognost’s death he sent his last letter to Tsargrad. In this letter he asked with insistence that Alexis succeed him. He explained that it would harm the Empire if another were chosen, and no matter whom they might send, the Grand Prince would not receive him.For his zeal Feognost, though a Greek, was beloved in Russia, since he understood the true interests of the country. When he came to Russia in that gloomy day of the Mongol domination, it depended greatly on him to keep the seat of his office in Moscow. Selected by Peter, his predecessor, he did not forget Peter’s blessing to the city, and he made it his residence.Tenibek and Chanibek, Uzbek’s successors at the Horde, were not tolerant like their father. They had a Mohammedan hatred of Christians, and wished to tax Christianity. The metropolitan stood firm against this, though threatened with torture, and he[342]succeeded in preserving ecclesiastical freedom. Among his many services one of the greatest was his choice of a successor, whose services to the Church of Russia at that time were beyond estimate.Simeon, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was succeeded by Ivan, his brother. Constantine of Suzdal, assisted by Novgorod, strove in vain to obtain the Grand Principality. Though Novgorod sent great gifts to the Horde, we may be sure that the Moscow gifts were not of less value. This Ivan, called the Mild, who, according to contemporary opinion, looked on the honor and glory of this world as nothing, and was considered notably good by his people, later historians speak of as being weak, though facts do not bear out this estimate. The difficulties of his time rose from circumstances, and not from Ivan’s lack of ability. In fact his patience was perhaps the best weapon that could have been used. The evils not being serious, dropped away of themselves, and Ivan left to his successor a principality strengthened by peace, and not weakened by struggles.The first trouble of his reign was an attack from Ryazan. Oleg, the new prince there, seized Lopasnya. A Moscow boyar, Ivan’s lieutenant, was imprisoned, and was freed only after a heavy ransom had been paid. Oleg, not hoping to keep the place without the Khan’s sanction, took means to obtain it.Five years later Mamat Hodja informed Ivan that he had been appointed by the Khan to establish an exact boundary between Ryazan and Moscow. The Moscow prince, knowing that this was a move directed against him, refused to let Mamat enter Moscow territory, and sent word to him that his boundaries were known to himself and undoubted. Mamat could accomplish nothing; so he started to return to the Horde. On the road he quarreled with one of the Khan’s favorites and killed him. He fled to the mouth of the Don, but quick pursuers overtook him, and he was slain at command of the Khan. Thus the places seized by Oleg were not yielded by Moscow.More serious than Oleg’s attempt to change the boundaries, which remained without result, were the efforts of the Suzdal prince, Constantine, who, assisted by Novgorod, strove to win the Grand Principality. Failing in this, he still did not make peace with Moscow, neither did Novgorod, which withheld Mongol tribute, and expelled Moscow lieutenants.[343]Not succeeding at the Horde, Constantine withdrew to Nizni-Novgorod, where he built a stone church to the Saviour, and strengthened the Kremlin. Boris, his son, he married to a daughter of Olgerd: he made friends with Lithuania; kept up with Novgorod relations hostile to Moscow, and bore himself haughtily at all times.Olgerd attacked now most actively. His plan was to master all Russia, as he had mastered Polotsk, Kief, and Vilna. While at war with Smolensk he captured the heir to that place and detained him. In regions touching Kaluga and Tula, such as Obolensk, Novasil, and Odoeff he seated his lieutenants as in Grodno or Vitebsk. In regions where his plans had been balked by Simeon of Moscow, he made himself master in Ivan’s time. In all places he injured the Moscow prince, set aside his authority, and extended his own power; in one place by dominion, in another by influence. In Tver, in Nizni-Novgorod, even in Ryazan, he had adherents. In Tsargrad itself he met no refusal. At his request, and through gifts, a second metropolitan, named Roman, was appointed for Russia.Olgerd considered as his own not only all parts of Western and Southern Russia, but also those regions which were under the Khan; caring little that the Mongol was its master. Nay, he used this fact as reason for extending dominion, since the shield of Lithuania promised freedom from the Mongol. Olgerd looked on the Tver principality as half conquered. In Tver at this time, the reduced princes, descendants of Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr, were on the verge of political extinction.Alexander, Michael’s second son, had become the eldest of the line, through the death of Michael’s brother Dmitri Terrible-Eyes, who died childless. The chief power of this prince and his brothers came from Olgerd, whose wife was Julianna, their sister, the mother of Yagello, It is clear that at this time Olgerd’s influence in Tver was very great. The descendants of Constantine and Vassili, who had become poor and were quarreling continually, sought the assistance of Moscow, while Olgerd’s brothers-in-law turned from Moscow and were growing hostile to Ivan.Tver began to recognize Roman, Olgerd’s metropolitan. Novgorod also, through enmity to Moscow, preferred Roman. Even[344]Boris, Olgerd’s new son-in-law, refused somewhat later in Nizni to communicate with Moscow in church matters, and turned to Lithuania. But if in places like those just mentioned, subject only to Olgerd’s remote influence, there was such opposition to the Moscow metropolitan of Kief and all Russia, in places half subject to Olgerd,—and there were many such,—if people wished to recognize him, the civil power stopped them when possible. In places where Olgerd had real power, Roman, the metropolitan whom he had created, was declared metropolitan of Kief and all Russia.Olgerd’s design was to unite Russia, both spiritually and temporally. To do this he must eliminate the metropolitan of Moscow, and bring all princes under his own dominion. At this time, too, the Horde sternly demanded fresh tribute. This was the situation which confronted Ivan the Mild. It was not created by him, and was not the result of his qualities. It may be that Olgerd’s daring was roused and strengthened by Ivan’s mildness, but in the end Lithuania gained nothing by it. The ill-will between Novgorod and Moscow ended easily. Novgorod continued its opposition for a year and a half, but no evil to Moscow resulted from it.After Prince Constantine had strengthened Nizni-Novgorod, and built a stone church there, no warriors came from Moscow to threaten him, but that was not through any weakness in Moscow. Ivan did not hide his displeasure at Novgorod for supporting Constantine at the Horde, and withholding the tribute. Novgorod complained against the Moscow metropolitan at Tsargrad, and had relations with Olgerd. Ivan was well aware of this. It was known that he was preparing to chastise Novgorod, and that many of the other princes were ready to march with him. Constantine, not daring to disobey an order from the Khan to make peace with the Grand Prince, sent envoys to Moscow. Those envoys were joined by others from Novgorod. Thus Ivan, without warring, won peace at last from all opponents, Novgorod paid the tribute, and received the tax officials who had been appointed by Moscow in Simeon’s time.In the popular mind there was later a wonderful tradition concerning the days of Ivan the Mild; that serious and even dreadful period when all feared destruction. There had been demands for fresh tribute, and there were ominous reports from the Horde,[345]when, as the tale runs, this message came to the Grand Prince: “Send thy chief priest (the metropolitan) to us quickly. We hear that God listens to his prayers always. Let him cure our Tsaritsa.” The metropolitan answered: “That is beyond my measure.” Encouraged, however, by the Grand Prince, and trusting in God, he went to the Horde and found that Taidula, the Khan’s wife, was blind, in addition to other ailings. He declared that he was not a physician of the body, but that whoso asks with faith him God will not despise, and he prayed over the sick woman. She was cured and there was great rejoicing at the Horde. Taidula made the metropolitan a present of much value, a ring with her seal on it. By putting this seal to papers, he could give them the power of the Khan’s patent. Such was the faith in Alexis. But he hurried from the Horde, for trouble came quickly. Taidula’s husband was no longer Khan, but her son Berdibek, who had seized the place of his father, Chanibek. Chanibek had been able to keep together for a short time the inheritance of Uzbek, his father, by killing his two brothers. He had ruled the Horde in the old way and extended his power from the Volga to the Aral, and beyond the river Terek to Persia. Terrible to his Mohammedan subjects, he was kind to Russian Christians. He reigned, however, only eighteen years.Not long before Chanibek’s death, there rose in the Horde a strong personage, Tavlug Bey, who disliked Chanibek and did not cease to whisper to Berdibek, the Khan’s son: “It is time for thee to sit on the throne. It is time for thy father to leave it.” Through various devices he was able to bring the Horde magnates to that way of thinking. When in 1358 his perfidious advice was accepted, Chanibek died by strangulation.Berdibek’s accession forced the princes to go to the Horde for fresh confirmation. On gaining power the new Khan killed all his brothers—there were twelve of them. There was now great trouble in Russia, a new demand was made for tribute. From Moscow came a request for Alexis the metropolitan to go to the Horde and soothe Berdibek’s anger. So he hastened back, and was there probably when Berdibek’s brothers were murdered. It is undoubted that the metropolitan was able to influence Berdibek, and save the Russian Church from taxation.Ivan the Mild died November, 1359, at the age of thirty-three,[346]after a reign of six years. Now too died Berdibek, who had ruled a little more than a year. Then evil gave birth to new evil, one conspiracy succeeded another, parricide was followed by fratricide; one Khan took the place of another on a blood-reeking throne, and over each one the chronicler utter these words: “He received the reward of his actions.”Berdibek was followed by Kulpa, who ruled six months and five days, then “the judgment of God did not suffer him longer.” He and his two sons were assassinated by Nurus, but not long could Nurus hold the throne, for Hidjrbek of the Blue Horde on the Yaik intrigued against him. He was given up to Hidjrbek, and he and his sons were murdered. Hidjrbek was murdered by his son, Timur Khoja, in 1361. One month and seven days later Timur Khoja was slain in a revolution effected unexpectedly by a new man, Mamai. This Mamai surpassed in a short time all others to such a degree that the bloody revolution made by him put an end to uprisings.Mamai’s adherents, who were in the Don region, separated from those of Sarai on the Volga, and rose against Timur Khoja. This parricide feared death in Sarai, and fled from the left to the right bank of the Volga, where he perished most wretchedly.Mamai placed now in his own Horde a new Khan, Abdul; but the Sarai men proclaimed Hidjrbek’s brother, Murad; thus the original Volga Horde became divided, and the seeds of destruction were sown. About that time Kildybek, who declared himself to be Chanibek’s son, and a grandson of Uzbek, began war as a third Khan, and killed many prisoners, after which he himself was killed. Khan Murad now made an effort to unite the two Hordes. He attacked Mamai, and slew many warriors, but did not succeed in his purpose. There were now two Khans, Abdul was made Khan by Mamai on the right bank of the Volga, and Murad was Khan on the east of that river, “and those two Khans were in enmity always.”The division of the Horde brought great unrest and disturbance in Russia, not because Prince Dmitri, the heir to the Grand Principality, was a boy, but because at the Horde there was no one in permanent possession. Though the Moscow boyars had sent an envoy, they did not decide that Dmitri should go to either rival. This delay gave the Suzdal princes some advantage. The[347]Moscow men, hearing of Hidjrbek’s accession, took their Dmitri, who was nine years of age, to the Horde at Sarai and presented him to the Khan. But their journey was not successful. Troubles increased at the Horde. There was no time for talking with Hidjrbek. The great point was to escape at the earliest moment.Taking advantage of the turmoil of Sarai, Dmitri, son of Constantine, the late Suzdal ruler and prince in Nizni-Novgorod, settled in Vladimir, and declared himself Grand Prince, trying thus to restore to Vladimir its old-time prestige and position as capital. This namesake of Dmitri of Moscow, and some years later his father-in-law, had been advised by Andrei, his elder brother, to avoid the Grand Principality. “The Khan wants gifts,” said Andrei. “Dmitri of Moscow is the natural heir, and will get his own a little later.” But Dmitri of Suzdal would not wait; he gave immense gifts to the Horde, and got the patent. By this time many of the Russian princes had become accustomed to the idea that the Grand Principality belonged to the Moscow princes. Novgorod men, however, were well satisfied with the son of Constantine, Moscow’s opponent, but no other people were pleased with him; even in Tver they preferred the Moscow prince, and no later than 1362 Dmitri of Moscow received the patent.The Horde was so divided, that no one knew whom to obey. In Sarai, east of the Volga, was Murad, and west, on the Don side, was Abdul. Moscow preferred Murad because he held Sarai, the old capital. But as this Khan gave no troops, the Suzdal prince would neither obey nor abandon Vladimir. The Moscow boyars then put Dmitri on horseback, and also his brother and cousin, both young boys, and set out with great forces to expel the son of Constantine, who fled from Vladimir to Suzdal. His brother, Andrei, now reproached him a second time: “Have I not told thee never to trust Mongols? Why not listen to me? Thou seest that it is easy to lose what is thine while striving to take what belongs to another.” And he advised friendship with Moscow, “that Christianity might not perish.” For in Moscow men began now to see the first hope of liberation from the Mongol. The two brothers divided their inheritance. Andrei took Nizni; to Dmitri fell Suzdal.Dmitri of Moscow entered Vladimir and took his seat on the throne there. That done, he returned to Moscow. So Kalitá’s[348]grandson made certain the purpose of his grandfather. He made that inheritance of his family secure, and began the great work, the real mission of Russia.It was given to the Russian people as a task from the first to stand unbroken between Europe and Asia, to stand apart and independent of both. From the time that the name Rus first appeared the country had its own individuality, and was self-determining. From of old two warring principles attacked her, one from the West, the other from the East. This gave the great problem to Russian history. Russia was to give way neither to Europe, nor Asia; she was to fathom and understand both of them, but be subject to neither. This, too, was the position of the whole Slav race, a position which tortured and tore it, till some parts were conquered and absorbed by strange nations, so that on the west they were turned into Germans, Magyars and Italians, while on the south they were turned into Mussulman.This old and difficult problem had to be met in all its weight and its terrible bitterness by the Moscow principality. To meet it, struggle with it, and solve it successfully required an enormous waste of force, a continuous and endless persistence. If Moscow had not grown sufficiently strong at the right time there would have been no Russia at present. For on the one side there would not have been strength enough to emerge from Mongol slavery, while on the other side, if there had not been the moral and physical power to face Western Europe, Russia would have been absorbed, would have taken another form, would have been an element in the strength of her enemy. On the east, Moscow was forced to defend herself, weapons in hand, or yield to the Mongol forever. She had either to rise up in desperate war, or be voiceless and obedient. On the west, a still more dangerous power was threatening, a power which might be permanent and inexorable.This was the position of the Moscow principality when Dmitri, grandson of Kalitá, began rule in Moscow. Though the struggle on the east and the west was contemporary, the great battle was first begun with the Mongol.Abdul, the Khan on the right bank of the Volga, became jealous upon learning that Dmitri had received his patent from Murad, and immediately sent a patent from himself with a gracious embassy, though no one had asked him to do so. The Moscow[349]boyars met these men courteously, and gave them good presents at parting. But when Murad of Sarai heard that a patent had gone from Abdul to Dmitri, he was greatly enraged against Moscow, and, to spite Abdul, he made Dmitri of Suzdal Grand Prince a second time.There was in Sarai at this juncture one of the reduced Bailozero princes; with this prince, and very likely other adherents of the Suzdal prince, a Mongol embassy numbering thirty persons arrived in Suzdal to declare the Khan’s will. They had no warriors with them, still Dmitri of Suzdal was delighted with the Khan’s favor, and again took his seat in Vladimir.Moscow could not forgive this. Dmitri of Moscow marched with a great force, and not only hunted Dmitri out of Vladimir and Suzdal with shame, but ravaged Suzdal. The Suzdal prince, thus humiliated, had recourse to Andrei, who was ruling quietly in Nizni, and had often warned his foolish brother against rivalry with Moscow. Owing to Andrei’s intercession, the Moscow prince left Dmitri in Suzdal, but reduced him to thorough subjection, and deprived some of his allies of dominion.In 1363, when Moscow took final possession of Bailozero and Galiten beyond the Volga, the Starodub prince lost his possessions; his province was added to Moscow. The Grand Prince then extended his rule over the entire Rostoff region; some of the princes were left, but left as assistants of Moscow. Dmitri of Suzdal became now a firm ally of the Grand Prince. Thus the very first year of Dmitri’s reign was successful. It was distinguished by the strengthening of his primacy, and by considerable accretions. The two succeeding years were made calamitous for Moscow and all Russia by a second appearance of the “black death.” A multitude of people died, and among them were many princes. In Novgorod died Prince Andrei, so friendly to Moscow, and his brother, Dmitri of Suzdal, became by inheritance prince in Nizni, but Olgerd’s son-in-law, Boris, the youngest son of Constantine, seized Nizni before Dmitri, and would not yield. Dmitri turned then to Moscow, and the Grand Prince assisted him. At this time the Suzdal prince showed obedience to Moscow willingly. His eldest son, Vassili, who afterward lost all his possessions, and is known in history as Kirdyapa, was at the Sarai Horde just then, and secured a patent for his father, but his father refused it, and[350]informed the Grand Prince that he preferred his friendship to the favor of the Mongols.At the Horde, meanwhile, Boris, the younger brother, obtained the Nizni patent. In view of this complication, an unusual decision was taken in Moscow. As on a time the metropolitan, Peter, had forbidden the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri to lead his warriors against Nizni, where the prince should be subordinate to Yuri of Moscow, so now, in the dispute about Nizni, the metropolitan was active a second time.As Nizni was merely an adjunct of Suzdal, Nizni and Gorodets were subjected to Alexis, the Suzdal bishop. The metropolitan separated the Novgorod district from the Suzdal diocese, and declared it as belonging to the metropolitan directly. But Boris communicated with Olgerd, his father-in-law, and, having well-wishers in Tver, showed resistance to the metropolitan, and would not yield Nizni to his elder brother. In view of this disobedience, the metropolitan summoned Sergius of Radonej, the abbot of the Troitsa monastery, and sent him to declare to Boris that he must go with Dmitri and his brother to have their dispute adjudged by the Grand Prince of Moscow.The mild Sergius, who obeyed the command sorrowfully, was forced to bear another burden also: in case Boris would not obey he was to close the Nizni churches. The mildness of Sergius, his continual avoidance of quarrels and disturbance, frequent in his day, was well known, and if he did not refuse these difficult tasks it was clear to all that the disobedience of Boris was beyond measure.Boris was unbending. He would not go to Moscow; he would not yield to his brother. So troops were moved from Moscow against him; and because he refused to obey the Church order the churches in Nizni were closed to all people. Dmitri, his brother, at the head of troops sent from Moscow and his own troops, approached Nizni in great force. But the affair did not come to blows. Boris came out to meet his brother, repented, and was forgiven. The Grand Prince did not take all from him; he left Gorodets, and took Nizni, joining it again to Suzdal. Soon after this the Nizni See was restored to the Suzdal bishop.Boris lived peacefully afterward, a faithful subordinate to his brother, and to Suzdal. The Nizni prince remained friendly to Dmitri of Moscow, who shortly after married Yevdokiya, daughter[351]of the Nizni prince. Through respect for his future father-in-law, Dmitri did not wish to invite the bride to Moscow for the wedding, and as Grand Prince of all Russia he did not care to visit Suzdal, hence the ceremony took place in Kolomna, with all the rich display of that time. The country rejoiced greatly at this marriage, which strengthened the union of Nizni and Suzdal with Moscow.But barely had Moscow won agreement with Suzdal and the principalities attached to it, when a long and stubborn struggle began with Tver, which at that time had come to an alliance with Olgerd.During Dmitri’s reign Moscow had no such inveterate foe as was Olgerd, except, perhaps, Mamai the Mongol. And Olgerd, in his struggle with Moscow, had a devoted assistant in Tver, where reigned Michael, brother of Julianna, whose son, Yagello, was Olgerd’s favorite offspring. After countless blood-spilling struggles with each other for possession of petty districts, during which two towns, Tver and Kashin, were subjected to ruin repeatedly, and after the plague, which brought death to many thousands of people, there remained two rivals for the headship of Tver. The first was the only surviving son of the martyr, Michael, Vassili, then an old man; the second was Michael, a grandson of the martyr, and son of the ill-fated Alexander. This Michael was born in Pskoff, as we remember, where the Bishop of Novgorod was his godfather; through his sister, Julianna, he was brother-in-law of Olgerd. At first the small town of Mikulin was Michael’s single possession, and for a long time he was called Mikulinski. But he had now become strong through places left to him by his brothers. He had also received by will from Simeon, his cousin, the town of Dórogobuj, with its dependencies. This he received to the detriment of Vassili, his uncle, and Yeremi, Simeon’s own brother. This cousin and uncle turned now to Moscow for redress, and Dórogobuj became the cause of great trouble.Kalitá and his successors had been more inclined to Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr. Both elder sons, the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri and Alexander, had been always incurably hostile to Moscow. Terrible-Eyes left no children, but the sons of Alexander had inherited the pride of their father, and his hatred of Moscow.[352]Michael, on becoming Prince of Tver, found no quarrels between the two principalities. Dórogobuj caused the first trouble. Vassili was prince in Kashin; he had been prince in Tver after the death of his elder brother, Constantine, but was forced to yield that place to Michael, his nephew. When he, with another nephew, Yeremi, turned to Moscow for justice against Michael, the question was left to Alexis the metropolitan, who deputed Vassili, the Tver bishop, to settle it. But Vassili’s decision brought hostility instead of peace. Resting on the fact that Michael had taken Dórogobuj not by force, but by the will of the late prince, the bishop recognized it as Michael’s lawful property, and decided against Yeremi and Vassili.The baffled heirs took advantage of Michael’s visit to Lithuania, and made a new complaint in Moscow. They demanded that the bishop be called to account for judging unjustly. The inheritance, they said, did not belong to Simeon in such fashion that he could dispose of it absolutely. Only a portion belonged to him, and that portion, besides, was connected with conditions. Simeon’s uncle and his brother, Yeremi, claimed their rights with insistence. The bishop was summoned to Moscow, where it was settled that his decision was irregular, and he was forced to pay damages to the princes. Troops were then given to instate Yeremi and Vassili in that part of the property adjudged to them. But instead of peacefully taking possession of this property, they moved against Tver and demanded a ransom. They got no ransom, and could not take Tver, hence they plundered the country about it unmercifully. Michael, the Tver prince, returned from Lithuania with assistance from Olgerd, and marched directly on Kashin, where he seized the wives of the two princes with their relatives and many boyars. Vassili and Yeremi begged for peace, which was granted, and all, including Michael, treated with Dmitri of Moscow concerning it. But a year later, 1367, Yeremi set aside his oath to Michael of Tver, and went to Moscow. The princes complained that Michael oppressed and deceived them. The introduction of a Lithuanian force, and the crushing of the Kashin prince, an adherent of Moscow, but most of all, perhaps, the active and unbending pride of Prince Michael, were displeasing to the Grand Prince of Moscow. Though the Tver prince had discussed peace in company with Yeremi and Vassili, he had attacked Kashin, and[353]thus belittled the allies of Moscow, forgetting that those allies had Moscow troops at their command.Moscow might have answered with war, but another course was thought better. It seemed well to connect with this settlement all the Tver princes, and in giving a part of the inheritance to Michael to let him have as much as Simeon had a right to bequeath, and give the remainder to Yeremi and Vassili, who had struggled so stubbornly for their rights. Moreover, by thus doing justice, Moscow would somewhat weaken the Tver prince, which was the real point of the question. The complainants being allies, or rather subordinates of Moscow, Michael of Tver did not oppose this division, and agreed to visit Moscow. The Grand Prince invited him, and the metropolitan declared that they awaited him in peace and good-will for a general discussion.Michael, then thirty years old, went to visit Dmitri, who was only eighteen, but he found in Moscow what he had not expected. Having brought his most notable boyars, he thought to see the principal Moscow boyars, and present his own in Dmitri’s capital. They received him, however, not as a relative, but with haughtiness. He had thought to astonish Moscow by readiness to yield a part of his own to the other two princes, but this was considered in Moscow as decided long before, and they let him feel that that was not the main question. They wanted him to show subjection to Moscow. Michael flushed up with rage, and did not hesitate to tell Dmitri before all his boyars that the rights of hospitality had been violated. After that was said, Moscow violated those rights in reality.The men who had gone to Moscow with Michael were taken from him, and treated as if in detention. Michael himself was lodged in a separate house, or palace, as if in imprisonment. Such a turn of affairs was almost more grievous for Dmitri than for Michael, and it grieved most of all the metropolitan, for the Tver prince put the blame of the act on him. That passionate prince was indignant at the metropolitan: “I believed his words, and came hither to Moscow,” said Michael; “now see what they have done to me.” Michael considered it all planned previously through policy and cunning. Both sides were equally vehement, each side declared itself right, and each felt offended. There seemed no way to reconcile them. To hasten Michael’s release[354]would be to declare that Dmitri had been the offender; his boyars would not agree to this; they had brought about the detention and they insisted that it should continue.Dmitri now asked the metropolitan’s aid with all seriousness. Unexpectedly, at this juncture, Mongol envoys came to deliver a reprimand to Dmitri. He had not paid the tribute and had not shown himself to his master.The Tver question must be settled immediately. Michael was freed with fair promptness, and if there was some delay, it was to avoid the appearance of over haste, and preserve proprieties. The land which Michael had offered, namely Gorodok, was accepted for Yeremi, and an oath paper was taken from Michael that he was satisfied, and had no claim against any one. This done, he departed. After that Dmitri gave troops to instate Yeremi in Gorodok.During this year, 1368, Prince Vassili died in Kashin, and Michael, by the death of his uncle, became Prince of Tver in the fullest sense possible. He was now the eldest of the house, and besides, the Tver people were satisfied with him. The angry enemy of Moscow was strengthened. The position was still more entangled by the fact that the heir of the late Prince Vassili, also Michael, now Prince of Kashin, and married to Vassilissa, a daughter of Simeon the Proud, hastened in his turn to Moscow with petitions. In Moscow, opposition from Michael was expected, and even an attack upon Moscow regions was looked for. But the storm struck unexpectedly from elsewhere.Late in the autumn of 1368, Olgerd suddenly, as was his wont in such cases, attacked Moscow regions without declaring hostilities. With him came Keistut, his brother, and Vitold, his nephew, the latter still young and “not famous,” as the chronicler tells us. They led in large forces. Moscow learned of this war only when the enemy was capturing towns on the border. Moscow allies were summoned quickly, but only inconsiderable regiments had time to muster. The invading force crushed all before it. Now there was reason to be thankful for the stone walls recently built in Moscow; Dmitri had all places cleared round the Kremlin, and every house burned which was near that firm stronghold.The Lithuanian army stood three days outside those new walls. Olgerd had not power to meet or crush them, but he did great[355]harm to Moscow in many parts. He burned nearly everything in the city and in the country round, and took a multitude of captives. Then, driving along every beast which he could find, he hastened homeward, for news had come to him that the Germans had attacked his lands. He could say, however, that he had satisfied the tearful prayers of the Tver prince, his brother-in-law, Michael. Surely Moscow would remember him, for he had done as much harm as possible, and Michael was avenged.Dmitri ceased to defend Yeremi, from whom Gorodok was now taken, and Yeremi went to Tver to seek favor from Michael. It seems that besides aid from Olgerd, the Tver prince had sought to gain strength from the Mongols by rich gifts to the Khan, and to others. At the Horde, anger was increasing against Dmitri. Mamai, now all-powerful, had eliminated every opponent, and had effected that for which he had been struggling, the reunion of the Horde. He had instated Mamant, a new Khan, and was now ready for action.A storm was rising against Moscow. Peace between Tver and Moscow was short-lived. In 1370 war broke out again. Michael, the new Prince of Kashin, turned to Dmitri a second time for protection. Dmitri informed Michael of Tver that he set aside his oath papers; and the Tver prince immediately sought aid of Olgerd. This war with Tver, or more correctly with Olgerd, lasted five years, counting intervals. If at times Olgerd sought peace, even permanent peace, no one had faith in him, suspecting it to be a plot to deceive Moscow. In view of this, only short truces were given, and with caution. Through Lithuanian activity at the Horde, and through presents to the Khan, the Mongols aided the Tver prince.The war ended only when Dmitri and all the princes who acknowledged him rose against Olgerd and the Mongols, and brought Tver to conditions. Early in September, 1370, Moscow troops, led by Dmitri, marched against Michael. They moved from Voloko-Lamsk directly on Zubtsoff, a city which with Rjeff, its neighbor, had passed more than once into Olgerd’s possession, thanks to Tver men. This time the Moscow troops did not treat it with tenderness; they stormed, sacked, and destroyed the place. Then, taking everyone captive, they marched to Mikulin, which stood on the road between Moscow and Novgorod. This was[356]Michael’s own personal inheritance, hence no mercy was shown it. The native nest of Alexander’s descendants was given to destruction. The troops took it by storm, and then razed it to the ground.After taking Mikulin, they made the whole region around it empty. They captured the people, and seized all their cattle. Cattle were the main wealth of Russia at that time, hence at the end of hostilities it was often stipulated in treaties that the cattle should be returned. The Grand Prince went back to Moscow with great herds, and filled his land with cattle. He had avenged Olgerd’s insult, and humiliated the Tver men most effectively.When Michael, who was in Lithuania, heard of the ruin of his birthplace, his sister assured him that Olgerd would send him aid when he returned from warring with the Germans. Michael at the same time was in active communication with the Horde. He had sent gifts of such value to the Mongols, and had won Mamai’s confidence so thoroughly, that in Moscow they soon received most astonishing news, though hardly anything could astonish in those days,—news which made Dmitri indignant.Mamai had placed Michael of Tver in Vladimir as Grand Prince. Sari Hodja had already invited the Tver prince to come to the Horde for the patent. Dmitri immediately placed guards on all roads, and sent mounted men everywhere to seize Michael should he go for the patent. But Michael, rejoicing at Olgerd’s return from warring successfully with the Germans, deferred the Horde visit. Olgerd promised to strike the Kremlin with his spear-points, and give a lesson to Dmitri. “The true warrior makes no delay,” remarked Olgerd; “his plan being made, he strikes quickly. Dmitri threatens to take Kief, Polotsk and Vitebsk from me; through fire and sword he wants to say, in Vilna, ‘Christ has arisen.’ He need not come so far. We will break the fast in Moscow. Dmitri will be at Easter mass in the Moscow cathedral; we will give a red egg to the prince on that morning.”The campaign of Tver and Lithuania against Moscow was decided. This time, too, Olgerd’s attack was distinguished for suddenness and fury. He had not such success as the first time, however. Starting with a strong army toward the end of November, he was at Moscow on December 6. He was aided by Michael of Tver, by his brother, and by the Smolensk prince, their ally. A number of thousands of peasants with axes cut a road through[357]dense forests, and laid logs in morasses. The troops marched without rest; they hardly halted day or night. When he reached Moscow, Olgerd again burned the city, which the people had barely had time to rebuild since his first blow. He did not attack the Kremlin, however, where Dmitri himself was commanding. The metropolitan was absent in Nizni, whither he had gone to baptize a newly born grandson of Olgerd, the son of Boris of Gorodets.Meanwhile Vladimir, the cousin of the Grand Prince of Moscow, was gathering his forces and marching on Olgerd. Even troops from Ryazan were hurrying forward with assistance to Moscow. Olgerd now proposed permanent peace and alliance. In proof of his sincerity he offered his daughter to Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir. The Grand Prince refused peace, but made a truce for six months.Thus ended Olgerd’s stay of eight days before the Kremlin. The haste, and the care with which he retreated, show that numerous forces were following. He had not found the Grand Prince unprepared, and had boasted vainly in Vilna, for he did not break fast in Moscow. His fear and his hurried retreat prove how little he trusted in truces or in treaties.[358]

CHAPTER XVDIVISION OF THE MONGOL HORDE

Lithuania increased after Gedimin’s death, and so did Moscow when Ivan Kalitá was succeeded by Simeon.After the death of Ivan, who died a few months before Uzbek, his sons Simeon, Ivan, and Andrei went to Sarai. Other princes went hither also, among them Constantine, son of Michael of Tver, and the Suzdal prince, Constantine, son of Vassili. Both the Tver prince and the Suzdal prince hoped to obtain the first place through seniority. Uzbek, now very old, received the three Moscow princes with kindness and sympathy. Through friendship for their father, he preferred them to others, and gave Simeon the patent immediately. He enjoined obedience to the Grand Khan, declared that he would listen to no calumnies against them, and dismissed the three brothers with affection and honor. Ivan’s heirs were all included in this grand patent. Uzbek engaged not to take from those heirs the inheritance of their ancestors, to give the principality to them, and not to others. After them it should go to their children. This distinction exalted the Moscow house above others immediately, and raised Simeon, the oldest man in it, supremely.Simeon, like his father, used the title Grand Prince of All Russia. This title, so great in its meaning and future importance, received strength from the Moscow throne, which had now become magnified. On returning from the Horde Simeon took his place in Moscow as Grand Prince. While at the Horde he had met many Russian princes; he met others in Vladimir, where, after he had received the metropolitan’s blessing, he was solemnly greeted by all men. Later, there was a general assembling of princes in Moscow, at Simeon’s invitation. “Esteemed and dear brethren,” said Simeon, addressing the princes, “if there be peace and agreement[337]among us, Russia will be free again, as she was in the days of the earlier princes.”According to Simeon, there was power enough to defend Russia, but there was lack of agreement. At that meeting he mentioned the offenses of Novgorod, complained of those unjust, wayward people, and said, “They make war and peace with whomever they please, consulting with no one. Novgorod regards not all Russia, and will not obey her Grand Prince.” It was resolved then to punish and subdue Great Novgorod. War had been declared by Ivan before his death, and Simeon had inherited this struggle.Meanwhile Novgorod had added a new offense. Its daring freebooters, who were real river and land pirates, had plundered Moscow possessions in the Ustyug and Bailozero regions. To such an insolent challenge, Simeon replied with moderation. He sent men to collect Torjok arrears of long established taxes, which, because of troubles in Vladimir, Novgorod had neglected. At times these taxes were paid, at times they were disputed. With the tax officials went now a small number of warriors. These men remained in Torjok, and sent collectors to all appointed places. At this the Novgorod boyars in Torjok sent to their city for aid. When the Novgorod party appeared, they imprisoned Simeon’s lieutenant and his officials. Torjok envoys arrived at this time in Moscow with haughty speeches.“How is this?” asked they of Simeon. “Thou art not confirmed yet in Novgorod, and hast not taken thy seat in the city; still thy boyars are acting among us.” They pointed out to Simeon that he wasgosudar(lord) in Moscow alone; that Novgorod chose its own princes and would not endure dictation. To sum up briefly, they multiplied those explanations because of which Kalitá had recently declared war against Novgorod.Simeon did not argue; he mustered his forces. There was an outbreak and riot in Torjok, where, as in Novgorod, common men took the part of the Grand Prince. They freed the Moscow officials, and then fell to plundering the rich men of Novgorod.Meanwhile Simeon was rapidly approaching with his army. He was met with gladness by the people of Torjok. With him came princes from Rostoff, Yaroslavl, and Suzdal. Novgorod men, as ever, used lofty phrases at first, but eschewed hopeless[338]warfare, and sent to ask peace of the Grand Prince. They paid all dues past and present; besides, it was settled that without the consent of the Grand Prince, the city would not war against any one, or make an alliance.In general it may be said that during Simeon’s reign and that of his immediate successors the affairs of Novgorod and Pskoff did not thrive very greatly. Meanwhile there was continual conflict along Baltic waters, east, north and south of Riga. Every place was in fear of being attacked on a sudden. Hostility from foreigners was the great, the chronic evil. In Moscow, peace reigned almost as completely as in Kalitá’s day. The same relations with the Horde that had been maintained during Uzbek’s reign were maintained during the rule of Chanibek, who became Khan in 1340. The first threats of danger came from the West, which was at this time an enemy far more dangerous to Moscow than were the Mongols.When Olgerd took Vilna in 1345, and declared himself lord of Lithuania, certain brothers of his sought an asylum in Moscow. Simeon had now to reckon on meeting Olgerd, whose attack on Majaisk was still fresh in his memory, as well as his raid on Novgorod, and his insolent deeds in Pskoff, which were followed by plundering Pskoff regions. Roused to action by Olgerd’s fleeing brothers, Simeon was ready for conflict. Olgerd, knowing this, planned to checkmate him. He sent a great embassy to Chanibek with rich presents. At the head of this embassy went his own brother, Koriat, accompanied by a number of princes. He asked for an alliance against their common enemies, chief of whom, as he stated, was the Grand Prince of Moscow.Simeon learned of this move, and sent envoys immediately to Chanibek. Among them were Russianized Mongol murzas, then serving the Moscow prince.By Lithuania they understood at the Horde, from Batu’s day, something quite different and independent of that Russia subjected by Mongols. In Gedimin’s time, Lithuania was not only independent, but dangerous, and dreaded by Uzbek. Hence the imploring and lowly attitude of Lithuania pleased the Khan greatly, and the embassy was received with distinction. But when Simeon’s envoys came, the position changed quickly. They explained through the Russianized murzas that Olgerd, by his attacks and[339]incursions, was devastating the Khan’s dominions, and leading out prisoners in multitudes. “If thou permit this,” said they, “Olgerd will take us all captive, and make thy dominions a desert.”Chanibek was “as angry as fire.” He seized the Lithuanians and sent them to Moscow. With them went, as special envoy, Tatuti, to deliver to the Grand Prince Koriat, Olgerd’s brother, and all who were with him. Olgerd grew mild now, the more so since he had suffered a crushing defeat from the Germans. Those iron-clad warriors had broken into Lithuania, taken Troki, and ravaged the country around it. Olgerd had such a battle with them as he had never known previously. Fourteen thousand Lithuanians fell. It was no time to quarrel with Moscow, hence he sent an embassy to Simeon with many gifts and a humble prayer for peace, the life of his brother, and the freedom of that brother’s attendants.Simeon, who had recourse to war only when war was unavoidable, received Olgerd’s envoys with favor, concluded peace with them, and freed Koriat with his embassy.Soon after this, Olgerd again became related to Simeon, whose first wife was a daughter of Gedimin. Simeon in 1347 married Maria, the daughter of Alexander, son of Michael, the Tver prince, who, with his father, was put to death by the Mongols. Olgerd asked now for the hand of Julianna, Maria’s sister. Simeon, being the guardian of his sister-in-law, was troubled about Olgerd’s Christianity. He had been baptized before taking Maria of Vitebsk, his first wife, and had declared at Pskoff that he was a Christian, but after Maria’s death he had persecuted Christians, in order to hold his heathen subjects more firmly, and three Orthodox Christians had been martyred in Vilna. But after consulting the metropolitan, Simeon gave Julianna in marriage to Olgerd.This marriage was memorable, for by this Julianna Olgerd had his son Yagello, the first of the Yagello dynasty, the man who gave Lithuania to Latinism and to Poland.The house of Gedimin strengthened its relations with the house of Rurik by another marriage, that of Lyubart, Olgerd’s brother. After the death of his first wife, the great-granddaughter of Daniel of Galitch, Lyubart asked in marriage Simeon’s niece, a daughter of Constantine, the Pskoff prince.[340]But Olgerd, though doubly a brother-in-law of the Moscow prince, became more intimate with his wife’s brothers, Michael and Vsevolod, sons of Alexander the martyr. Soon after this, Michael became the most prominent of all the Tver princes, and threatened Moscow, through Olgerd, with attacks, which Olgerd, in the guise of assistance to the Tver prince, never ceased to make while it was humanly possible to do so.While Michael’s sons were living, Constantine in Tver, and Vassili in Kashin, the Tver princes bore themselves peaceably. Their quarrels were moderated somewhat by Simeon, who gave his daughter in marriage to Michael, the son of Vassili. Simeon favored Vassili because of his seniority, though he loved Vsevolod, who was quarreling with Michael. But after Simeon’s death, the internal Tver quarrel broke out with violence.In Ryazan princely quarrels were endless, till Oleg rose there above other princes, and for a time was important.During his short reign Simeon warred only with those who attacked him, against whom he was forced to defend himself. The first of these was Olgerd, who, at the death of Simeon’s father, had attacked Mojaisk. In company with the Smolensk prince, Olgerd also attacked Novgorod savagely. But these wars were stopped before they became very serious.After Olgerd’s second marriage he did not desist from those seizures. When he had connected many towns of Smolensk with his rule, and annexed some of them, he strove to extend his dominion to places claimed both by Moscow and Tver, and also to places south of Smolensk and Kaluga.In 1351–1352 Simeon was forced to take arms because of this action. He declared war on Olgerd, and marched with strong forces against him. Olgerd preferred to negotiate. He sent envoys with gifts, and Simeon inclined to peace. Certain towns acknowledged by Olgerd as belonging to Moscow were claimed by Smolensk. Simeon then led forward his forces, and took possession of them. In this way the war ended favorably for Moscow, and was the last act of Simeon’s life. He died of the plague April 27, 1352. Forty days earlier, Feognost, the metropolitan of Russia, had died of old age. That same week Simeon lost two young sons, and almost at the same time Andrei, his brother. Of Kalitá’s sons there now remained only one, Ivan, the successor of Simeon.[341]Before touching on the reign of Ivan, it is well to give some account of the man who succeeded Feognost as metropolitan, namely, Alexis. In the time of Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, the boyar, Feodor Byakont, came to Moscow from Chernigoff, and was looked on with favor by Daniel. When Feodor’s first son was christened, Ivan, son of Daniel, then eight years of age, became his sponsor. The child was named Yelevtheri. He grew up, so to speak, in the palace, for he was a favorite in the family of Prince Daniel. They reared him carefully to serve the prince, but from childhood he was drawn in another direction. While still a youth he became a monk, and was distinguished among all monks in Moscow for love of letters, and zeal in everything with which he was entrusted.Feognost noted Yelevtheri, and tried him in various ways. The young monk learned Greek sufficiently well to gain familiarity with the ancient classics, and compare the Slav testament with the original. There remains to this day a copy of the Gospels, which is not only his translation, but is in his handwriting. When Yelevtheri, now called Alexis, reached the office of abbot, Feognost, who was absent frequently, made him assistant, and finally vicar. Later he was bishop in Vladimir, and there he was when Feognost passed away from his labors. Feognost had wished Alexis to be his successor if possible.It had been the fixed habit of the Patriarchs to appoint Greeks to the office of metropolitan. On the eve of Feognost’s death he sent his last letter to Tsargrad. In this letter he asked with insistence that Alexis succeed him. He explained that it would harm the Empire if another were chosen, and no matter whom they might send, the Grand Prince would not receive him.For his zeal Feognost, though a Greek, was beloved in Russia, since he understood the true interests of the country. When he came to Russia in that gloomy day of the Mongol domination, it depended greatly on him to keep the seat of his office in Moscow. Selected by Peter, his predecessor, he did not forget Peter’s blessing to the city, and he made it his residence.Tenibek and Chanibek, Uzbek’s successors at the Horde, were not tolerant like their father. They had a Mohammedan hatred of Christians, and wished to tax Christianity. The metropolitan stood firm against this, though threatened with torture, and he[342]succeeded in preserving ecclesiastical freedom. Among his many services one of the greatest was his choice of a successor, whose services to the Church of Russia at that time were beyond estimate.Simeon, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was succeeded by Ivan, his brother. Constantine of Suzdal, assisted by Novgorod, strove in vain to obtain the Grand Principality. Though Novgorod sent great gifts to the Horde, we may be sure that the Moscow gifts were not of less value. This Ivan, called the Mild, who, according to contemporary opinion, looked on the honor and glory of this world as nothing, and was considered notably good by his people, later historians speak of as being weak, though facts do not bear out this estimate. The difficulties of his time rose from circumstances, and not from Ivan’s lack of ability. In fact his patience was perhaps the best weapon that could have been used. The evils not being serious, dropped away of themselves, and Ivan left to his successor a principality strengthened by peace, and not weakened by struggles.The first trouble of his reign was an attack from Ryazan. Oleg, the new prince there, seized Lopasnya. A Moscow boyar, Ivan’s lieutenant, was imprisoned, and was freed only after a heavy ransom had been paid. Oleg, not hoping to keep the place without the Khan’s sanction, took means to obtain it.Five years later Mamat Hodja informed Ivan that he had been appointed by the Khan to establish an exact boundary between Ryazan and Moscow. The Moscow prince, knowing that this was a move directed against him, refused to let Mamat enter Moscow territory, and sent word to him that his boundaries were known to himself and undoubted. Mamat could accomplish nothing; so he started to return to the Horde. On the road he quarreled with one of the Khan’s favorites and killed him. He fled to the mouth of the Don, but quick pursuers overtook him, and he was slain at command of the Khan. Thus the places seized by Oleg were not yielded by Moscow.More serious than Oleg’s attempt to change the boundaries, which remained without result, were the efforts of the Suzdal prince, Constantine, who, assisted by Novgorod, strove to win the Grand Principality. Failing in this, he still did not make peace with Moscow, neither did Novgorod, which withheld Mongol tribute, and expelled Moscow lieutenants.[343]Not succeeding at the Horde, Constantine withdrew to Nizni-Novgorod, where he built a stone church to the Saviour, and strengthened the Kremlin. Boris, his son, he married to a daughter of Olgerd: he made friends with Lithuania; kept up with Novgorod relations hostile to Moscow, and bore himself haughtily at all times.Olgerd attacked now most actively. His plan was to master all Russia, as he had mastered Polotsk, Kief, and Vilna. While at war with Smolensk he captured the heir to that place and detained him. In regions touching Kaluga and Tula, such as Obolensk, Novasil, and Odoeff he seated his lieutenants as in Grodno or Vitebsk. In regions where his plans had been balked by Simeon of Moscow, he made himself master in Ivan’s time. In all places he injured the Moscow prince, set aside his authority, and extended his own power; in one place by dominion, in another by influence. In Tver, in Nizni-Novgorod, even in Ryazan, he had adherents. In Tsargrad itself he met no refusal. At his request, and through gifts, a second metropolitan, named Roman, was appointed for Russia.Olgerd considered as his own not only all parts of Western and Southern Russia, but also those regions which were under the Khan; caring little that the Mongol was its master. Nay, he used this fact as reason for extending dominion, since the shield of Lithuania promised freedom from the Mongol. Olgerd looked on the Tver principality as half conquered. In Tver at this time, the reduced princes, descendants of Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr, were on the verge of political extinction.Alexander, Michael’s second son, had become the eldest of the line, through the death of Michael’s brother Dmitri Terrible-Eyes, who died childless. The chief power of this prince and his brothers came from Olgerd, whose wife was Julianna, their sister, the mother of Yagello, It is clear that at this time Olgerd’s influence in Tver was very great. The descendants of Constantine and Vassili, who had become poor and were quarreling continually, sought the assistance of Moscow, while Olgerd’s brothers-in-law turned from Moscow and were growing hostile to Ivan.Tver began to recognize Roman, Olgerd’s metropolitan. Novgorod also, through enmity to Moscow, preferred Roman. Even[344]Boris, Olgerd’s new son-in-law, refused somewhat later in Nizni to communicate with Moscow in church matters, and turned to Lithuania. But if in places like those just mentioned, subject only to Olgerd’s remote influence, there was such opposition to the Moscow metropolitan of Kief and all Russia, in places half subject to Olgerd,—and there were many such,—if people wished to recognize him, the civil power stopped them when possible. In places where Olgerd had real power, Roman, the metropolitan whom he had created, was declared metropolitan of Kief and all Russia.Olgerd’s design was to unite Russia, both spiritually and temporally. To do this he must eliminate the metropolitan of Moscow, and bring all princes under his own dominion. At this time, too, the Horde sternly demanded fresh tribute. This was the situation which confronted Ivan the Mild. It was not created by him, and was not the result of his qualities. It may be that Olgerd’s daring was roused and strengthened by Ivan’s mildness, but in the end Lithuania gained nothing by it. The ill-will between Novgorod and Moscow ended easily. Novgorod continued its opposition for a year and a half, but no evil to Moscow resulted from it.After Prince Constantine had strengthened Nizni-Novgorod, and built a stone church there, no warriors came from Moscow to threaten him, but that was not through any weakness in Moscow. Ivan did not hide his displeasure at Novgorod for supporting Constantine at the Horde, and withholding the tribute. Novgorod complained against the Moscow metropolitan at Tsargrad, and had relations with Olgerd. Ivan was well aware of this. It was known that he was preparing to chastise Novgorod, and that many of the other princes were ready to march with him. Constantine, not daring to disobey an order from the Khan to make peace with the Grand Prince, sent envoys to Moscow. Those envoys were joined by others from Novgorod. Thus Ivan, without warring, won peace at last from all opponents, Novgorod paid the tribute, and received the tax officials who had been appointed by Moscow in Simeon’s time.In the popular mind there was later a wonderful tradition concerning the days of Ivan the Mild; that serious and even dreadful period when all feared destruction. There had been demands for fresh tribute, and there were ominous reports from the Horde,[345]when, as the tale runs, this message came to the Grand Prince: “Send thy chief priest (the metropolitan) to us quickly. We hear that God listens to his prayers always. Let him cure our Tsaritsa.” The metropolitan answered: “That is beyond my measure.” Encouraged, however, by the Grand Prince, and trusting in God, he went to the Horde and found that Taidula, the Khan’s wife, was blind, in addition to other ailings. He declared that he was not a physician of the body, but that whoso asks with faith him God will not despise, and he prayed over the sick woman. She was cured and there was great rejoicing at the Horde. Taidula made the metropolitan a present of much value, a ring with her seal on it. By putting this seal to papers, he could give them the power of the Khan’s patent. Such was the faith in Alexis. But he hurried from the Horde, for trouble came quickly. Taidula’s husband was no longer Khan, but her son Berdibek, who had seized the place of his father, Chanibek. Chanibek had been able to keep together for a short time the inheritance of Uzbek, his father, by killing his two brothers. He had ruled the Horde in the old way and extended his power from the Volga to the Aral, and beyond the river Terek to Persia. Terrible to his Mohammedan subjects, he was kind to Russian Christians. He reigned, however, only eighteen years.Not long before Chanibek’s death, there rose in the Horde a strong personage, Tavlug Bey, who disliked Chanibek and did not cease to whisper to Berdibek, the Khan’s son: “It is time for thee to sit on the throne. It is time for thy father to leave it.” Through various devices he was able to bring the Horde magnates to that way of thinking. When in 1358 his perfidious advice was accepted, Chanibek died by strangulation.Berdibek’s accession forced the princes to go to the Horde for fresh confirmation. On gaining power the new Khan killed all his brothers—there were twelve of them. There was now great trouble in Russia, a new demand was made for tribute. From Moscow came a request for Alexis the metropolitan to go to the Horde and soothe Berdibek’s anger. So he hastened back, and was there probably when Berdibek’s brothers were murdered. It is undoubted that the metropolitan was able to influence Berdibek, and save the Russian Church from taxation.Ivan the Mild died November, 1359, at the age of thirty-three,[346]after a reign of six years. Now too died Berdibek, who had ruled a little more than a year. Then evil gave birth to new evil, one conspiracy succeeded another, parricide was followed by fratricide; one Khan took the place of another on a blood-reeking throne, and over each one the chronicler utter these words: “He received the reward of his actions.”Berdibek was followed by Kulpa, who ruled six months and five days, then “the judgment of God did not suffer him longer.” He and his two sons were assassinated by Nurus, but not long could Nurus hold the throne, for Hidjrbek of the Blue Horde on the Yaik intrigued against him. He was given up to Hidjrbek, and he and his sons were murdered. Hidjrbek was murdered by his son, Timur Khoja, in 1361. One month and seven days later Timur Khoja was slain in a revolution effected unexpectedly by a new man, Mamai. This Mamai surpassed in a short time all others to such a degree that the bloody revolution made by him put an end to uprisings.Mamai’s adherents, who were in the Don region, separated from those of Sarai on the Volga, and rose against Timur Khoja. This parricide feared death in Sarai, and fled from the left to the right bank of the Volga, where he perished most wretchedly.Mamai placed now in his own Horde a new Khan, Abdul; but the Sarai men proclaimed Hidjrbek’s brother, Murad; thus the original Volga Horde became divided, and the seeds of destruction were sown. About that time Kildybek, who declared himself to be Chanibek’s son, and a grandson of Uzbek, began war as a third Khan, and killed many prisoners, after which he himself was killed. Khan Murad now made an effort to unite the two Hordes. He attacked Mamai, and slew many warriors, but did not succeed in his purpose. There were now two Khans, Abdul was made Khan by Mamai on the right bank of the Volga, and Murad was Khan on the east of that river, “and those two Khans were in enmity always.”The division of the Horde brought great unrest and disturbance in Russia, not because Prince Dmitri, the heir to the Grand Principality, was a boy, but because at the Horde there was no one in permanent possession. Though the Moscow boyars had sent an envoy, they did not decide that Dmitri should go to either rival. This delay gave the Suzdal princes some advantage. The[347]Moscow men, hearing of Hidjrbek’s accession, took their Dmitri, who was nine years of age, to the Horde at Sarai and presented him to the Khan. But their journey was not successful. Troubles increased at the Horde. There was no time for talking with Hidjrbek. The great point was to escape at the earliest moment.Taking advantage of the turmoil of Sarai, Dmitri, son of Constantine, the late Suzdal ruler and prince in Nizni-Novgorod, settled in Vladimir, and declared himself Grand Prince, trying thus to restore to Vladimir its old-time prestige and position as capital. This namesake of Dmitri of Moscow, and some years later his father-in-law, had been advised by Andrei, his elder brother, to avoid the Grand Principality. “The Khan wants gifts,” said Andrei. “Dmitri of Moscow is the natural heir, and will get his own a little later.” But Dmitri of Suzdal would not wait; he gave immense gifts to the Horde, and got the patent. By this time many of the Russian princes had become accustomed to the idea that the Grand Principality belonged to the Moscow princes. Novgorod men, however, were well satisfied with the son of Constantine, Moscow’s opponent, but no other people were pleased with him; even in Tver they preferred the Moscow prince, and no later than 1362 Dmitri of Moscow received the patent.The Horde was so divided, that no one knew whom to obey. In Sarai, east of the Volga, was Murad, and west, on the Don side, was Abdul. Moscow preferred Murad because he held Sarai, the old capital. But as this Khan gave no troops, the Suzdal prince would neither obey nor abandon Vladimir. The Moscow boyars then put Dmitri on horseback, and also his brother and cousin, both young boys, and set out with great forces to expel the son of Constantine, who fled from Vladimir to Suzdal. His brother, Andrei, now reproached him a second time: “Have I not told thee never to trust Mongols? Why not listen to me? Thou seest that it is easy to lose what is thine while striving to take what belongs to another.” And he advised friendship with Moscow, “that Christianity might not perish.” For in Moscow men began now to see the first hope of liberation from the Mongol. The two brothers divided their inheritance. Andrei took Nizni; to Dmitri fell Suzdal.Dmitri of Moscow entered Vladimir and took his seat on the throne there. That done, he returned to Moscow. So Kalitá’s[348]grandson made certain the purpose of his grandfather. He made that inheritance of his family secure, and began the great work, the real mission of Russia.It was given to the Russian people as a task from the first to stand unbroken between Europe and Asia, to stand apart and independent of both. From the time that the name Rus first appeared the country had its own individuality, and was self-determining. From of old two warring principles attacked her, one from the West, the other from the East. This gave the great problem to Russian history. Russia was to give way neither to Europe, nor Asia; she was to fathom and understand both of them, but be subject to neither. This, too, was the position of the whole Slav race, a position which tortured and tore it, till some parts were conquered and absorbed by strange nations, so that on the west they were turned into Germans, Magyars and Italians, while on the south they were turned into Mussulman.This old and difficult problem had to be met in all its weight and its terrible bitterness by the Moscow principality. To meet it, struggle with it, and solve it successfully required an enormous waste of force, a continuous and endless persistence. If Moscow had not grown sufficiently strong at the right time there would have been no Russia at present. For on the one side there would not have been strength enough to emerge from Mongol slavery, while on the other side, if there had not been the moral and physical power to face Western Europe, Russia would have been absorbed, would have taken another form, would have been an element in the strength of her enemy. On the east, Moscow was forced to defend herself, weapons in hand, or yield to the Mongol forever. She had either to rise up in desperate war, or be voiceless and obedient. On the west, a still more dangerous power was threatening, a power which might be permanent and inexorable.This was the position of the Moscow principality when Dmitri, grandson of Kalitá, began rule in Moscow. Though the struggle on the east and the west was contemporary, the great battle was first begun with the Mongol.Abdul, the Khan on the right bank of the Volga, became jealous upon learning that Dmitri had received his patent from Murad, and immediately sent a patent from himself with a gracious embassy, though no one had asked him to do so. The Moscow[349]boyars met these men courteously, and gave them good presents at parting. But when Murad of Sarai heard that a patent had gone from Abdul to Dmitri, he was greatly enraged against Moscow, and, to spite Abdul, he made Dmitri of Suzdal Grand Prince a second time.There was in Sarai at this juncture one of the reduced Bailozero princes; with this prince, and very likely other adherents of the Suzdal prince, a Mongol embassy numbering thirty persons arrived in Suzdal to declare the Khan’s will. They had no warriors with them, still Dmitri of Suzdal was delighted with the Khan’s favor, and again took his seat in Vladimir.Moscow could not forgive this. Dmitri of Moscow marched with a great force, and not only hunted Dmitri out of Vladimir and Suzdal with shame, but ravaged Suzdal. The Suzdal prince, thus humiliated, had recourse to Andrei, who was ruling quietly in Nizni, and had often warned his foolish brother against rivalry with Moscow. Owing to Andrei’s intercession, the Moscow prince left Dmitri in Suzdal, but reduced him to thorough subjection, and deprived some of his allies of dominion.In 1363, when Moscow took final possession of Bailozero and Galiten beyond the Volga, the Starodub prince lost his possessions; his province was added to Moscow. The Grand Prince then extended his rule over the entire Rostoff region; some of the princes were left, but left as assistants of Moscow. Dmitri of Suzdal became now a firm ally of the Grand Prince. Thus the very first year of Dmitri’s reign was successful. It was distinguished by the strengthening of his primacy, and by considerable accretions. The two succeeding years were made calamitous for Moscow and all Russia by a second appearance of the “black death.” A multitude of people died, and among them were many princes. In Novgorod died Prince Andrei, so friendly to Moscow, and his brother, Dmitri of Suzdal, became by inheritance prince in Nizni, but Olgerd’s son-in-law, Boris, the youngest son of Constantine, seized Nizni before Dmitri, and would not yield. Dmitri turned then to Moscow, and the Grand Prince assisted him. At this time the Suzdal prince showed obedience to Moscow willingly. His eldest son, Vassili, who afterward lost all his possessions, and is known in history as Kirdyapa, was at the Sarai Horde just then, and secured a patent for his father, but his father refused it, and[350]informed the Grand Prince that he preferred his friendship to the favor of the Mongols.At the Horde, meanwhile, Boris, the younger brother, obtained the Nizni patent. In view of this complication, an unusual decision was taken in Moscow. As on a time the metropolitan, Peter, had forbidden the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri to lead his warriors against Nizni, where the prince should be subordinate to Yuri of Moscow, so now, in the dispute about Nizni, the metropolitan was active a second time.As Nizni was merely an adjunct of Suzdal, Nizni and Gorodets were subjected to Alexis, the Suzdal bishop. The metropolitan separated the Novgorod district from the Suzdal diocese, and declared it as belonging to the metropolitan directly. But Boris communicated with Olgerd, his father-in-law, and, having well-wishers in Tver, showed resistance to the metropolitan, and would not yield Nizni to his elder brother. In view of this disobedience, the metropolitan summoned Sergius of Radonej, the abbot of the Troitsa monastery, and sent him to declare to Boris that he must go with Dmitri and his brother to have their dispute adjudged by the Grand Prince of Moscow.The mild Sergius, who obeyed the command sorrowfully, was forced to bear another burden also: in case Boris would not obey he was to close the Nizni churches. The mildness of Sergius, his continual avoidance of quarrels and disturbance, frequent in his day, was well known, and if he did not refuse these difficult tasks it was clear to all that the disobedience of Boris was beyond measure.Boris was unbending. He would not go to Moscow; he would not yield to his brother. So troops were moved from Moscow against him; and because he refused to obey the Church order the churches in Nizni were closed to all people. Dmitri, his brother, at the head of troops sent from Moscow and his own troops, approached Nizni in great force. But the affair did not come to blows. Boris came out to meet his brother, repented, and was forgiven. The Grand Prince did not take all from him; he left Gorodets, and took Nizni, joining it again to Suzdal. Soon after this the Nizni See was restored to the Suzdal bishop.Boris lived peacefully afterward, a faithful subordinate to his brother, and to Suzdal. The Nizni prince remained friendly to Dmitri of Moscow, who shortly after married Yevdokiya, daughter[351]of the Nizni prince. Through respect for his future father-in-law, Dmitri did not wish to invite the bride to Moscow for the wedding, and as Grand Prince of all Russia he did not care to visit Suzdal, hence the ceremony took place in Kolomna, with all the rich display of that time. The country rejoiced greatly at this marriage, which strengthened the union of Nizni and Suzdal with Moscow.But barely had Moscow won agreement with Suzdal and the principalities attached to it, when a long and stubborn struggle began with Tver, which at that time had come to an alliance with Olgerd.During Dmitri’s reign Moscow had no such inveterate foe as was Olgerd, except, perhaps, Mamai the Mongol. And Olgerd, in his struggle with Moscow, had a devoted assistant in Tver, where reigned Michael, brother of Julianna, whose son, Yagello, was Olgerd’s favorite offspring. After countless blood-spilling struggles with each other for possession of petty districts, during which two towns, Tver and Kashin, were subjected to ruin repeatedly, and after the plague, which brought death to many thousands of people, there remained two rivals for the headship of Tver. The first was the only surviving son of the martyr, Michael, Vassili, then an old man; the second was Michael, a grandson of the martyr, and son of the ill-fated Alexander. This Michael was born in Pskoff, as we remember, where the Bishop of Novgorod was his godfather; through his sister, Julianna, he was brother-in-law of Olgerd. At first the small town of Mikulin was Michael’s single possession, and for a long time he was called Mikulinski. But he had now become strong through places left to him by his brothers. He had also received by will from Simeon, his cousin, the town of Dórogobuj, with its dependencies. This he received to the detriment of Vassili, his uncle, and Yeremi, Simeon’s own brother. This cousin and uncle turned now to Moscow for redress, and Dórogobuj became the cause of great trouble.Kalitá and his successors had been more inclined to Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr. Both elder sons, the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri and Alexander, had been always incurably hostile to Moscow. Terrible-Eyes left no children, but the sons of Alexander had inherited the pride of their father, and his hatred of Moscow.[352]Michael, on becoming Prince of Tver, found no quarrels between the two principalities. Dórogobuj caused the first trouble. Vassili was prince in Kashin; he had been prince in Tver after the death of his elder brother, Constantine, but was forced to yield that place to Michael, his nephew. When he, with another nephew, Yeremi, turned to Moscow for justice against Michael, the question was left to Alexis the metropolitan, who deputed Vassili, the Tver bishop, to settle it. But Vassili’s decision brought hostility instead of peace. Resting on the fact that Michael had taken Dórogobuj not by force, but by the will of the late prince, the bishop recognized it as Michael’s lawful property, and decided against Yeremi and Vassili.The baffled heirs took advantage of Michael’s visit to Lithuania, and made a new complaint in Moscow. They demanded that the bishop be called to account for judging unjustly. The inheritance, they said, did not belong to Simeon in such fashion that he could dispose of it absolutely. Only a portion belonged to him, and that portion, besides, was connected with conditions. Simeon’s uncle and his brother, Yeremi, claimed their rights with insistence. The bishop was summoned to Moscow, where it was settled that his decision was irregular, and he was forced to pay damages to the princes. Troops were then given to instate Yeremi and Vassili in that part of the property adjudged to them. But instead of peacefully taking possession of this property, they moved against Tver and demanded a ransom. They got no ransom, and could not take Tver, hence they plundered the country about it unmercifully. Michael, the Tver prince, returned from Lithuania with assistance from Olgerd, and marched directly on Kashin, where he seized the wives of the two princes with their relatives and many boyars. Vassili and Yeremi begged for peace, which was granted, and all, including Michael, treated with Dmitri of Moscow concerning it. But a year later, 1367, Yeremi set aside his oath to Michael of Tver, and went to Moscow. The princes complained that Michael oppressed and deceived them. The introduction of a Lithuanian force, and the crushing of the Kashin prince, an adherent of Moscow, but most of all, perhaps, the active and unbending pride of Prince Michael, were displeasing to the Grand Prince of Moscow. Though the Tver prince had discussed peace in company with Yeremi and Vassili, he had attacked Kashin, and[353]thus belittled the allies of Moscow, forgetting that those allies had Moscow troops at their command.Moscow might have answered with war, but another course was thought better. It seemed well to connect with this settlement all the Tver princes, and in giving a part of the inheritance to Michael to let him have as much as Simeon had a right to bequeath, and give the remainder to Yeremi and Vassili, who had struggled so stubbornly for their rights. Moreover, by thus doing justice, Moscow would somewhat weaken the Tver prince, which was the real point of the question. The complainants being allies, or rather subordinates of Moscow, Michael of Tver did not oppose this division, and agreed to visit Moscow. The Grand Prince invited him, and the metropolitan declared that they awaited him in peace and good-will for a general discussion.Michael, then thirty years old, went to visit Dmitri, who was only eighteen, but he found in Moscow what he had not expected. Having brought his most notable boyars, he thought to see the principal Moscow boyars, and present his own in Dmitri’s capital. They received him, however, not as a relative, but with haughtiness. He had thought to astonish Moscow by readiness to yield a part of his own to the other two princes, but this was considered in Moscow as decided long before, and they let him feel that that was not the main question. They wanted him to show subjection to Moscow. Michael flushed up with rage, and did not hesitate to tell Dmitri before all his boyars that the rights of hospitality had been violated. After that was said, Moscow violated those rights in reality.The men who had gone to Moscow with Michael were taken from him, and treated as if in detention. Michael himself was lodged in a separate house, or palace, as if in imprisonment. Such a turn of affairs was almost more grievous for Dmitri than for Michael, and it grieved most of all the metropolitan, for the Tver prince put the blame of the act on him. That passionate prince was indignant at the metropolitan: “I believed his words, and came hither to Moscow,” said Michael; “now see what they have done to me.” Michael considered it all planned previously through policy and cunning. Both sides were equally vehement, each side declared itself right, and each felt offended. There seemed no way to reconcile them. To hasten Michael’s release[354]would be to declare that Dmitri had been the offender; his boyars would not agree to this; they had brought about the detention and they insisted that it should continue.Dmitri now asked the metropolitan’s aid with all seriousness. Unexpectedly, at this juncture, Mongol envoys came to deliver a reprimand to Dmitri. He had not paid the tribute and had not shown himself to his master.The Tver question must be settled immediately. Michael was freed with fair promptness, and if there was some delay, it was to avoid the appearance of over haste, and preserve proprieties. The land which Michael had offered, namely Gorodok, was accepted for Yeremi, and an oath paper was taken from Michael that he was satisfied, and had no claim against any one. This done, he departed. After that Dmitri gave troops to instate Yeremi in Gorodok.During this year, 1368, Prince Vassili died in Kashin, and Michael, by the death of his uncle, became Prince of Tver in the fullest sense possible. He was now the eldest of the house, and besides, the Tver people were satisfied with him. The angry enemy of Moscow was strengthened. The position was still more entangled by the fact that the heir of the late Prince Vassili, also Michael, now Prince of Kashin, and married to Vassilissa, a daughter of Simeon the Proud, hastened in his turn to Moscow with petitions. In Moscow, opposition from Michael was expected, and even an attack upon Moscow regions was looked for. But the storm struck unexpectedly from elsewhere.Late in the autumn of 1368, Olgerd suddenly, as was his wont in such cases, attacked Moscow regions without declaring hostilities. With him came Keistut, his brother, and Vitold, his nephew, the latter still young and “not famous,” as the chronicler tells us. They led in large forces. Moscow learned of this war only when the enemy was capturing towns on the border. Moscow allies were summoned quickly, but only inconsiderable regiments had time to muster. The invading force crushed all before it. Now there was reason to be thankful for the stone walls recently built in Moscow; Dmitri had all places cleared round the Kremlin, and every house burned which was near that firm stronghold.The Lithuanian army stood three days outside those new walls. Olgerd had not power to meet or crush them, but he did great[355]harm to Moscow in many parts. He burned nearly everything in the city and in the country round, and took a multitude of captives. Then, driving along every beast which he could find, he hastened homeward, for news had come to him that the Germans had attacked his lands. He could say, however, that he had satisfied the tearful prayers of the Tver prince, his brother-in-law, Michael. Surely Moscow would remember him, for he had done as much harm as possible, and Michael was avenged.Dmitri ceased to defend Yeremi, from whom Gorodok was now taken, and Yeremi went to Tver to seek favor from Michael. It seems that besides aid from Olgerd, the Tver prince had sought to gain strength from the Mongols by rich gifts to the Khan, and to others. At the Horde, anger was increasing against Dmitri. Mamai, now all-powerful, had eliminated every opponent, and had effected that for which he had been struggling, the reunion of the Horde. He had instated Mamant, a new Khan, and was now ready for action.A storm was rising against Moscow. Peace between Tver and Moscow was short-lived. In 1370 war broke out again. Michael, the new Prince of Kashin, turned to Dmitri a second time for protection. Dmitri informed Michael of Tver that he set aside his oath papers; and the Tver prince immediately sought aid of Olgerd. This war with Tver, or more correctly with Olgerd, lasted five years, counting intervals. If at times Olgerd sought peace, even permanent peace, no one had faith in him, suspecting it to be a plot to deceive Moscow. In view of this, only short truces were given, and with caution. Through Lithuanian activity at the Horde, and through presents to the Khan, the Mongols aided the Tver prince.The war ended only when Dmitri and all the princes who acknowledged him rose against Olgerd and the Mongols, and brought Tver to conditions. Early in September, 1370, Moscow troops, led by Dmitri, marched against Michael. They moved from Voloko-Lamsk directly on Zubtsoff, a city which with Rjeff, its neighbor, had passed more than once into Olgerd’s possession, thanks to Tver men. This time the Moscow troops did not treat it with tenderness; they stormed, sacked, and destroyed the place. Then, taking everyone captive, they marched to Mikulin, which stood on the road between Moscow and Novgorod. This was[356]Michael’s own personal inheritance, hence no mercy was shown it. The native nest of Alexander’s descendants was given to destruction. The troops took it by storm, and then razed it to the ground.After taking Mikulin, they made the whole region around it empty. They captured the people, and seized all their cattle. Cattle were the main wealth of Russia at that time, hence at the end of hostilities it was often stipulated in treaties that the cattle should be returned. The Grand Prince went back to Moscow with great herds, and filled his land with cattle. He had avenged Olgerd’s insult, and humiliated the Tver men most effectively.When Michael, who was in Lithuania, heard of the ruin of his birthplace, his sister assured him that Olgerd would send him aid when he returned from warring with the Germans. Michael at the same time was in active communication with the Horde. He had sent gifts of such value to the Mongols, and had won Mamai’s confidence so thoroughly, that in Moscow they soon received most astonishing news, though hardly anything could astonish in those days,—news which made Dmitri indignant.Mamai had placed Michael of Tver in Vladimir as Grand Prince. Sari Hodja had already invited the Tver prince to come to the Horde for the patent. Dmitri immediately placed guards on all roads, and sent mounted men everywhere to seize Michael should he go for the patent. But Michael, rejoicing at Olgerd’s return from warring successfully with the Germans, deferred the Horde visit. Olgerd promised to strike the Kremlin with his spear-points, and give a lesson to Dmitri. “The true warrior makes no delay,” remarked Olgerd; “his plan being made, he strikes quickly. Dmitri threatens to take Kief, Polotsk and Vitebsk from me; through fire and sword he wants to say, in Vilna, ‘Christ has arisen.’ He need not come so far. We will break the fast in Moscow. Dmitri will be at Easter mass in the Moscow cathedral; we will give a red egg to the prince on that morning.”The campaign of Tver and Lithuania against Moscow was decided. This time, too, Olgerd’s attack was distinguished for suddenness and fury. He had not such success as the first time, however. Starting with a strong army toward the end of November, he was at Moscow on December 6. He was aided by Michael of Tver, by his brother, and by the Smolensk prince, their ally. A number of thousands of peasants with axes cut a road through[357]dense forests, and laid logs in morasses. The troops marched without rest; they hardly halted day or night. When he reached Moscow, Olgerd again burned the city, which the people had barely had time to rebuild since his first blow. He did not attack the Kremlin, however, where Dmitri himself was commanding. The metropolitan was absent in Nizni, whither he had gone to baptize a newly born grandson of Olgerd, the son of Boris of Gorodets.Meanwhile Vladimir, the cousin of the Grand Prince of Moscow, was gathering his forces and marching on Olgerd. Even troops from Ryazan were hurrying forward with assistance to Moscow. Olgerd now proposed permanent peace and alliance. In proof of his sincerity he offered his daughter to Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir. The Grand Prince refused peace, but made a truce for six months.Thus ended Olgerd’s stay of eight days before the Kremlin. The haste, and the care with which he retreated, show that numerous forces were following. He had not found the Grand Prince unprepared, and had boasted vainly in Vilna, for he did not break fast in Moscow. His fear and his hurried retreat prove how little he trusted in truces or in treaties.[358]

Lithuania increased after Gedimin’s death, and so did Moscow when Ivan Kalitá was succeeded by Simeon.

After the death of Ivan, who died a few months before Uzbek, his sons Simeon, Ivan, and Andrei went to Sarai. Other princes went hither also, among them Constantine, son of Michael of Tver, and the Suzdal prince, Constantine, son of Vassili. Both the Tver prince and the Suzdal prince hoped to obtain the first place through seniority. Uzbek, now very old, received the three Moscow princes with kindness and sympathy. Through friendship for their father, he preferred them to others, and gave Simeon the patent immediately. He enjoined obedience to the Grand Khan, declared that he would listen to no calumnies against them, and dismissed the three brothers with affection and honor. Ivan’s heirs were all included in this grand patent. Uzbek engaged not to take from those heirs the inheritance of their ancestors, to give the principality to them, and not to others. After them it should go to their children. This distinction exalted the Moscow house above others immediately, and raised Simeon, the oldest man in it, supremely.

Simeon, like his father, used the title Grand Prince of All Russia. This title, so great in its meaning and future importance, received strength from the Moscow throne, which had now become magnified. On returning from the Horde Simeon took his place in Moscow as Grand Prince. While at the Horde he had met many Russian princes; he met others in Vladimir, where, after he had received the metropolitan’s blessing, he was solemnly greeted by all men. Later, there was a general assembling of princes in Moscow, at Simeon’s invitation. “Esteemed and dear brethren,” said Simeon, addressing the princes, “if there be peace and agreement[337]among us, Russia will be free again, as she was in the days of the earlier princes.”

According to Simeon, there was power enough to defend Russia, but there was lack of agreement. At that meeting he mentioned the offenses of Novgorod, complained of those unjust, wayward people, and said, “They make war and peace with whomever they please, consulting with no one. Novgorod regards not all Russia, and will not obey her Grand Prince.” It was resolved then to punish and subdue Great Novgorod. War had been declared by Ivan before his death, and Simeon had inherited this struggle.

Meanwhile Novgorod had added a new offense. Its daring freebooters, who were real river and land pirates, had plundered Moscow possessions in the Ustyug and Bailozero regions. To such an insolent challenge, Simeon replied with moderation. He sent men to collect Torjok arrears of long established taxes, which, because of troubles in Vladimir, Novgorod had neglected. At times these taxes were paid, at times they were disputed. With the tax officials went now a small number of warriors. These men remained in Torjok, and sent collectors to all appointed places. At this the Novgorod boyars in Torjok sent to their city for aid. When the Novgorod party appeared, they imprisoned Simeon’s lieutenant and his officials. Torjok envoys arrived at this time in Moscow with haughty speeches.

“How is this?” asked they of Simeon. “Thou art not confirmed yet in Novgorod, and hast not taken thy seat in the city; still thy boyars are acting among us.” They pointed out to Simeon that he wasgosudar(lord) in Moscow alone; that Novgorod chose its own princes and would not endure dictation. To sum up briefly, they multiplied those explanations because of which Kalitá had recently declared war against Novgorod.

Simeon did not argue; he mustered his forces. There was an outbreak and riot in Torjok, where, as in Novgorod, common men took the part of the Grand Prince. They freed the Moscow officials, and then fell to plundering the rich men of Novgorod.

Meanwhile Simeon was rapidly approaching with his army. He was met with gladness by the people of Torjok. With him came princes from Rostoff, Yaroslavl, and Suzdal. Novgorod men, as ever, used lofty phrases at first, but eschewed hopeless[338]warfare, and sent to ask peace of the Grand Prince. They paid all dues past and present; besides, it was settled that without the consent of the Grand Prince, the city would not war against any one, or make an alliance.

In general it may be said that during Simeon’s reign and that of his immediate successors the affairs of Novgorod and Pskoff did not thrive very greatly. Meanwhile there was continual conflict along Baltic waters, east, north and south of Riga. Every place was in fear of being attacked on a sudden. Hostility from foreigners was the great, the chronic evil. In Moscow, peace reigned almost as completely as in Kalitá’s day. The same relations with the Horde that had been maintained during Uzbek’s reign were maintained during the rule of Chanibek, who became Khan in 1340. The first threats of danger came from the West, which was at this time an enemy far more dangerous to Moscow than were the Mongols.

When Olgerd took Vilna in 1345, and declared himself lord of Lithuania, certain brothers of his sought an asylum in Moscow. Simeon had now to reckon on meeting Olgerd, whose attack on Majaisk was still fresh in his memory, as well as his raid on Novgorod, and his insolent deeds in Pskoff, which were followed by plundering Pskoff regions. Roused to action by Olgerd’s fleeing brothers, Simeon was ready for conflict. Olgerd, knowing this, planned to checkmate him. He sent a great embassy to Chanibek with rich presents. At the head of this embassy went his own brother, Koriat, accompanied by a number of princes. He asked for an alliance against their common enemies, chief of whom, as he stated, was the Grand Prince of Moscow.

Simeon learned of this move, and sent envoys immediately to Chanibek. Among them were Russianized Mongol murzas, then serving the Moscow prince.

By Lithuania they understood at the Horde, from Batu’s day, something quite different and independent of that Russia subjected by Mongols. In Gedimin’s time, Lithuania was not only independent, but dangerous, and dreaded by Uzbek. Hence the imploring and lowly attitude of Lithuania pleased the Khan greatly, and the embassy was received with distinction. But when Simeon’s envoys came, the position changed quickly. They explained through the Russianized murzas that Olgerd, by his attacks and[339]incursions, was devastating the Khan’s dominions, and leading out prisoners in multitudes. “If thou permit this,” said they, “Olgerd will take us all captive, and make thy dominions a desert.”

Chanibek was “as angry as fire.” He seized the Lithuanians and sent them to Moscow. With them went, as special envoy, Tatuti, to deliver to the Grand Prince Koriat, Olgerd’s brother, and all who were with him. Olgerd grew mild now, the more so since he had suffered a crushing defeat from the Germans. Those iron-clad warriors had broken into Lithuania, taken Troki, and ravaged the country around it. Olgerd had such a battle with them as he had never known previously. Fourteen thousand Lithuanians fell. It was no time to quarrel with Moscow, hence he sent an embassy to Simeon with many gifts and a humble prayer for peace, the life of his brother, and the freedom of that brother’s attendants.

Simeon, who had recourse to war only when war was unavoidable, received Olgerd’s envoys with favor, concluded peace with them, and freed Koriat with his embassy.

Soon after this, Olgerd again became related to Simeon, whose first wife was a daughter of Gedimin. Simeon in 1347 married Maria, the daughter of Alexander, son of Michael, the Tver prince, who, with his father, was put to death by the Mongols. Olgerd asked now for the hand of Julianna, Maria’s sister. Simeon, being the guardian of his sister-in-law, was troubled about Olgerd’s Christianity. He had been baptized before taking Maria of Vitebsk, his first wife, and had declared at Pskoff that he was a Christian, but after Maria’s death he had persecuted Christians, in order to hold his heathen subjects more firmly, and three Orthodox Christians had been martyred in Vilna. But after consulting the metropolitan, Simeon gave Julianna in marriage to Olgerd.

This marriage was memorable, for by this Julianna Olgerd had his son Yagello, the first of the Yagello dynasty, the man who gave Lithuania to Latinism and to Poland.

The house of Gedimin strengthened its relations with the house of Rurik by another marriage, that of Lyubart, Olgerd’s brother. After the death of his first wife, the great-granddaughter of Daniel of Galitch, Lyubart asked in marriage Simeon’s niece, a daughter of Constantine, the Pskoff prince.[340]

But Olgerd, though doubly a brother-in-law of the Moscow prince, became more intimate with his wife’s brothers, Michael and Vsevolod, sons of Alexander the martyr. Soon after this, Michael became the most prominent of all the Tver princes, and threatened Moscow, through Olgerd, with attacks, which Olgerd, in the guise of assistance to the Tver prince, never ceased to make while it was humanly possible to do so.

While Michael’s sons were living, Constantine in Tver, and Vassili in Kashin, the Tver princes bore themselves peaceably. Their quarrels were moderated somewhat by Simeon, who gave his daughter in marriage to Michael, the son of Vassili. Simeon favored Vassili because of his seniority, though he loved Vsevolod, who was quarreling with Michael. But after Simeon’s death, the internal Tver quarrel broke out with violence.

In Ryazan princely quarrels were endless, till Oleg rose there above other princes, and for a time was important.

During his short reign Simeon warred only with those who attacked him, against whom he was forced to defend himself. The first of these was Olgerd, who, at the death of Simeon’s father, had attacked Mojaisk. In company with the Smolensk prince, Olgerd also attacked Novgorod savagely. But these wars were stopped before they became very serious.

After Olgerd’s second marriage he did not desist from those seizures. When he had connected many towns of Smolensk with his rule, and annexed some of them, he strove to extend his dominion to places claimed both by Moscow and Tver, and also to places south of Smolensk and Kaluga.

In 1351–1352 Simeon was forced to take arms because of this action. He declared war on Olgerd, and marched with strong forces against him. Olgerd preferred to negotiate. He sent envoys with gifts, and Simeon inclined to peace. Certain towns acknowledged by Olgerd as belonging to Moscow were claimed by Smolensk. Simeon then led forward his forces, and took possession of them. In this way the war ended favorably for Moscow, and was the last act of Simeon’s life. He died of the plague April 27, 1352. Forty days earlier, Feognost, the metropolitan of Russia, had died of old age. That same week Simeon lost two young sons, and almost at the same time Andrei, his brother. Of Kalitá’s sons there now remained only one, Ivan, the successor of Simeon.[341]

Before touching on the reign of Ivan, it is well to give some account of the man who succeeded Feognost as metropolitan, namely, Alexis. In the time of Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, the boyar, Feodor Byakont, came to Moscow from Chernigoff, and was looked on with favor by Daniel. When Feodor’s first son was christened, Ivan, son of Daniel, then eight years of age, became his sponsor. The child was named Yelevtheri. He grew up, so to speak, in the palace, for he was a favorite in the family of Prince Daniel. They reared him carefully to serve the prince, but from childhood he was drawn in another direction. While still a youth he became a monk, and was distinguished among all monks in Moscow for love of letters, and zeal in everything with which he was entrusted.

Feognost noted Yelevtheri, and tried him in various ways. The young monk learned Greek sufficiently well to gain familiarity with the ancient classics, and compare the Slav testament with the original. There remains to this day a copy of the Gospels, which is not only his translation, but is in his handwriting. When Yelevtheri, now called Alexis, reached the office of abbot, Feognost, who was absent frequently, made him assistant, and finally vicar. Later he was bishop in Vladimir, and there he was when Feognost passed away from his labors. Feognost had wished Alexis to be his successor if possible.

It had been the fixed habit of the Patriarchs to appoint Greeks to the office of metropolitan. On the eve of Feognost’s death he sent his last letter to Tsargrad. In this letter he asked with insistence that Alexis succeed him. He explained that it would harm the Empire if another were chosen, and no matter whom they might send, the Grand Prince would not receive him.

For his zeal Feognost, though a Greek, was beloved in Russia, since he understood the true interests of the country. When he came to Russia in that gloomy day of the Mongol domination, it depended greatly on him to keep the seat of his office in Moscow. Selected by Peter, his predecessor, he did not forget Peter’s blessing to the city, and he made it his residence.

Tenibek and Chanibek, Uzbek’s successors at the Horde, were not tolerant like their father. They had a Mohammedan hatred of Christians, and wished to tax Christianity. The metropolitan stood firm against this, though threatened with torture, and he[342]succeeded in preserving ecclesiastical freedom. Among his many services one of the greatest was his choice of a successor, whose services to the Church of Russia at that time were beyond estimate.

Simeon, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was succeeded by Ivan, his brother. Constantine of Suzdal, assisted by Novgorod, strove in vain to obtain the Grand Principality. Though Novgorod sent great gifts to the Horde, we may be sure that the Moscow gifts were not of less value. This Ivan, called the Mild, who, according to contemporary opinion, looked on the honor and glory of this world as nothing, and was considered notably good by his people, later historians speak of as being weak, though facts do not bear out this estimate. The difficulties of his time rose from circumstances, and not from Ivan’s lack of ability. In fact his patience was perhaps the best weapon that could have been used. The evils not being serious, dropped away of themselves, and Ivan left to his successor a principality strengthened by peace, and not weakened by struggles.

The first trouble of his reign was an attack from Ryazan. Oleg, the new prince there, seized Lopasnya. A Moscow boyar, Ivan’s lieutenant, was imprisoned, and was freed only after a heavy ransom had been paid. Oleg, not hoping to keep the place without the Khan’s sanction, took means to obtain it.

Five years later Mamat Hodja informed Ivan that he had been appointed by the Khan to establish an exact boundary between Ryazan and Moscow. The Moscow prince, knowing that this was a move directed against him, refused to let Mamat enter Moscow territory, and sent word to him that his boundaries were known to himself and undoubted. Mamat could accomplish nothing; so he started to return to the Horde. On the road he quarreled with one of the Khan’s favorites and killed him. He fled to the mouth of the Don, but quick pursuers overtook him, and he was slain at command of the Khan. Thus the places seized by Oleg were not yielded by Moscow.

More serious than Oleg’s attempt to change the boundaries, which remained without result, were the efforts of the Suzdal prince, Constantine, who, assisted by Novgorod, strove to win the Grand Principality. Failing in this, he still did not make peace with Moscow, neither did Novgorod, which withheld Mongol tribute, and expelled Moscow lieutenants.[343]

Not succeeding at the Horde, Constantine withdrew to Nizni-Novgorod, where he built a stone church to the Saviour, and strengthened the Kremlin. Boris, his son, he married to a daughter of Olgerd: he made friends with Lithuania; kept up with Novgorod relations hostile to Moscow, and bore himself haughtily at all times.

Olgerd attacked now most actively. His plan was to master all Russia, as he had mastered Polotsk, Kief, and Vilna. While at war with Smolensk he captured the heir to that place and detained him. In regions touching Kaluga and Tula, such as Obolensk, Novasil, and Odoeff he seated his lieutenants as in Grodno or Vitebsk. In regions where his plans had been balked by Simeon of Moscow, he made himself master in Ivan’s time. In all places he injured the Moscow prince, set aside his authority, and extended his own power; in one place by dominion, in another by influence. In Tver, in Nizni-Novgorod, even in Ryazan, he had adherents. In Tsargrad itself he met no refusal. At his request, and through gifts, a second metropolitan, named Roman, was appointed for Russia.

Olgerd considered as his own not only all parts of Western and Southern Russia, but also those regions which were under the Khan; caring little that the Mongol was its master. Nay, he used this fact as reason for extending dominion, since the shield of Lithuania promised freedom from the Mongol. Olgerd looked on the Tver principality as half conquered. In Tver at this time, the reduced princes, descendants of Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr, were on the verge of political extinction.

Alexander, Michael’s second son, had become the eldest of the line, through the death of Michael’s brother Dmitri Terrible-Eyes, who died childless. The chief power of this prince and his brothers came from Olgerd, whose wife was Julianna, their sister, the mother of Yagello, It is clear that at this time Olgerd’s influence in Tver was very great. The descendants of Constantine and Vassili, who had become poor and were quarreling continually, sought the assistance of Moscow, while Olgerd’s brothers-in-law turned from Moscow and were growing hostile to Ivan.

Tver began to recognize Roman, Olgerd’s metropolitan. Novgorod also, through enmity to Moscow, preferred Roman. Even[344]Boris, Olgerd’s new son-in-law, refused somewhat later in Nizni to communicate with Moscow in church matters, and turned to Lithuania. But if in places like those just mentioned, subject only to Olgerd’s remote influence, there was such opposition to the Moscow metropolitan of Kief and all Russia, in places half subject to Olgerd,—and there were many such,—if people wished to recognize him, the civil power stopped them when possible. In places where Olgerd had real power, Roman, the metropolitan whom he had created, was declared metropolitan of Kief and all Russia.

Olgerd’s design was to unite Russia, both spiritually and temporally. To do this he must eliminate the metropolitan of Moscow, and bring all princes under his own dominion. At this time, too, the Horde sternly demanded fresh tribute. This was the situation which confronted Ivan the Mild. It was not created by him, and was not the result of his qualities. It may be that Olgerd’s daring was roused and strengthened by Ivan’s mildness, but in the end Lithuania gained nothing by it. The ill-will between Novgorod and Moscow ended easily. Novgorod continued its opposition for a year and a half, but no evil to Moscow resulted from it.

After Prince Constantine had strengthened Nizni-Novgorod, and built a stone church there, no warriors came from Moscow to threaten him, but that was not through any weakness in Moscow. Ivan did not hide his displeasure at Novgorod for supporting Constantine at the Horde, and withholding the tribute. Novgorod complained against the Moscow metropolitan at Tsargrad, and had relations with Olgerd. Ivan was well aware of this. It was known that he was preparing to chastise Novgorod, and that many of the other princes were ready to march with him. Constantine, not daring to disobey an order from the Khan to make peace with the Grand Prince, sent envoys to Moscow. Those envoys were joined by others from Novgorod. Thus Ivan, without warring, won peace at last from all opponents, Novgorod paid the tribute, and received the tax officials who had been appointed by Moscow in Simeon’s time.

In the popular mind there was later a wonderful tradition concerning the days of Ivan the Mild; that serious and even dreadful period when all feared destruction. There had been demands for fresh tribute, and there were ominous reports from the Horde,[345]when, as the tale runs, this message came to the Grand Prince: “Send thy chief priest (the metropolitan) to us quickly. We hear that God listens to his prayers always. Let him cure our Tsaritsa.” The metropolitan answered: “That is beyond my measure.” Encouraged, however, by the Grand Prince, and trusting in God, he went to the Horde and found that Taidula, the Khan’s wife, was blind, in addition to other ailings. He declared that he was not a physician of the body, but that whoso asks with faith him God will not despise, and he prayed over the sick woman. She was cured and there was great rejoicing at the Horde. Taidula made the metropolitan a present of much value, a ring with her seal on it. By putting this seal to papers, he could give them the power of the Khan’s patent. Such was the faith in Alexis. But he hurried from the Horde, for trouble came quickly. Taidula’s husband was no longer Khan, but her son Berdibek, who had seized the place of his father, Chanibek. Chanibek had been able to keep together for a short time the inheritance of Uzbek, his father, by killing his two brothers. He had ruled the Horde in the old way and extended his power from the Volga to the Aral, and beyond the river Terek to Persia. Terrible to his Mohammedan subjects, he was kind to Russian Christians. He reigned, however, only eighteen years.

Not long before Chanibek’s death, there rose in the Horde a strong personage, Tavlug Bey, who disliked Chanibek and did not cease to whisper to Berdibek, the Khan’s son: “It is time for thee to sit on the throne. It is time for thy father to leave it.” Through various devices he was able to bring the Horde magnates to that way of thinking. When in 1358 his perfidious advice was accepted, Chanibek died by strangulation.

Berdibek’s accession forced the princes to go to the Horde for fresh confirmation. On gaining power the new Khan killed all his brothers—there were twelve of them. There was now great trouble in Russia, a new demand was made for tribute. From Moscow came a request for Alexis the metropolitan to go to the Horde and soothe Berdibek’s anger. So he hastened back, and was there probably when Berdibek’s brothers were murdered. It is undoubted that the metropolitan was able to influence Berdibek, and save the Russian Church from taxation.

Ivan the Mild died November, 1359, at the age of thirty-three,[346]after a reign of six years. Now too died Berdibek, who had ruled a little more than a year. Then evil gave birth to new evil, one conspiracy succeeded another, parricide was followed by fratricide; one Khan took the place of another on a blood-reeking throne, and over each one the chronicler utter these words: “He received the reward of his actions.”

Berdibek was followed by Kulpa, who ruled six months and five days, then “the judgment of God did not suffer him longer.” He and his two sons were assassinated by Nurus, but not long could Nurus hold the throne, for Hidjrbek of the Blue Horde on the Yaik intrigued against him. He was given up to Hidjrbek, and he and his sons were murdered. Hidjrbek was murdered by his son, Timur Khoja, in 1361. One month and seven days later Timur Khoja was slain in a revolution effected unexpectedly by a new man, Mamai. This Mamai surpassed in a short time all others to such a degree that the bloody revolution made by him put an end to uprisings.

Mamai’s adherents, who were in the Don region, separated from those of Sarai on the Volga, and rose against Timur Khoja. This parricide feared death in Sarai, and fled from the left to the right bank of the Volga, where he perished most wretchedly.

Mamai placed now in his own Horde a new Khan, Abdul; but the Sarai men proclaimed Hidjrbek’s brother, Murad; thus the original Volga Horde became divided, and the seeds of destruction were sown. About that time Kildybek, who declared himself to be Chanibek’s son, and a grandson of Uzbek, began war as a third Khan, and killed many prisoners, after which he himself was killed. Khan Murad now made an effort to unite the two Hordes. He attacked Mamai, and slew many warriors, but did not succeed in his purpose. There were now two Khans, Abdul was made Khan by Mamai on the right bank of the Volga, and Murad was Khan on the east of that river, “and those two Khans were in enmity always.”

The division of the Horde brought great unrest and disturbance in Russia, not because Prince Dmitri, the heir to the Grand Principality, was a boy, but because at the Horde there was no one in permanent possession. Though the Moscow boyars had sent an envoy, they did not decide that Dmitri should go to either rival. This delay gave the Suzdal princes some advantage. The[347]Moscow men, hearing of Hidjrbek’s accession, took their Dmitri, who was nine years of age, to the Horde at Sarai and presented him to the Khan. But their journey was not successful. Troubles increased at the Horde. There was no time for talking with Hidjrbek. The great point was to escape at the earliest moment.

Taking advantage of the turmoil of Sarai, Dmitri, son of Constantine, the late Suzdal ruler and prince in Nizni-Novgorod, settled in Vladimir, and declared himself Grand Prince, trying thus to restore to Vladimir its old-time prestige and position as capital. This namesake of Dmitri of Moscow, and some years later his father-in-law, had been advised by Andrei, his elder brother, to avoid the Grand Principality. “The Khan wants gifts,” said Andrei. “Dmitri of Moscow is the natural heir, and will get his own a little later.” But Dmitri of Suzdal would not wait; he gave immense gifts to the Horde, and got the patent. By this time many of the Russian princes had become accustomed to the idea that the Grand Principality belonged to the Moscow princes. Novgorod men, however, were well satisfied with the son of Constantine, Moscow’s opponent, but no other people were pleased with him; even in Tver they preferred the Moscow prince, and no later than 1362 Dmitri of Moscow received the patent.

The Horde was so divided, that no one knew whom to obey. In Sarai, east of the Volga, was Murad, and west, on the Don side, was Abdul. Moscow preferred Murad because he held Sarai, the old capital. But as this Khan gave no troops, the Suzdal prince would neither obey nor abandon Vladimir. The Moscow boyars then put Dmitri on horseback, and also his brother and cousin, both young boys, and set out with great forces to expel the son of Constantine, who fled from Vladimir to Suzdal. His brother, Andrei, now reproached him a second time: “Have I not told thee never to trust Mongols? Why not listen to me? Thou seest that it is easy to lose what is thine while striving to take what belongs to another.” And he advised friendship with Moscow, “that Christianity might not perish.” For in Moscow men began now to see the first hope of liberation from the Mongol. The two brothers divided their inheritance. Andrei took Nizni; to Dmitri fell Suzdal.

Dmitri of Moscow entered Vladimir and took his seat on the throne there. That done, he returned to Moscow. So Kalitá’s[348]grandson made certain the purpose of his grandfather. He made that inheritance of his family secure, and began the great work, the real mission of Russia.

It was given to the Russian people as a task from the first to stand unbroken between Europe and Asia, to stand apart and independent of both. From the time that the name Rus first appeared the country had its own individuality, and was self-determining. From of old two warring principles attacked her, one from the West, the other from the East. This gave the great problem to Russian history. Russia was to give way neither to Europe, nor Asia; she was to fathom and understand both of them, but be subject to neither. This, too, was the position of the whole Slav race, a position which tortured and tore it, till some parts were conquered and absorbed by strange nations, so that on the west they were turned into Germans, Magyars and Italians, while on the south they were turned into Mussulman.

This old and difficult problem had to be met in all its weight and its terrible bitterness by the Moscow principality. To meet it, struggle with it, and solve it successfully required an enormous waste of force, a continuous and endless persistence. If Moscow had not grown sufficiently strong at the right time there would have been no Russia at present. For on the one side there would not have been strength enough to emerge from Mongol slavery, while on the other side, if there had not been the moral and physical power to face Western Europe, Russia would have been absorbed, would have taken another form, would have been an element in the strength of her enemy. On the east, Moscow was forced to defend herself, weapons in hand, or yield to the Mongol forever. She had either to rise up in desperate war, or be voiceless and obedient. On the west, a still more dangerous power was threatening, a power which might be permanent and inexorable.

This was the position of the Moscow principality when Dmitri, grandson of Kalitá, began rule in Moscow. Though the struggle on the east and the west was contemporary, the great battle was first begun with the Mongol.

Abdul, the Khan on the right bank of the Volga, became jealous upon learning that Dmitri had received his patent from Murad, and immediately sent a patent from himself with a gracious embassy, though no one had asked him to do so. The Moscow[349]boyars met these men courteously, and gave them good presents at parting. But when Murad of Sarai heard that a patent had gone from Abdul to Dmitri, he was greatly enraged against Moscow, and, to spite Abdul, he made Dmitri of Suzdal Grand Prince a second time.

There was in Sarai at this juncture one of the reduced Bailozero princes; with this prince, and very likely other adherents of the Suzdal prince, a Mongol embassy numbering thirty persons arrived in Suzdal to declare the Khan’s will. They had no warriors with them, still Dmitri of Suzdal was delighted with the Khan’s favor, and again took his seat in Vladimir.

Moscow could not forgive this. Dmitri of Moscow marched with a great force, and not only hunted Dmitri out of Vladimir and Suzdal with shame, but ravaged Suzdal. The Suzdal prince, thus humiliated, had recourse to Andrei, who was ruling quietly in Nizni, and had often warned his foolish brother against rivalry with Moscow. Owing to Andrei’s intercession, the Moscow prince left Dmitri in Suzdal, but reduced him to thorough subjection, and deprived some of his allies of dominion.

In 1363, when Moscow took final possession of Bailozero and Galiten beyond the Volga, the Starodub prince lost his possessions; his province was added to Moscow. The Grand Prince then extended his rule over the entire Rostoff region; some of the princes were left, but left as assistants of Moscow. Dmitri of Suzdal became now a firm ally of the Grand Prince. Thus the very first year of Dmitri’s reign was successful. It was distinguished by the strengthening of his primacy, and by considerable accretions. The two succeeding years were made calamitous for Moscow and all Russia by a second appearance of the “black death.” A multitude of people died, and among them were many princes. In Novgorod died Prince Andrei, so friendly to Moscow, and his brother, Dmitri of Suzdal, became by inheritance prince in Nizni, but Olgerd’s son-in-law, Boris, the youngest son of Constantine, seized Nizni before Dmitri, and would not yield. Dmitri turned then to Moscow, and the Grand Prince assisted him. At this time the Suzdal prince showed obedience to Moscow willingly. His eldest son, Vassili, who afterward lost all his possessions, and is known in history as Kirdyapa, was at the Sarai Horde just then, and secured a patent for his father, but his father refused it, and[350]informed the Grand Prince that he preferred his friendship to the favor of the Mongols.

At the Horde, meanwhile, Boris, the younger brother, obtained the Nizni patent. In view of this complication, an unusual decision was taken in Moscow. As on a time the metropolitan, Peter, had forbidden the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri to lead his warriors against Nizni, where the prince should be subordinate to Yuri of Moscow, so now, in the dispute about Nizni, the metropolitan was active a second time.

As Nizni was merely an adjunct of Suzdal, Nizni and Gorodets were subjected to Alexis, the Suzdal bishop. The metropolitan separated the Novgorod district from the Suzdal diocese, and declared it as belonging to the metropolitan directly. But Boris communicated with Olgerd, his father-in-law, and, having well-wishers in Tver, showed resistance to the metropolitan, and would not yield Nizni to his elder brother. In view of this disobedience, the metropolitan summoned Sergius of Radonej, the abbot of the Troitsa monastery, and sent him to declare to Boris that he must go with Dmitri and his brother to have their dispute adjudged by the Grand Prince of Moscow.

The mild Sergius, who obeyed the command sorrowfully, was forced to bear another burden also: in case Boris would not obey he was to close the Nizni churches. The mildness of Sergius, his continual avoidance of quarrels and disturbance, frequent in his day, was well known, and if he did not refuse these difficult tasks it was clear to all that the disobedience of Boris was beyond measure.

Boris was unbending. He would not go to Moscow; he would not yield to his brother. So troops were moved from Moscow against him; and because he refused to obey the Church order the churches in Nizni were closed to all people. Dmitri, his brother, at the head of troops sent from Moscow and his own troops, approached Nizni in great force. But the affair did not come to blows. Boris came out to meet his brother, repented, and was forgiven. The Grand Prince did not take all from him; he left Gorodets, and took Nizni, joining it again to Suzdal. Soon after this the Nizni See was restored to the Suzdal bishop.

Boris lived peacefully afterward, a faithful subordinate to his brother, and to Suzdal. The Nizni prince remained friendly to Dmitri of Moscow, who shortly after married Yevdokiya, daughter[351]of the Nizni prince. Through respect for his future father-in-law, Dmitri did not wish to invite the bride to Moscow for the wedding, and as Grand Prince of all Russia he did not care to visit Suzdal, hence the ceremony took place in Kolomna, with all the rich display of that time. The country rejoiced greatly at this marriage, which strengthened the union of Nizni and Suzdal with Moscow.

But barely had Moscow won agreement with Suzdal and the principalities attached to it, when a long and stubborn struggle began with Tver, which at that time had come to an alliance with Olgerd.

During Dmitri’s reign Moscow had no such inveterate foe as was Olgerd, except, perhaps, Mamai the Mongol. And Olgerd, in his struggle with Moscow, had a devoted assistant in Tver, where reigned Michael, brother of Julianna, whose son, Yagello, was Olgerd’s favorite offspring. After countless blood-spilling struggles with each other for possession of petty districts, during which two towns, Tver and Kashin, were subjected to ruin repeatedly, and after the plague, which brought death to many thousands of people, there remained two rivals for the headship of Tver. The first was the only surviving son of the martyr, Michael, Vassili, then an old man; the second was Michael, a grandson of the martyr, and son of the ill-fated Alexander. This Michael was born in Pskoff, as we remember, where the Bishop of Novgorod was his godfather; through his sister, Julianna, he was brother-in-law of Olgerd. At first the small town of Mikulin was Michael’s single possession, and for a long time he was called Mikulinski. But he had now become strong through places left to him by his brothers. He had also received by will from Simeon, his cousin, the town of Dórogobuj, with its dependencies. This he received to the detriment of Vassili, his uncle, and Yeremi, Simeon’s own brother. This cousin and uncle turned now to Moscow for redress, and Dórogobuj became the cause of great trouble.

Kalitá and his successors had been more inclined to Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr. Both elder sons, the Terrible-Eyed Dmitri and Alexander, had been always incurably hostile to Moscow. Terrible-Eyes left no children, but the sons of Alexander had inherited the pride of their father, and his hatred of Moscow.[352]

Michael, on becoming Prince of Tver, found no quarrels between the two principalities. Dórogobuj caused the first trouble. Vassili was prince in Kashin; he had been prince in Tver after the death of his elder brother, Constantine, but was forced to yield that place to Michael, his nephew. When he, with another nephew, Yeremi, turned to Moscow for justice against Michael, the question was left to Alexis the metropolitan, who deputed Vassili, the Tver bishop, to settle it. But Vassili’s decision brought hostility instead of peace. Resting on the fact that Michael had taken Dórogobuj not by force, but by the will of the late prince, the bishop recognized it as Michael’s lawful property, and decided against Yeremi and Vassili.

The baffled heirs took advantage of Michael’s visit to Lithuania, and made a new complaint in Moscow. They demanded that the bishop be called to account for judging unjustly. The inheritance, they said, did not belong to Simeon in such fashion that he could dispose of it absolutely. Only a portion belonged to him, and that portion, besides, was connected with conditions. Simeon’s uncle and his brother, Yeremi, claimed their rights with insistence. The bishop was summoned to Moscow, where it was settled that his decision was irregular, and he was forced to pay damages to the princes. Troops were then given to instate Yeremi and Vassili in that part of the property adjudged to them. But instead of peacefully taking possession of this property, they moved against Tver and demanded a ransom. They got no ransom, and could not take Tver, hence they plundered the country about it unmercifully. Michael, the Tver prince, returned from Lithuania with assistance from Olgerd, and marched directly on Kashin, where he seized the wives of the two princes with their relatives and many boyars. Vassili and Yeremi begged for peace, which was granted, and all, including Michael, treated with Dmitri of Moscow concerning it. But a year later, 1367, Yeremi set aside his oath to Michael of Tver, and went to Moscow. The princes complained that Michael oppressed and deceived them. The introduction of a Lithuanian force, and the crushing of the Kashin prince, an adherent of Moscow, but most of all, perhaps, the active and unbending pride of Prince Michael, were displeasing to the Grand Prince of Moscow. Though the Tver prince had discussed peace in company with Yeremi and Vassili, he had attacked Kashin, and[353]thus belittled the allies of Moscow, forgetting that those allies had Moscow troops at their command.

Moscow might have answered with war, but another course was thought better. It seemed well to connect with this settlement all the Tver princes, and in giving a part of the inheritance to Michael to let him have as much as Simeon had a right to bequeath, and give the remainder to Yeremi and Vassili, who had struggled so stubbornly for their rights. Moreover, by thus doing justice, Moscow would somewhat weaken the Tver prince, which was the real point of the question. The complainants being allies, or rather subordinates of Moscow, Michael of Tver did not oppose this division, and agreed to visit Moscow. The Grand Prince invited him, and the metropolitan declared that they awaited him in peace and good-will for a general discussion.

Michael, then thirty years old, went to visit Dmitri, who was only eighteen, but he found in Moscow what he had not expected. Having brought his most notable boyars, he thought to see the principal Moscow boyars, and present his own in Dmitri’s capital. They received him, however, not as a relative, but with haughtiness. He had thought to astonish Moscow by readiness to yield a part of his own to the other two princes, but this was considered in Moscow as decided long before, and they let him feel that that was not the main question. They wanted him to show subjection to Moscow. Michael flushed up with rage, and did not hesitate to tell Dmitri before all his boyars that the rights of hospitality had been violated. After that was said, Moscow violated those rights in reality.

The men who had gone to Moscow with Michael were taken from him, and treated as if in detention. Michael himself was lodged in a separate house, or palace, as if in imprisonment. Such a turn of affairs was almost more grievous for Dmitri than for Michael, and it grieved most of all the metropolitan, for the Tver prince put the blame of the act on him. That passionate prince was indignant at the metropolitan: “I believed his words, and came hither to Moscow,” said Michael; “now see what they have done to me.” Michael considered it all planned previously through policy and cunning. Both sides were equally vehement, each side declared itself right, and each felt offended. There seemed no way to reconcile them. To hasten Michael’s release[354]would be to declare that Dmitri had been the offender; his boyars would not agree to this; they had brought about the detention and they insisted that it should continue.

Dmitri now asked the metropolitan’s aid with all seriousness. Unexpectedly, at this juncture, Mongol envoys came to deliver a reprimand to Dmitri. He had not paid the tribute and had not shown himself to his master.

The Tver question must be settled immediately. Michael was freed with fair promptness, and if there was some delay, it was to avoid the appearance of over haste, and preserve proprieties. The land which Michael had offered, namely Gorodok, was accepted for Yeremi, and an oath paper was taken from Michael that he was satisfied, and had no claim against any one. This done, he departed. After that Dmitri gave troops to instate Yeremi in Gorodok.

During this year, 1368, Prince Vassili died in Kashin, and Michael, by the death of his uncle, became Prince of Tver in the fullest sense possible. He was now the eldest of the house, and besides, the Tver people were satisfied with him. The angry enemy of Moscow was strengthened. The position was still more entangled by the fact that the heir of the late Prince Vassili, also Michael, now Prince of Kashin, and married to Vassilissa, a daughter of Simeon the Proud, hastened in his turn to Moscow with petitions. In Moscow, opposition from Michael was expected, and even an attack upon Moscow regions was looked for. But the storm struck unexpectedly from elsewhere.

Late in the autumn of 1368, Olgerd suddenly, as was his wont in such cases, attacked Moscow regions without declaring hostilities. With him came Keistut, his brother, and Vitold, his nephew, the latter still young and “not famous,” as the chronicler tells us. They led in large forces. Moscow learned of this war only when the enemy was capturing towns on the border. Moscow allies were summoned quickly, but only inconsiderable regiments had time to muster. The invading force crushed all before it. Now there was reason to be thankful for the stone walls recently built in Moscow; Dmitri had all places cleared round the Kremlin, and every house burned which was near that firm stronghold.

The Lithuanian army stood three days outside those new walls. Olgerd had not power to meet or crush them, but he did great[355]harm to Moscow in many parts. He burned nearly everything in the city and in the country round, and took a multitude of captives. Then, driving along every beast which he could find, he hastened homeward, for news had come to him that the Germans had attacked his lands. He could say, however, that he had satisfied the tearful prayers of the Tver prince, his brother-in-law, Michael. Surely Moscow would remember him, for he had done as much harm as possible, and Michael was avenged.

Dmitri ceased to defend Yeremi, from whom Gorodok was now taken, and Yeremi went to Tver to seek favor from Michael. It seems that besides aid from Olgerd, the Tver prince had sought to gain strength from the Mongols by rich gifts to the Khan, and to others. At the Horde, anger was increasing against Dmitri. Mamai, now all-powerful, had eliminated every opponent, and had effected that for which he had been struggling, the reunion of the Horde. He had instated Mamant, a new Khan, and was now ready for action.

A storm was rising against Moscow. Peace between Tver and Moscow was short-lived. In 1370 war broke out again. Michael, the new Prince of Kashin, turned to Dmitri a second time for protection. Dmitri informed Michael of Tver that he set aside his oath papers; and the Tver prince immediately sought aid of Olgerd. This war with Tver, or more correctly with Olgerd, lasted five years, counting intervals. If at times Olgerd sought peace, even permanent peace, no one had faith in him, suspecting it to be a plot to deceive Moscow. In view of this, only short truces were given, and with caution. Through Lithuanian activity at the Horde, and through presents to the Khan, the Mongols aided the Tver prince.

The war ended only when Dmitri and all the princes who acknowledged him rose against Olgerd and the Mongols, and brought Tver to conditions. Early in September, 1370, Moscow troops, led by Dmitri, marched against Michael. They moved from Voloko-Lamsk directly on Zubtsoff, a city which with Rjeff, its neighbor, had passed more than once into Olgerd’s possession, thanks to Tver men. This time the Moscow troops did not treat it with tenderness; they stormed, sacked, and destroyed the place. Then, taking everyone captive, they marched to Mikulin, which stood on the road between Moscow and Novgorod. This was[356]Michael’s own personal inheritance, hence no mercy was shown it. The native nest of Alexander’s descendants was given to destruction. The troops took it by storm, and then razed it to the ground.

After taking Mikulin, they made the whole region around it empty. They captured the people, and seized all their cattle. Cattle were the main wealth of Russia at that time, hence at the end of hostilities it was often stipulated in treaties that the cattle should be returned. The Grand Prince went back to Moscow with great herds, and filled his land with cattle. He had avenged Olgerd’s insult, and humiliated the Tver men most effectively.

When Michael, who was in Lithuania, heard of the ruin of his birthplace, his sister assured him that Olgerd would send him aid when he returned from warring with the Germans. Michael at the same time was in active communication with the Horde. He had sent gifts of such value to the Mongols, and had won Mamai’s confidence so thoroughly, that in Moscow they soon received most astonishing news, though hardly anything could astonish in those days,—news which made Dmitri indignant.

Mamai had placed Michael of Tver in Vladimir as Grand Prince. Sari Hodja had already invited the Tver prince to come to the Horde for the patent. Dmitri immediately placed guards on all roads, and sent mounted men everywhere to seize Michael should he go for the patent. But Michael, rejoicing at Olgerd’s return from warring successfully with the Germans, deferred the Horde visit. Olgerd promised to strike the Kremlin with his spear-points, and give a lesson to Dmitri. “The true warrior makes no delay,” remarked Olgerd; “his plan being made, he strikes quickly. Dmitri threatens to take Kief, Polotsk and Vitebsk from me; through fire and sword he wants to say, in Vilna, ‘Christ has arisen.’ He need not come so far. We will break the fast in Moscow. Dmitri will be at Easter mass in the Moscow cathedral; we will give a red egg to the prince on that morning.”

The campaign of Tver and Lithuania against Moscow was decided. This time, too, Olgerd’s attack was distinguished for suddenness and fury. He had not such success as the first time, however. Starting with a strong army toward the end of November, he was at Moscow on December 6. He was aided by Michael of Tver, by his brother, and by the Smolensk prince, their ally. A number of thousands of peasants with axes cut a road through[357]dense forests, and laid logs in morasses. The troops marched without rest; they hardly halted day or night. When he reached Moscow, Olgerd again burned the city, which the people had barely had time to rebuild since his first blow. He did not attack the Kremlin, however, where Dmitri himself was commanding. The metropolitan was absent in Nizni, whither he had gone to baptize a newly born grandson of Olgerd, the son of Boris of Gorodets.

Meanwhile Vladimir, the cousin of the Grand Prince of Moscow, was gathering his forces and marching on Olgerd. Even troops from Ryazan were hurrying forward with assistance to Moscow. Olgerd now proposed permanent peace and alliance. In proof of his sincerity he offered his daughter to Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir. The Grand Prince refused peace, but made a truce for six months.

Thus ended Olgerd’s stay of eight days before the Kremlin. The haste, and the care with which he retreated, show that numerous forces were following. He had not found the Grand Prince unprepared, and had boasted vainly in Vilna, for he did not break fast in Moscow. His fear and his hurried retreat prove how little he trusted in truces or in treaties.[358]

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