FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]King's "Essay on the English Constitution," p. 17.[2]"The Spirit of Laws." "Works," vol. i. p. 212.[3]"Lex Parliamentaria" (1690), p. 1.[4]"A Brief Register of Parliamentary Writs" (1664).[5]Elsynge, Clerk of the Parliaments in the seventeenth century, took notes of the Lords' speeches, which have been published by the Camden Society (1870-1879).[6]"Works and Correspondence," vol. iii. p. 525. (The power to dissolve Parliament is still theoretically in the hands of the Sovereign; practically it is in those of the Cabinet. Parliament has only been dissolved once by the Sovereign since the beginning of the eighteenth century.)[7]Oldfield's "History of Great Britain and Ireland," vol. i. p. 280.[8]May's "A Breviary of the History of Parliament" (1680), p. 21.[9]Burnet's "History of His Own Times," vol. iii. p. 92 n.[10]E.g., "Sir Edward Turner, who for a secret service had lately a bribe of £4000, as in the Exchequer may be seen, and about £2000 before; and made Lord Chief Baron."Sir Stephen Fox—once a link boy; then a singing boy at Salisbury; then a serving man; and permitting his wife to be common beyond sea, at the Restoration was made Paymaster of the Guards, where he has cheated £100,000, and is one of the Green Cloth." "Flagellum Parliamentarium," pp. 10 and 24.[11]Forster's "Life of Sir John Eliot," vol. i. p. 529.[12]See "Journal of the Protectorate House of Lords, from the original MS. in the possession of Lady Tangye, January 20, 1657, to April 22, 1659." House of Lords MSS. vol. iv. new series, p. 503.[13]Burnet's "History of His Own Time," vol. i. p. 184.[14]"Public affairs vex no man," said Dr. Johnson, when asked whether he were not annoyed by this vote. "I have never slept an hour less, nor eat an ounce less meat. I would have knocked the factious dogs on the head, to be sure; but I was notvexed."[15]Boswell's "Life of Johnson," p. 731. (Cromwell had already stigmatized Scotland as corrupt. He had been told, he said, that it was a poor country inhabited by honest people, but found that the country was not poor and the people anything but honest.)[16]Dr. King's "Anecdotes of His Own Time," p. 44.[17]"History of His Own Time," vol. ii. p. 76.[18]"History," vol. iii. p. 545.[19]"Correspondence of George III. and Lord North," vol. ii. p. 425.[20]Bell's "Life of Canning," p. 347.[21]Mark Boyd's "Social Gleanings," p. 246.[22]Russell's "Recollections," p. 35.[23]Oldfield's "Representative History," vol. vi., App.[24]"The Black Book," vol. i. p. 430.[25]"By the same violence that one Parliament, chosen but forThree Years, could prolong their own sitting forSeven, any other may presume to render themselves perpetual." Ralph's "Uses and Abuses of Parliament," vol. ii. p. 716.[26]"Essays and Sketches of Life and Character," p. 148.[27]For example, one of £7000 for a retired Auditor of the Imprest, and another of £7300 granted to Lord Bute as some slight compensation for his loss of office. See Rose's "Influence of the Crown."[28]"Gleanings of Past Years," vol. i. pp. 134-5.[29]O'Connell showed Pryme an Irish Act of Parliament for the suppression of "Rapparees, Tories, and other Robbers." Pryme's "Recollections," p. 231.[30]A German writer, Herr Bucher, wrote as follows, in 1855:—"It would be difficult to give any other definition of the two parties than that a Whig is a man who is descended from Lord John Russell's grandmother, a Tory, one who sits behind Disraeli." "Der Parliamentarismus wie er ist," p. 152.[31]"I have a maxim," wrote Horace Walpole to his friend Montague in 1760, "that the extinction of party is the origin of faction." "Letters," vol. iii. 370.[32]See Parr's "Discourse on Education," p. 51.[33]"Anecdotes and other miscellaneous pieces" left by the Rt. Hon. Arthur Onslow. (From the MS. at Clandon.)[34]This saying has often been wrongly attributed to Lord Randolph Churchill. That statesman's most famous maxim on the subject of Opposition is given in his son's "Life" (p. 188-9): "Whenever by an unfortunate occurrence of circumstances an Opposition is compelled to support the Government," said Lord Randolph, "the support should be given with a kick and not with a caress, and should be withdrawn on the first available moment."[35]This was evidently a favourite simile of O'Connell's. He used it again with reference to Mr. Shaw, member for Dublin University, in the debate on the resolution for giving a grant to Maynooth College for the education of Roman Catholics.[36]"English Traits," p. 46.[37]In a speech delivered at a banquet in Glasgow on January 13, 1837.[38]In the sixteenth century the Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (near Clerkenwell), whom Selden calls "a kind of an otter, a knight half-spiritual and half-temporal," had precedence of all the lay barons in Parliament. His priory was suppressed in 1536, but his name continued to appear spasmodically in the Journals of the House of Lords until some time in Queen Elizabeth's reign.[39]Dr. King's "Anecdotes," p. 130. (It was a more modern politician who, on being reproved by an opponent, said, "Consider the case of Balaam's ass; before it spoke all men regarded it as quite an ordinary quadruped, but after it had spoken they discovered what an extraordinary ass it was!")[40]In November, 1908, the election of an Irish peer resulted in a tie between Lords Ashtown and Farnham. Such a thing had not happened since the Union. The difficulty was settled in a manner only perhaps possible in an institution as venerable as the House of Lords. In accordance with the provisions of the Act of Union, the Clerk of the Parliaments wrote the names of the candidates on two pieces of paper which he then put into a glass. One of these he drew out at random, and the peer whose name was inscribed thereon was declared to be duly elected.[41]Lord Curzon of Kedleston was so created in 1898.[42]When the last Liberal Government of Queen Victoria came into office the Court officials were discussing the new Administration one day at Windsor. "I wonder what peers they'll make," remarked one of the ladies-in-waiting. The Queen turned upon her with uplifted eyebrows. "They!" she exclaimed. An uncomfortable silence ensued. Again, in 1909, a Cabinet Minister's allusion in a speech to certain newspaper proprietors whom a Conservative Prime Minister had "taken the precaution to make into barons" inspired the King's private Secretary to write a letter to a correspondent in which he stated that, notwithstanding the Minister's statement, "the creation of Peers remains a Royal prerogative."[43]"Letters to Sir H. Mann," vol. i. p. 380.[44]On the Second Reading of the Corn Importation Bill, May 25, 1846.[45]"Works," p. 564.[46]The peer in question had not donned a false nose for the occasion, as might be imagined, but was merely wearing the ordinary working nose of aristocratic proportions with which Providence had supplied him.[47]Croker's "Letters," vol. i. p. 85.[48]One is reminded of the reply addressed by the Emperor Alexander to Madame de Stael who was complimenting Russia on possessing so able a ruler. "Alas, Madame," he said, "I am nothing but a happy accident!"[49]At the time of the French Revolution, the country supported the Government so strongly that the Opposition dwindled away to nothing. It was even jestingly asserted that the Whigs could all have been held in one hackney coach. "This is a calumny," said George Byng; "we should have filled two!" Campbell's "Lives of the Chancellors," vol. v. p. 614.[50]It is suggested that the balance of party could be adjusted by the Government persuading the Crown to create a number of peerages sufficient to flood the House with peers of their particular political persuasion. In 1712, Queen Anne was prevailed upon to create twelve peers in a single day, in order to pass a Government measure. "If these twelve had not been enough," said Bolingbroke, "we could have given them another dozen!" William IV. was prepared to create a hundred new peers to ensure the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832. It remains to be seen whether such an idea is nowadays practicable.[51]"1. That it is expedient that the House of Lords be disabled by Law from rejecting or amending a Money Bill, but that any such limitation by Law shall not be taken to diminish or qualify the existing rights and privileges of the House of Commons."For the purpose of this Resolution a Bill shall be considered a Money Bill if, in the opinion of the Speaker, it contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following subjects, namely, the imposition, repeal, remission, alteration, or regulation of taxation; Charges on the Consolidated Funds or the provision of Money by Parliament; Supply; the appropriation, control, or regulation of public money; the raising or guarantee of any loan or the repayment thereof; or matters incidental to those subjects or any of them.""2. That it is expedient that the powers of the House of Lords, as respects Bills other than Money Bills, be restricted by Law, so that any such Bill which has passed the House of Commons in three successive Sessions, and, having been sent up to the House of Lords at least one month before the end of the Session, has been rejected by that House in each of those sessions, shall become Law without the consent of the House of Lords on the Royal Assent being declared; Provided that at least two years shall have elapsed between the date of the first introduction of the Bill in the House of Commons and the date on which it passes the House of Commons for the third time."For the purposes of this Resolution a Bill shall be treated as rejected by the House of Lords if it has not been passed by the House of Lords either without Amendment or with such Amendments only as may be agreed upon by both Houses.""3. That it is expedient to limit the duration of Parliament to five years."[52]The following further Resolutions stand upon the Notice Paper and still await consideration:—"(1) That in future the House of Lords shall consist of Lords of Parliament: A. Chosen by the whole body of hereditary peers from among themselves and by nomination by the Crown. B. Sitting by virtue of offices and of qualifications held by them. C. Chosen from outside."(2) That the term of tenure for all Lords of Parliament shall be the same, except in the case of those who sit ex-officio, who would sit so long as they held the office for which they sit."[53]Hayward's "Essays," p. 305.[54]Hansard, vol. 289, p. 957 (1884).[55]Durham, both County and City, was not enfranchised until 1673, and Monmouth was regarded as a Welsh County.[56]"The House of Commons is called the Lower House in twenty Acts of Parliament," says Selden. "But what are twenty Acts of Parliament amongst friends?"—"Table Talk," p. 36.[57]"Quarterly Review," vol. xxix. p. 63.[58]Raikes's "Journal," vol. i. p. 157.[59]"Pall Mall Gazette," December 28, 1860.[60]The Irish members were increased to 105 in 1832, but subsequently reduced to 103, fifty years later.[61]Hansard, "Debates," 18 April, 1864.[62]The General Election of 1880 cost £1,700,000. This expenditure was reduced to about a million pounds after the passing of the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act and the Redistribution Bill of 1883 and 1885. By the former the expenses in boroughs are limited to £350, if the number of electors does not exceed 2000; and to £380 if it does exceed 2000, with an extra £30 for every further 1000 electors. In counties, where the electors do not exceed 2000, the expenses are limited to £650, and to £710 if they exceed 2000, with an extra £60 for every further 1000 electors. These sums do not include personal expenses up to £100 and the charges of the returning officer.[63]Hansard, "Debates," vol. 288, p. 1563. (5 June, 1884.) (The phrase was first used in a novel entitled, "Friends of Bohemia, or Phases of London Life," published in 1857, by a Parliamentary writer named E. M. Whitty.)[64]"Parliamentary History," vol. i. p. 766.[65]Andrew Marvell continued to receive a salary from Hull until his death in 1678 (see his "Works," vol. ii., xxxv.), and the member for Harwich obtained a writ against that borough for his salary in 1681.[66]"Diary," 30 March, 1668.[67]Irving's "Annals of Our Time," p. 912. (The majority in 1870 was 187.)[68]"Autobiography of Mrs. Delany," vol. ii. p. 511.[69]Wraxall's "Posthumous Memoirs."[70]p. 270.[71]Speech at Bristol in 1774. ("Works and Correspondence of E. Burke," vol. iii. p. 236). Algernon Sidney anticipated this remark. "It is not therefore for Kent or Sussex, Lewes or Maidstone, but for the whole nation, that the members chosen in those places are sent to serve in Parliament."—"Discourse Concerning Government," vol. ii. p. 370.[72]Bell's "Biographical Sketches," p. 82.[73]Croker, in 1820, complains of having to attend a three o'clock dinner and dance at Bodmin, when he stood as candidate; the whole affair being, he says, "at once tiresome and foolish." "Croker Papers," vol. i. p. 166.[74]"Institute of the Laws of England," 4th part, p. 3.[75]Sir H. C. Robinson's "Diary and Reminiscences," vol. ii. pp. 315-6.[76]Moore wrote to Lady Donegal in 1807: "I begin at last to find out thatpoliticsis the only thing minded in this country, and that it is better even torebelagainst government than have nothing to do with it." "Memoirs," vol. i. p. 225.[77]Prior's "Life of Burke," vol. ii. p. 454.[78]Buxton's "Memoirs," p. 154.[79]In olden days members used to return from Westminster to London through lanes infested with robbers. This cry enabled them to assemble and leave the House in one another's company.[80]It is curious to reflect that a man may be a member of Parliament even though he is not entitled to a vote as an elector. The Rt. Hon. Austen Chamberlain was not only a member, but even a Cabinet Minister, at a time when he had no vote.[81]Naunton's "Fragmenta Regalia," p. 21.[82]Shaftesbury's "Life," vol. i. p. 30 n.[83]Townsend's "History," vol. ii. p. 400.[84]Reresby's "Memoirs," p. 51.[85]"Sir," he said in debate, "the atrocious crime of being a young man, which the hon. gentleman (Horace Walpole) has with such decency and spirit charged against me, I shall neither attempt to palliate or deny; but content myself with wishing that I may be one of those whose follies may cease with their youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience."[86]Chesterfield's "Letters," vol. ii. p. 339. In order to escape the fine of £500 Chesterfield retired from political life for a short time.[87]Grant's "Recollections," p. 62.[88]See Hansard, vol. clxii. p. 1941.[89]When the Lords were temporarily abolished in 1648, peers were elected to the Commons, but only a few seem to have availed themselves of this privilege. Porritt's "Unreformed House of Commons," vol. i. p. 123.[90]Horne Tooke was a man of strength and determination. Upon all great public questions, as he once declared, "neither friends nor foes, nor life nor death, nor thunder nor lightning, would ever make him give way the breadth of one hair." When Lord Temple claimed a superior right to sit in Parliament because he had "a stake in the country," "So have I," said Tooke, "but it was not stolen from a public hedge!"[91]In 1558 it was voted by a small majority that one outlawed or guilty of various frauds might sit in the House if duly elected, his crimes being apparently purged by virtue of his election. See Raikes's "English Constitution," vol. i. p. 323.[92]See the "Black Book," p. 61.[93]"Edinburgh Review" (October, 1838), vol. lxviii. p. 114. The two happiest days of a statesman's life are said to be the day when he accepts high office and the day when he resigns it (Campbell's "Lives of the Chancellors," vol. i. p. 561). Lord Rosebery defined the acceptance and resignation of office as "the two supreme pleasures—one ideal, the other real."[94]Speech made to the farmers at Amersham Market, 1847.[95]Knight's "London," vol. vi. p. 135.[96]Stow's "A Survey of London," p. 173.[97]The Lord Great Chamberlain, who holds an hereditary freehold office of state, is the custodian of the Palace of Westminster. He was originally an executive officer of the King's household, appointed to look after the royal residence. In 1133 the office was granted by Henry I. to Aubrey de Vere, father of the first Earl of Oxford, and to his heirs. Henry VIII. gave the post on several occasions for life to different favourites, not necessarily of the De Vere family, but since the time of Elizabeth the Lord Great Chamberlainship has been held without exception by descendants of the Earl of Oxford. To-day the families of Cholmondeley on the one side, and Ancaster and Carrington on the other, share the privileges of the office, a representative of each branch holding the Chamberlainship in turn during the lifetime of alternate sovereigns. The Lord Great Chamberlain retains authority over the buildings of both Houses, even during the session, whenever Parliament is not sitting. Here his official responsibilities end. In former times a considerable part of his duties consisted in attending his sovereign at the Coronation, when he was not only expected to dress the King, to "carry the coif, swords, and gloves, etc."; but also to undress him, and to wait on him at dinner, "having for his fee the King's bed and all the furniture of his chamber, the night apparel and the silver basin wherein the King washes, with the towels." It is traditional that if the King sleeps at Westminster he must occupy the Lord Great Chamberlain's house. George IV. did so on the eve of his Coronation, the Speaker of the House of Commons handing over his residence for the purpose to the Lord Great Chamberlain for a nominal fee. On this occasion the officials in waiting on His Majesty spent a restless night. Lord Gwydyr, the Deputy Lord Great Chamberlain, and his secretary, took their stand on one side of the King's chamber, and the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod on the other, and there they remained until morning. (See "The Gentleman's Magazine." July, 1821.)[98]Forster's "Grand Remonstrance," p. 276, note.[99]Brown's "Amusements," pp. 39-40.[100]"At Westminster Hall, where Mrs. Lane and the rest of the maids had their white scarfs, all having been at the burial of a young bookseller in the Hall," "Pepys' Diary," 20 January, 1659.[101]"With cedar roof, and stony wall,Old William Rufus built this hall;Without a roof, with scarce a wall,William Unroof-us spoils it all."Hawkins's "Biographical Sketches," vol. i. p. 341.[102]There is a well-known story of a sentry at the Castle who was accused of sleeping at his post, and secured his acquittal by proving that he had heard "Great Tom" strike thirteen times at midnight—a fact which was corroborated by the evidence of independent witnesses.[103]These bells must have been extremely unpopular, since it was fabled that their ringing "soured all the drink in the town." Stow's "Survey of London," p. 175.[104]Speaker Lenthall once rebuked a youthful member who was sitting perched upon the topmost rung, listening to a debate, and bade him come down and not "sit upon the ladder as though he were going to be hanged." Forster's "Historical Sketches," vol. i. p. 82.[105]"The Rolliad."[106]Dalling's "Historical Characters," vol. ii. p. 175.[107]Knight's "London," vol. ii. p. 68.[108]Pinkerton's "Voyages," vol. ii. p. 508.[109]Moore's "Memoirs," vol. iv. p. 320.[110]Pearson's "Political Dictionary," p. 37.[111]"The Rolliad."[112]A comparatively modern institution which did not exist until the year 1818.[113]Miss Martineau's "History of the Peace," vol. iii. p. 147.[114]Barry was assisted in his work by another well-known artist, Augustus Welby Pugin. The latter's son afterwards claimed for his father the honour of being the real designer of the Houses of Parliament, but his efforts to wrest the laurels from Barry's brow met with little success.[115]Big Ben was so named after Sir Benjamin Hall, First Commissioner of Works. The light is extinguished by an official in the House of Commons by means of an electric switch, the moment the Speaker's question "that the House do now adjourn" has been agreed to.[116]Mowbray's "Seventy Years at Westminster," p. 90.[117]Francis' "Orators of the Age," p. 212, and Grant's "Random collections," p. 7.[118]T. P. O'Connor's "Gladstone's House of Commons," p. 88.[119]Pearson's "Political Dictionary," p. 19.[120]"25 April, 1822. Eat cold meat at Bellamy's (introduced by Lambton); and did not leave the House till near two."—Thomas Moore's "Memoirs," vol. iii. p. 346.[121]"Sketches by Boz," p. 109 (1855).[122]Sheil's "Sketches of the Irish Bar," vol. ii. p. 236.[123]"Fragmenta Regalia," p. 23.[124]It is not absolutely necessary for a Cabinet Minister to sit in either House. Gladstone was a Secretary of State from December 1845, to July, 1846, without a seat in Parliament.

[1]King's "Essay on the English Constitution," p. 17.

[2]"The Spirit of Laws." "Works," vol. i. p. 212.

[3]"Lex Parliamentaria" (1690), p. 1.

[4]"A Brief Register of Parliamentary Writs" (1664).

[5]Elsynge, Clerk of the Parliaments in the seventeenth century, took notes of the Lords' speeches, which have been published by the Camden Society (1870-1879).

[6]"Works and Correspondence," vol. iii. p. 525. (The power to dissolve Parliament is still theoretically in the hands of the Sovereign; practically it is in those of the Cabinet. Parliament has only been dissolved once by the Sovereign since the beginning of the eighteenth century.)

[7]Oldfield's "History of Great Britain and Ireland," vol. i. p. 280.

[8]May's "A Breviary of the History of Parliament" (1680), p. 21.

[9]Burnet's "History of His Own Times," vol. iii. p. 92 n.

[10]E.g., "Sir Edward Turner, who for a secret service had lately a bribe of £4000, as in the Exchequer may be seen, and about £2000 before; and made Lord Chief Baron."Sir Stephen Fox—once a link boy; then a singing boy at Salisbury; then a serving man; and permitting his wife to be common beyond sea, at the Restoration was made Paymaster of the Guards, where he has cheated £100,000, and is one of the Green Cloth." "Flagellum Parliamentarium," pp. 10 and 24.

[10]E.g., "Sir Edward Turner, who for a secret service had lately a bribe of £4000, as in the Exchequer may be seen, and about £2000 before; and made Lord Chief Baron.

"Sir Stephen Fox—once a link boy; then a singing boy at Salisbury; then a serving man; and permitting his wife to be common beyond sea, at the Restoration was made Paymaster of the Guards, where he has cheated £100,000, and is one of the Green Cloth." "Flagellum Parliamentarium," pp. 10 and 24.

[11]Forster's "Life of Sir John Eliot," vol. i. p. 529.

[12]See "Journal of the Protectorate House of Lords, from the original MS. in the possession of Lady Tangye, January 20, 1657, to April 22, 1659." House of Lords MSS. vol. iv. new series, p. 503.

[13]Burnet's "History of His Own Time," vol. i. p. 184.

[14]"Public affairs vex no man," said Dr. Johnson, when asked whether he were not annoyed by this vote. "I have never slept an hour less, nor eat an ounce less meat. I would have knocked the factious dogs on the head, to be sure; but I was notvexed."

[15]Boswell's "Life of Johnson," p. 731. (Cromwell had already stigmatized Scotland as corrupt. He had been told, he said, that it was a poor country inhabited by honest people, but found that the country was not poor and the people anything but honest.)

[16]Dr. King's "Anecdotes of His Own Time," p. 44.

[17]"History of His Own Time," vol. ii. p. 76.

[18]"History," vol. iii. p. 545.

[19]"Correspondence of George III. and Lord North," vol. ii. p. 425.

[20]Bell's "Life of Canning," p. 347.

[21]Mark Boyd's "Social Gleanings," p. 246.

[22]Russell's "Recollections," p. 35.

[23]Oldfield's "Representative History," vol. vi., App.

[24]"The Black Book," vol. i. p. 430.

[25]"By the same violence that one Parliament, chosen but forThree Years, could prolong their own sitting forSeven, any other may presume to render themselves perpetual." Ralph's "Uses and Abuses of Parliament," vol. ii. p. 716.

[26]"Essays and Sketches of Life and Character," p. 148.

[27]For example, one of £7000 for a retired Auditor of the Imprest, and another of £7300 granted to Lord Bute as some slight compensation for his loss of office. See Rose's "Influence of the Crown."

[28]"Gleanings of Past Years," vol. i. pp. 134-5.

[29]O'Connell showed Pryme an Irish Act of Parliament for the suppression of "Rapparees, Tories, and other Robbers." Pryme's "Recollections," p. 231.

[30]A German writer, Herr Bucher, wrote as follows, in 1855:—"It would be difficult to give any other definition of the two parties than that a Whig is a man who is descended from Lord John Russell's grandmother, a Tory, one who sits behind Disraeli." "Der Parliamentarismus wie er ist," p. 152.

[31]"I have a maxim," wrote Horace Walpole to his friend Montague in 1760, "that the extinction of party is the origin of faction." "Letters," vol. iii. 370.

[32]See Parr's "Discourse on Education," p. 51.

[33]"Anecdotes and other miscellaneous pieces" left by the Rt. Hon. Arthur Onslow. (From the MS. at Clandon.)

[34]This saying has often been wrongly attributed to Lord Randolph Churchill. That statesman's most famous maxim on the subject of Opposition is given in his son's "Life" (p. 188-9): "Whenever by an unfortunate occurrence of circumstances an Opposition is compelled to support the Government," said Lord Randolph, "the support should be given with a kick and not with a caress, and should be withdrawn on the first available moment."

[35]This was evidently a favourite simile of O'Connell's. He used it again with reference to Mr. Shaw, member for Dublin University, in the debate on the resolution for giving a grant to Maynooth College for the education of Roman Catholics.

[36]"English Traits," p. 46.

[37]In a speech delivered at a banquet in Glasgow on January 13, 1837.

[38]In the sixteenth century the Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (near Clerkenwell), whom Selden calls "a kind of an otter, a knight half-spiritual and half-temporal," had precedence of all the lay barons in Parliament. His priory was suppressed in 1536, but his name continued to appear spasmodically in the Journals of the House of Lords until some time in Queen Elizabeth's reign.

[39]Dr. King's "Anecdotes," p. 130. (It was a more modern politician who, on being reproved by an opponent, said, "Consider the case of Balaam's ass; before it spoke all men regarded it as quite an ordinary quadruped, but after it had spoken they discovered what an extraordinary ass it was!")

[40]In November, 1908, the election of an Irish peer resulted in a tie between Lords Ashtown and Farnham. Such a thing had not happened since the Union. The difficulty was settled in a manner only perhaps possible in an institution as venerable as the House of Lords. In accordance with the provisions of the Act of Union, the Clerk of the Parliaments wrote the names of the candidates on two pieces of paper which he then put into a glass. One of these he drew out at random, and the peer whose name was inscribed thereon was declared to be duly elected.

[41]Lord Curzon of Kedleston was so created in 1898.

[42]When the last Liberal Government of Queen Victoria came into office the Court officials were discussing the new Administration one day at Windsor. "I wonder what peers they'll make," remarked one of the ladies-in-waiting. The Queen turned upon her with uplifted eyebrows. "They!" she exclaimed. An uncomfortable silence ensued. Again, in 1909, a Cabinet Minister's allusion in a speech to certain newspaper proprietors whom a Conservative Prime Minister had "taken the precaution to make into barons" inspired the King's private Secretary to write a letter to a correspondent in which he stated that, notwithstanding the Minister's statement, "the creation of Peers remains a Royal prerogative."

[43]"Letters to Sir H. Mann," vol. i. p. 380.

[44]On the Second Reading of the Corn Importation Bill, May 25, 1846.

[45]"Works," p. 564.

[46]The peer in question had not donned a false nose for the occasion, as might be imagined, but was merely wearing the ordinary working nose of aristocratic proportions with which Providence had supplied him.

[47]Croker's "Letters," vol. i. p. 85.

[48]One is reminded of the reply addressed by the Emperor Alexander to Madame de Stael who was complimenting Russia on possessing so able a ruler. "Alas, Madame," he said, "I am nothing but a happy accident!"

[49]At the time of the French Revolution, the country supported the Government so strongly that the Opposition dwindled away to nothing. It was even jestingly asserted that the Whigs could all have been held in one hackney coach. "This is a calumny," said George Byng; "we should have filled two!" Campbell's "Lives of the Chancellors," vol. v. p. 614.

[50]It is suggested that the balance of party could be adjusted by the Government persuading the Crown to create a number of peerages sufficient to flood the House with peers of their particular political persuasion. In 1712, Queen Anne was prevailed upon to create twelve peers in a single day, in order to pass a Government measure. "If these twelve had not been enough," said Bolingbroke, "we could have given them another dozen!" William IV. was prepared to create a hundred new peers to ensure the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832. It remains to be seen whether such an idea is nowadays practicable.

[51]"1. That it is expedient that the House of Lords be disabled by Law from rejecting or amending a Money Bill, but that any such limitation by Law shall not be taken to diminish or qualify the existing rights and privileges of the House of Commons."For the purpose of this Resolution a Bill shall be considered a Money Bill if, in the opinion of the Speaker, it contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following subjects, namely, the imposition, repeal, remission, alteration, or regulation of taxation; Charges on the Consolidated Funds or the provision of Money by Parliament; Supply; the appropriation, control, or regulation of public money; the raising or guarantee of any loan or the repayment thereof; or matters incidental to those subjects or any of them.""2. That it is expedient that the powers of the House of Lords, as respects Bills other than Money Bills, be restricted by Law, so that any such Bill which has passed the House of Commons in three successive Sessions, and, having been sent up to the House of Lords at least one month before the end of the Session, has been rejected by that House in each of those sessions, shall become Law without the consent of the House of Lords on the Royal Assent being declared; Provided that at least two years shall have elapsed between the date of the first introduction of the Bill in the House of Commons and the date on which it passes the House of Commons for the third time."For the purposes of this Resolution a Bill shall be treated as rejected by the House of Lords if it has not been passed by the House of Lords either without Amendment or with such Amendments only as may be agreed upon by both Houses.""3. That it is expedient to limit the duration of Parliament to five years."

"For the purpose of this Resolution a Bill shall be considered a Money Bill if, in the opinion of the Speaker, it contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following subjects, namely, the imposition, repeal, remission, alteration, or regulation of taxation; Charges on the Consolidated Funds or the provision of Money by Parliament; Supply; the appropriation, control, or regulation of public money; the raising or guarantee of any loan or the repayment thereof; or matters incidental to those subjects or any of them."

"2. That it is expedient that the powers of the House of Lords, as respects Bills other than Money Bills, be restricted by Law, so that any such Bill which has passed the House of Commons in three successive Sessions, and, having been sent up to the House of Lords at least one month before the end of the Session, has been rejected by that House in each of those sessions, shall become Law without the consent of the House of Lords on the Royal Assent being declared; Provided that at least two years shall have elapsed between the date of the first introduction of the Bill in the House of Commons and the date on which it passes the House of Commons for the third time.

"For the purposes of this Resolution a Bill shall be treated as rejected by the House of Lords if it has not been passed by the House of Lords either without Amendment or with such Amendments only as may be agreed upon by both Houses."

"3. That it is expedient to limit the duration of Parliament to five years."

[52]The following further Resolutions stand upon the Notice Paper and still await consideration:—"(1) That in future the House of Lords shall consist of Lords of Parliament: A. Chosen by the whole body of hereditary peers from among themselves and by nomination by the Crown. B. Sitting by virtue of offices and of qualifications held by them. C. Chosen from outside."(2) That the term of tenure for all Lords of Parliament shall be the same, except in the case of those who sit ex-officio, who would sit so long as they held the office for which they sit."

[52]The following further Resolutions stand upon the Notice Paper and still await consideration:—

"(1) That in future the House of Lords shall consist of Lords of Parliament: A. Chosen by the whole body of hereditary peers from among themselves and by nomination by the Crown. B. Sitting by virtue of offices and of qualifications held by them. C. Chosen from outside.

"(2) That the term of tenure for all Lords of Parliament shall be the same, except in the case of those who sit ex-officio, who would sit so long as they held the office for which they sit."

[53]Hayward's "Essays," p. 305.

[54]Hansard, vol. 289, p. 957 (1884).

[55]Durham, both County and City, was not enfranchised until 1673, and Monmouth was regarded as a Welsh County.

[56]"The House of Commons is called the Lower House in twenty Acts of Parliament," says Selden. "But what are twenty Acts of Parliament amongst friends?"—"Table Talk," p. 36.

[57]"Quarterly Review," vol. xxix. p. 63.

[58]Raikes's "Journal," vol. i. p. 157.

[59]"Pall Mall Gazette," December 28, 1860.

[60]The Irish members were increased to 105 in 1832, but subsequently reduced to 103, fifty years later.

[61]Hansard, "Debates," 18 April, 1864.

[62]The General Election of 1880 cost £1,700,000. This expenditure was reduced to about a million pounds after the passing of the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act and the Redistribution Bill of 1883 and 1885. By the former the expenses in boroughs are limited to £350, if the number of electors does not exceed 2000; and to £380 if it does exceed 2000, with an extra £30 for every further 1000 electors. In counties, where the electors do not exceed 2000, the expenses are limited to £650, and to £710 if they exceed 2000, with an extra £60 for every further 1000 electors. These sums do not include personal expenses up to £100 and the charges of the returning officer.

[63]Hansard, "Debates," vol. 288, p. 1563. (5 June, 1884.) (The phrase was first used in a novel entitled, "Friends of Bohemia, or Phases of London Life," published in 1857, by a Parliamentary writer named E. M. Whitty.)

[64]"Parliamentary History," vol. i. p. 766.

[65]Andrew Marvell continued to receive a salary from Hull until his death in 1678 (see his "Works," vol. ii., xxxv.), and the member for Harwich obtained a writ against that borough for his salary in 1681.

[66]"Diary," 30 March, 1668.

[67]Irving's "Annals of Our Time," p. 912. (The majority in 1870 was 187.)

[68]"Autobiography of Mrs. Delany," vol. ii. p. 511.

[69]Wraxall's "Posthumous Memoirs."

[70]p. 270.

[71]Speech at Bristol in 1774. ("Works and Correspondence of E. Burke," vol. iii. p. 236). Algernon Sidney anticipated this remark. "It is not therefore for Kent or Sussex, Lewes or Maidstone, but for the whole nation, that the members chosen in those places are sent to serve in Parliament."—"Discourse Concerning Government," vol. ii. p. 370.

[72]Bell's "Biographical Sketches," p. 82.

[73]Croker, in 1820, complains of having to attend a three o'clock dinner and dance at Bodmin, when he stood as candidate; the whole affair being, he says, "at once tiresome and foolish." "Croker Papers," vol. i. p. 166.

[74]"Institute of the Laws of England," 4th part, p. 3.

[75]Sir H. C. Robinson's "Diary and Reminiscences," vol. ii. pp. 315-6.

[76]Moore wrote to Lady Donegal in 1807: "I begin at last to find out thatpoliticsis the only thing minded in this country, and that it is better even torebelagainst government than have nothing to do with it." "Memoirs," vol. i. p. 225.

[77]Prior's "Life of Burke," vol. ii. p. 454.

[78]Buxton's "Memoirs," p. 154.

[79]In olden days members used to return from Westminster to London through lanes infested with robbers. This cry enabled them to assemble and leave the House in one another's company.

[80]It is curious to reflect that a man may be a member of Parliament even though he is not entitled to a vote as an elector. The Rt. Hon. Austen Chamberlain was not only a member, but even a Cabinet Minister, at a time when he had no vote.

[81]Naunton's "Fragmenta Regalia," p. 21.

[82]Shaftesbury's "Life," vol. i. p. 30 n.

[83]Townsend's "History," vol. ii. p. 400.

[84]Reresby's "Memoirs," p. 51.

[85]"Sir," he said in debate, "the atrocious crime of being a young man, which the hon. gentleman (Horace Walpole) has with such decency and spirit charged against me, I shall neither attempt to palliate or deny; but content myself with wishing that I may be one of those whose follies may cease with their youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience."

[86]Chesterfield's "Letters," vol. ii. p. 339. In order to escape the fine of £500 Chesterfield retired from political life for a short time.

[87]Grant's "Recollections," p. 62.

[88]See Hansard, vol. clxii. p. 1941.

[89]When the Lords were temporarily abolished in 1648, peers were elected to the Commons, but only a few seem to have availed themselves of this privilege. Porritt's "Unreformed House of Commons," vol. i. p. 123.

[90]Horne Tooke was a man of strength and determination. Upon all great public questions, as he once declared, "neither friends nor foes, nor life nor death, nor thunder nor lightning, would ever make him give way the breadth of one hair." When Lord Temple claimed a superior right to sit in Parliament because he had "a stake in the country," "So have I," said Tooke, "but it was not stolen from a public hedge!"

[91]In 1558 it was voted by a small majority that one outlawed or guilty of various frauds might sit in the House if duly elected, his crimes being apparently purged by virtue of his election. See Raikes's "English Constitution," vol. i. p. 323.

[92]See the "Black Book," p. 61.

[93]"Edinburgh Review" (October, 1838), vol. lxviii. p. 114. The two happiest days of a statesman's life are said to be the day when he accepts high office and the day when he resigns it (Campbell's "Lives of the Chancellors," vol. i. p. 561). Lord Rosebery defined the acceptance and resignation of office as "the two supreme pleasures—one ideal, the other real."

[94]Speech made to the farmers at Amersham Market, 1847.

[95]Knight's "London," vol. vi. p. 135.

[96]Stow's "A Survey of London," p. 173.

[97]The Lord Great Chamberlain, who holds an hereditary freehold office of state, is the custodian of the Palace of Westminster. He was originally an executive officer of the King's household, appointed to look after the royal residence. In 1133 the office was granted by Henry I. to Aubrey de Vere, father of the first Earl of Oxford, and to his heirs. Henry VIII. gave the post on several occasions for life to different favourites, not necessarily of the De Vere family, but since the time of Elizabeth the Lord Great Chamberlainship has been held without exception by descendants of the Earl of Oxford. To-day the families of Cholmondeley on the one side, and Ancaster and Carrington on the other, share the privileges of the office, a representative of each branch holding the Chamberlainship in turn during the lifetime of alternate sovereigns. The Lord Great Chamberlain retains authority over the buildings of both Houses, even during the session, whenever Parliament is not sitting. Here his official responsibilities end. In former times a considerable part of his duties consisted in attending his sovereign at the Coronation, when he was not only expected to dress the King, to "carry the coif, swords, and gloves, etc."; but also to undress him, and to wait on him at dinner, "having for his fee the King's bed and all the furniture of his chamber, the night apparel and the silver basin wherein the King washes, with the towels." It is traditional that if the King sleeps at Westminster he must occupy the Lord Great Chamberlain's house. George IV. did so on the eve of his Coronation, the Speaker of the House of Commons handing over his residence for the purpose to the Lord Great Chamberlain for a nominal fee. On this occasion the officials in waiting on His Majesty spent a restless night. Lord Gwydyr, the Deputy Lord Great Chamberlain, and his secretary, took their stand on one side of the King's chamber, and the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod on the other, and there they remained until morning. (See "The Gentleman's Magazine." July, 1821.)

[98]Forster's "Grand Remonstrance," p. 276, note.

[99]Brown's "Amusements," pp. 39-40.

[100]"At Westminster Hall, where Mrs. Lane and the rest of the maids had their white scarfs, all having been at the burial of a young bookseller in the Hall," "Pepys' Diary," 20 January, 1659.

[101]"With cedar roof, and stony wall,Old William Rufus built this hall;Without a roof, with scarce a wall,William Unroof-us spoils it all."Hawkins's "Biographical Sketches," vol. i. p. 341.

[101]

"With cedar roof, and stony wall,Old William Rufus built this hall;Without a roof, with scarce a wall,William Unroof-us spoils it all."Hawkins's "Biographical Sketches," vol. i. p. 341.

[102]There is a well-known story of a sentry at the Castle who was accused of sleeping at his post, and secured his acquittal by proving that he had heard "Great Tom" strike thirteen times at midnight—a fact which was corroborated by the evidence of independent witnesses.

[103]These bells must have been extremely unpopular, since it was fabled that their ringing "soured all the drink in the town." Stow's "Survey of London," p. 175.

[104]Speaker Lenthall once rebuked a youthful member who was sitting perched upon the topmost rung, listening to a debate, and bade him come down and not "sit upon the ladder as though he were going to be hanged." Forster's "Historical Sketches," vol. i. p. 82.

[105]"The Rolliad."

[106]Dalling's "Historical Characters," vol. ii. p. 175.

[107]Knight's "London," vol. ii. p. 68.

[108]Pinkerton's "Voyages," vol. ii. p. 508.

[109]Moore's "Memoirs," vol. iv. p. 320.

[110]Pearson's "Political Dictionary," p. 37.

[111]"The Rolliad."

[112]A comparatively modern institution which did not exist until the year 1818.

[113]Miss Martineau's "History of the Peace," vol. iii. p. 147.

[114]Barry was assisted in his work by another well-known artist, Augustus Welby Pugin. The latter's son afterwards claimed for his father the honour of being the real designer of the Houses of Parliament, but his efforts to wrest the laurels from Barry's brow met with little success.

[115]Big Ben was so named after Sir Benjamin Hall, First Commissioner of Works. The light is extinguished by an official in the House of Commons by means of an electric switch, the moment the Speaker's question "that the House do now adjourn" has been agreed to.

[116]Mowbray's "Seventy Years at Westminster," p. 90.

[117]Francis' "Orators of the Age," p. 212, and Grant's "Random collections," p. 7.

[118]T. P. O'Connor's "Gladstone's House of Commons," p. 88.

[119]Pearson's "Political Dictionary," p. 19.

[120]"25 April, 1822. Eat cold meat at Bellamy's (introduced by Lambton); and did not leave the House till near two."—Thomas Moore's "Memoirs," vol. iii. p. 346.

[121]"Sketches by Boz," p. 109 (1855).

[122]Sheil's "Sketches of the Irish Bar," vol. ii. p. 236.

[123]"Fragmenta Regalia," p. 23.

[124]It is not absolutely necessary for a Cabinet Minister to sit in either House. Gladstone was a Secretary of State from December 1845, to July, 1846, without a seat in Parliament.

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