[IX-45]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 157, 191-3;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., ap., pp. 346-7, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 260-4;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 292-5;Boturini,Idea, pp. 18-21;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 62, 84-5;Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 101;Acosta,Hist. de las Yndias, pp. 398-9. Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 51-55, differs somewhat from the text; he was unfortunate in never having seen the works of Sahagun.[IX-46]This vol.p. 59. The interpretations of the codices represent this god as peculiarly honored in their paintings: They place Michitlatecotle opposite to the sun, to see if he can rescue any of those seized upon by the lords of the dead, for Michitla signifies the dead below. These nations painted only two of their gods with the crown called Altoutcatecoatle, viz., the God of heaven and of abundance and this lord of the dead, which kind of crown I have seen upon the captains in the war of Coatle.Explicacion del Codex Telleriano Remensis, pt ii., lam. xv., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 140. Miquitlantecotli signifies the great lord of the dead fellow in hell who alone after Tonacatecotle was painted with a crown, which kind of a crown was used in war even after the arrival of the Christians in those countries, and was seen in the war of Coatlan, as the person who copied these paintings relates, who was a brother of the Order of Saint Dominic, named Pedro de los Rios. They painted this demon near the sun; for in the same way as they believed that the one conducted souls to heaven, so they supposed that the other carried them to hell. He is here represented with his hands open and stretched toward the sun, to seize on any soul which might escape from him.Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xxxiv., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 182. The Vatican Codex says further—that these were four gods or principal demons in the Mexican hell. Miquitlamtecotl or Zitzimitl; Yzpunteque, the lame demon, who appeared in the streets with the feet of a cock; Nextepelma, scatterer of ashes; and Contemoque, he who descends head-foremost. These four have goddesses, not as wives, but as companions, which was the simple relation in which all the Mexican god and goddesses stood to one another, there having been—according to most authorities—in their olympus neither marrying nor giving in marriage. Picking our way as well as possible across the frightful spelling of the interpreter, the males and females seem paired as follows: To Miquitlamtecotl or Tzitzimitl, was joined as goddess, Miquitecacigua; to Yzpunteque, Nexoxocho; to Nextepelma, Micapetlacoli; and to Contemoque, Chalmecaciuatl.Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. iii., iv., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 162-3;Boturini,Idea, pp. 30-1;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., ap. pp. 260-3;Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 116-17, says that this god was known by the further name of Tzontemoc and Aculnaoacatl.Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 6, 17. Gallatin,Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 350-1, says that 'Mictlanteuctli is specially distinguished by the interpreters as one of the crowned gods. His representation is found under the basis of the statue of Teoyaomiqui, and Gama has published the copy. According to him, the name of that god means the god of the place of the dead. He presided over the funeral of those who died of diseases. The souls of all those killed in battle were led by Teoyaomiqui to the dwelling of the sun. The others fell under the dominion of Mictanteuctli.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 77, 148, 447, tom. ii., p. 428. Brasseur de Bourbourg mentions this god and his wife, bringing up several interesting points, for which, however, he must bear the sole responsibility:S'il Existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 98-9.'Du fond des eaux qui couvraient le monde, ajoute un autre document mexicain (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 4, v.), le dieu des régions d'en bas.Mictlan-Teuctlifait surgir un monstre marin nomméCipactliouCapactli(Motolinia,Hist. Antig. de los Indios, part. MS. Dans ce document, au lieu decipactliil y acapactli, qui n'est peut-être qu'une erreur du copiste, mais qui, peut-être aussi est le souvenir d'une langue perdue et qui se rattacherait aucapacouManco-Capacdu Pérou.): de ce monstre, qui a la forme d'un caïman, il crée la terre (Motolinia,Ibid.). Ne serait-ce pas là le crocodile, image du temps, chez les Égyptiens, et ainsi que l'indique Champollion (DansHerapollon, i., 69 et 70, le crocodile est le symbole du couchant et des ténèbres) symbole également de laRégion du Couchant, de l'Amenti? Dans l'Orcus mexicain, le prince des Morts,Mictlan-Teuctli, a pour compagneMictecacihuatl, celle qui étend les morts. On l'appelleIxcuina, ou la déesse au visage peint ou au double visage, parce qu'elle avait le visage de deux couleurs, rouge avec le contour de la bouche et du nez peint en noir (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 18, v.). On lui donnait aussi le nom deTlaçolteotl, la déesse de l'ordure, ouTlaçolquani, la mangeuse d'ordure, parce qu'elle présidait aux amours et aux plaisirs lubriques avec ses trois sœurs. On la trouve personifiée encore avecChantico, quelquefois représentée comme un chien, soit à cause de sa lubricité, soit à cause du nom deChiucnauh-Itzcuintliou les Neuf-Chiens, qu'on lui donnait également (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 21, v.). C'est ainsi que dans l'Italie anté-pélasgique, dans la Sicile et dans l'île de Samothrace, antérieurement aux Thraces et aux Pélasges, on adorait une Zérinthia, une Hécate, déesse Chienne qui nourrissait ses trois fils, ses trois chiens, sur le même autel, dans la demeure souterraine; l'une et l'autre rappelaient ainsi le souvenir de ces hétaires qui veillaient au pied des pyramides, où elles se prostituaient aux marins, aux marchands et aux voyageurs, pour ramasser l'argent nécessaire à l'érection des tombeaux des rois. "Tout un calcul des temps, dit Eckstein (Sur les sources de la Cosmogonie de Sanchoniathon, pp. 101, 197), se rattache à l'adoration solaire de cette déesse et de ses fils. Le Chien, le Sirius, règne dans l'astre de ce nom, au zénith de l'année, durant les jours de la canicule. On connaît le cycle ou la période que préside l'astre du chien: on sait qu'il ne se rattache pas seulement aux institutions de la vieille Égypte, mais encore à celles de la haute Asie." En Amérique le nom de la déesseIxcuinase rattache également à la constellation du sud, où on la personnifie encore avecIxtlacoliuhqui, autre divinité des ivrognes et des amours obscènes: les astrologues lui attribuaient un grand pouvoir sur les événements de la guerre, et, dans les derniers temps, on en faisait dépendre le châtiment des adultères et des incestueux (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 16, v.).'See also,Brinton's Myths, pp. 130-7;Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 12, pt ii., pp. 65-6.[IX-47]Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 338-9.[IX-48]Speaking of the great image in the Mexican museum of antiquities supposed by some to be this Mexican goddess of war, or of death, Teoyaomique, Mr Tylor says,Anahuac, pp. 222-3: 'The stone known as the statue of the war-goddess is a huge block of basalt covered with sculptures. The antiquaries think that the figures on it stand for different personages, and that it is three gods—Huitzilopochtli the god of war, Teoyaomiqui his wife, and Mictlanteuctli the god of hell. It has necklaces of alternate hearts and dead men's hands, with death's head for a central ornament. At the bottom of the block is a strange sprawling figure, which one cannot see now, for it is the base which rests on the ground; but there are two shoulders projecting from the idol, which show plainly that it did not stand on the ground, but was supported aloft on the tops of two pillars. The figure carved upon the bottom represents a monster holding a skull in each hand, while others hang from his knees and elbows. His mouth is a mere oval ring, a common feature of Mexican idols, and four tusks project just above it. The new moon laid down like a bridge forms his forehead, and a star is placed on each side of it. This is thought to have been the conventional representation of Mictlanteuctli (Lord of the land of the dead), the god of hell, which was a place of utter and eternal darkness. Probably each victim as he was led to the altar could look up between the two pillars and see the hideous god of hell staring down upon him from above.'[IX-49]Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 41-4.[IX-50]The tenth month, so named by the Tlascaltecs and others. SeeTorquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 298.'Al decimo Mes del Kalendario Indiano llamaban sus Satrapas, Xocotlhuetzi, que quiere decir: Quando se cae, y acaba la Fruta, y debia de ser, por esta raçon, de que por aquel Tiempo se acababa, que cae en nuestro Agosto, è ià en todo este Mes se pasan las Frutas en tierra fria. Pero los Tlaxcaltecas, y otros lo llamaban Hueymiccailhuitl. que quiere decir: La Fiesta maior de los Difuntos; y llamavanla asi, porque este Mes solemniçaban la memoria de los Difuntos, con grandes clamores, y llantos, y doblados lutos, que la primera, y se teñian los cuerpos de color negro, y se tiznaban toda la cara; y asi, las ceremonias, que se hacian de Dia, y de Noche, en todos los Templos, y fuera de ellos, eran de mucha tristeça, segun que cada vno podia hacer su sentimiento; y en este Mes daban nombre de Divinos, à sus Reies difuntos, y à todas aquellas Personas señaladas, que havian muerto haçañosamente en las Guerras, y en poder de sus enemigos, y les hacian sus Idolos, y los colocaban, con sus Dioses, diciendo, que avian ido al lugar de sus deleites, y pasatiempos, en compañia de los otros Dioses.'[IX-51]As the whole description becomes a little puzzling here, I give the original,Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, p. 42:'Enfrente de esta figura está Teoyaomique desnuda, y cubierta con solo un cendal, parada sobre una basa, ó porcion de pilastra; la cabeza separada del cuerpo, arriba del cuello, con los ojos vendados, y en su lugar dos viboras ó culebras, que nacen del mismo cuello. Entre estas dos figuras está un árbol de flores partido por medio, al cual se junta un madero con varios atravesaños, y encima de él una ave, cuya cabeza está tambien dividida del cuerpo. Se vé tambien otra cabeza de ave dentro de una jicara, otra de sierpe, una olla con la boca para abajo, saliendo de ella la materia que contenia dentro, cuya figura parece ser la que usaban para representar el agua; y finalmente ocupan el resto del cuadro [of the representation of the constellation above mentioned in the text] otros geroglíficos y figuras diferentes.'[IX-52]Boturini,Idea, pp. 27-8, mentions the goddess Teoyaomique; on pp. 30-1, he notices the respect with which Mictlantecutli and the dead were regarded:'Me resta solo tratar de la decima tercia, y ultima Deidad esto es, elDios del Infierno, Geroglifico, que explica el piadoso acto de sepultar los muertos, y el gran respeto, que estos antiguos Indios tenian à los sepulcros, creyendo, à imitacion de otras Naciones, no solo que alli asistian las almas de los Difuntos, ... sino que tambien dichos Parientes eran sus DiosesIndigetes, ita dicti, quasi inde geniti, cuyos huessos, y cenizas daban alli indubitables, y ciertas señales de el dominio, que tuvieron en aquella misma tierra, donde se hallaban sepultados, la que havian domado con los sudores de la Agricultura, y aun defendian con los respetos, y eloquencia muda, de sus cadaveres.... Nuestros Indios en la segunda Edad dedicaron dos meses de el año llamadosMicaylhuitl, yHueymicaylhuitlà la Commemoracion de los Difuntos, y en la tercera exercitaron varios actos de piedad en su memoria, prueba constante de que confessaron la immortalidad de el alma.'See furtherTorquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 529-30. Of the compound idol discussed above, Humboldt,Vues des Cordillères, tom. ii., pp. 153-7, speaks at some length. He says:'On distingue, à la partie supérieure, les têtes de deux monstres accolés et l'on trouve, à chaque face, deux yeux et une large gueule armée de quatre dents. Ces figures monstrueuses n'indiquent peut-être que des masques: car, chez les Mexicains, on étoit dans l'usage de masquer les idoles à l'époque de la maladie d'un roi, et dans toute autre calamité publique. Les bras et les pieds sont cachés sous une draperie entourée d'énormes serpens, et que les Mexicains designoient sous le nom decohuatlicuye, vêtement de serpent. Tous ces accessoires, surtout les franges en forme de plumes, sont sculptés avec le plus grand soin. M. Gama, dans un mémoire particulier, a rendu très-probable que cette idole représente le dieu de la guerre,Huitzilopochtli, ouTlacahuepancuexcotzin, et sa femme, appeléeTeoyamiqui(demiqui, mourir, et deteoyao, guerre divine), parcequ'elle conduisoit les ames des guerriers morts pour la défense des dieux, à lamaison du Soleil, le paradis des Mexicains, où elle les transformoit en colibris. Les têtes de morts et les mains coupées, dont quatre entourent le sein de la déesse, rappellent les horribles sacrifices (teoquauhquetzoliztli) célébrés dans la quinzième période de treize jours, après le solstice d'été, à l'honneur du dieu de la guerre et de sa compagneTeoyamiqui. Les mains coupées alternent avec la figure de certains vases dans lesquels on brûloit l'encens. Ces vases étoient appeléstop-xicalli sacs en forme de calebasse(detoptli, bourse tissue de fil de pite, et dexicali, calebasse). Cette idole étant sculptée sur toutes ses faces, même par dessous (fig. 5), où l'on voit représentéMictlanteuhtli, le seigneur du lieu des morts, on ne sauroit douter qu'elle étoit soutenue en l'air au moyen de deux colonnes sur lesquelles reposoient les parties marquées A et B, dans les figures 1 et 3. D'après cette disposition bizarre, la tête de l'idole se trouvoit vraisemblablement élevée de cinq à six mètres au-dessus du pavé du temple, de manière que les prêtres (Teopixqui) traînoient les malheureuses victimes à l'autel, en les faisant passer au-dessous de la figure deMictlanteuhtli.'[IX-53]According to Brasseur de Bourbourg, inNouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1858, tom. clx., pp. 267-8:'Les héros et demi-deux qui, sous le nom générique de Chichemèques-Mixcohuas, jouent un si grand rôle dans la mythologie mexicaine, et qui du viieau ixesiècle de notre ère, obtinrent la prépondérance sur le plateau aztèque.... Les plus célèbres de ces héros sont Mixcohuatl-Mazatzin (le Serpent Nébuleux et le Daim), fondateur de la royauté à Tollan (aujourd'hui Tula), Tetzcatlipoca, spécialement adoré à Tetzeuco, et son frère Mixcohuatl le jeune, dit Camaxtli, en particulier adoré à Tlaxcallan, l'un et l'autre mentionnés, sous d'autres noms, parmi les rois de Culhuacan et considérés, ainsi que le premier, comme les principaux fondateurs de la monarchie toltèque. On ignore où ils reçurent le jour. Un manuscrit mexicain, [Codex Chimalpopoca], en les donnant pour fils d'Iztac-Mixcohuatl ou le Serpent Blanc Nébuleux et d'Iztac-Chalchiuhlicué ou la Blanche Dame azurée, fait allégoriquement allusion aux pays nébuleux et aquatiques où ils ont pris naissance; le même document ajoute qu'ils vinrent par eau et qu'ils demeurèrent un certain temps en barque. Peut-être que le nom d'Iztac ou Blanc, également donné à Mixcohuatl, désigne aussi une race différente de celle des Indiens et plus en rapport avec la nôtre.'[IX-54]Brinton's Myths, p. 158.[IX-55]Cañas de humo.Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 75;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166.[IX-56]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 73-6;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 162-7;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 148-9, 151-2, 280-1;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 79;Müller,Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 483, 486, and elsewhere. Brasseur, as his custom is, euhemerizes this god, detailing the events of his reign, and theorizing on his policy, as soberly and believingly as if it were a question of the reign of a Louis XIV., or a Napoleon I.; seeHist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 227-35. Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 88, and others, make Camaxtle, the principal god of Tlascala, identical with Mixcoatl. The Chichimecs 'had only one god called Mixcoatl and they kept this image or statue. They held to another god, invisible, without image, called Iooalliehecatl—that is to say, god invisible and impalpable, favoring, sheltering, all-powerful, by whose power all live, etc.'Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 64.[IX-57]This deity must not, it would seem, be confounded with another mentioned by Sahagun, viz., Coatlyace, or Coatlyate, or Coatlantonan, a goddess of whom we know little save the fact, incidentally mentioned, that she was regarded with great devotion by the dealers in flowers. SeeKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 42, andSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 95.[IX-58]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 10-11, 136;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 19-22, lib. iv., p. 305. Boturini,Idea de una Hist., pp. 14-15, speaks of a goddess called Macuilxochiquetzalli; by a comparison of the passage withnote 28of this chapter, it will I think be evident that the chevalier's Macuilxochiquetzalli is identical not with Macuilxochitl, but with Xochiquetzal, the Aztec Venus. See further, on the relations of this goddess,Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 490-1:'Matlalcuéyé, qui donnait son nom au versant de la montagne du côté de Tlaxcallan, était regardée comme la protectrice spéciale des magiciennes. La légende disait qu'elle était devenue l'épouse de Tlaloc, après que Xochiquetzal eut été enlevée à ce dieu[see this vol.p. 378].Celle-ci, dont elle n'était, après tout, qu'une personnification différente, était appelée aussi Chalchiuhlycué, ou le Jupon semé d'émeraudes, en sa qualité de déesse des eaux. Le symbole sous lequel on la représente, comme déesse des amours honnêtes, est celui d'un éventail composé de cinq fleurs, ce que rend encore le nom qu'on lui donnait "Macuil-Xochiquetzalli."'Brasseur, it is to be remembered, distinguishes between Xochiquetzal as the goddess of honest love, and Tlazolteotl as the goddess of lubricity.[IX-59]The fire-god Xiuhtecutli used an instrument of this kind; see this vol.p. 385.[IX-60]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 11-12;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 22-3;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 58, 240-1;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 492.[IX-61]This god, who was also known by the title of Tlaltecuin, is the third Mexican god connected with medicine. There is first that unnamed goddess described onp. 353of this vol.; and there is then a certain Tzaputlatena, described by Sahagun—Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 4;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 7-8—as the goddess of turpentine (seeBrasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 494), or of some such substance, used to cure the itch in the head, irruptions on the skin, sore throats, chapped feet or lips, and other such things:'Tzaputlatena fué una muger, segun su nombre, nacida en el pueblo de Tzaputla, y por esto se llama la Madre de Tzaputla, porque fué la primera que inventó la resina que se llama uxitl, y es un aceyte sacado por artificio de la resina del pino, que aprovecha para sanar muchas enfermedades, y primeramente aprovecha contra una manera de bubas, ó sarna, que nace en la cabeza, que se llama Quaxococivistli; y tambien contra otra enfermedad es provechosa asi mismo, que nace en la cabeza, que es como bubas, que se llama Chaguachicioiztli, y tambien para la sarna de la cabeza. Aprovecha tambien contra la ronguera de la garganta. Aprovecha tambien contra las grietas de las pies y de los labios. Es tambien contra los empeines que nacen en la cara ó en las manos. Es tambien contra el usagre; contra muchas otras enfermedades es bueno. Y como esta muger debió ser la primera que halló este aceyte, contaronla entre las Diosas, y hacianla fiesta y sacrificios aquellos que venden y hacen este aceyte que se llama Uxitl.'[IX-62]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 12-13;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 24-5;Clavigero,Hist. Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21.[IX-63]'Tenia en la mano izquierda una rodela teñida de colorado, y en el medio de este campo una flor blanca con quatro ojas á manera de cruz, y de los espacios de las ojas salian quatro puntas que eran tambien ojas de la misma flor. Tenia un cetro en la mano derecha como un caliz, y de lo alto de él salia como un casquillo de saetas.'Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 13;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 26-7;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 20;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 60-1.'La pêche avait, toutefois, son génie particulier: c'était Opochtli, le Gaucher, personnification de Huitzilopochtli.'Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 494.[IX-64]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22. This is evidently a blunder, however; Boturini explains Totec to mean 'god our lord,' and Xipe (or Oxipe, as he writes it) to signify 'god of the flaying.''Tlaxipehualiztli, Symbolo del primer Mes, quiere decirDeshollamiento de Gentes, porque en su primer dia se deshollaban unos Hombres vivos dedicados al DiosTotéuc, esto es,Dios Señor nuestro, ò al DiosOxipe, Dios de el Deshollamiento, syncope deTloxipeùca.'Boturini,Idea de una Hist., p. 51.Sahagun says that the name means 'the flayed one.''Xipetotec, que quiere decir desollado.'Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 14;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. 27. While Torquemada affirms that it means 'the bald,' or 'the blackened one.''Tenian los Plateros otro Dios, que se llamaba Xippe, y Totec.... Este Demonio Xippe, que quiere decir, Calvo, ó Ateçado.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 58.Brasseur,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 503, partially accepts all these derivations:'Xipe, le chauve ou l'écorché, autrement dit encore Totec ou notre seigneur.'This god was further surnamed, according to the interpreter of the Vatican Codex, 'the mournful combatant,' or, as Gallatin gives it, 'the disconsolate;' seeSpiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xliii., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 186; andAmer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 345, 350.[IX-65]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 14;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 27-8;Boturini,Idea de Nueva Hist., p. 51.[IX-66]These human sacrifices were begun, according to Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 165-7, by the Mexicans, before the foundation of their city, while yet slaves of the Culhuas. These Mexicans had done good service to their rulers in a battle against the Xochimilcas. The masters were expected to furnish their serfs with a thank-offering for the war god. They sent a filthy rag and a rotten fowl. The Mexicans received and were silent. The day of festival came; and with it the Culhua nobles to see the sport—the Helots and their vile sacrifice. But the filth did not appear, only a coarse altar, wreathed with a fragrant herb, bearing a great flake of keen-ground obsidian. The dance began, the frenzy mounted up, the priests advanced to the altar, and with them they dragged four Xochimilca prisoners. There is a quick struggle, and over a prisoner bruised, doubled back supine on the altar-block gleams and falls the itzli, driven with a two-handed blow. The blood spurts like a recoil into the bent face of the high priest, who grabbles, grasps, tears out and flings the heart to the god. Another, another, another, and there are four hearts beating in the lap of the grim image. There are more dances but there is no more sport for the Culhuas: with lips considerably whitened they return to their place. After this there could be no more mastership, nor thought of mastership over such a people; there was too much of the wild beast in them; they had already tasted blood. And the Mexicans were allowed to leave the land of their bondage, and journey north toward the future Tenochtitlan.[IX-67]See this vol.,p. 415.[IX-68]Further notice of this stone appears inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 94, orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap., pp. 207-8:'El sesenta y dos edificio se llamaba Temalacatl. Era una piedra como muela de molino grande, y estaba agujereada en el medio como muela de molino. Sobre esta piedra ponian los esclavos y acuchillabanse con ellos: estaban atados por medio de tal manera que podian llegar hasta la circumferencia de la piedra, y dabanles armas con que peleasen. Era este un espectaculo muy frequente, y donde concurria gente de todas las comarcas á verle. Un satrapa vestido de un pellejo de oso ó Cuetlachtli, era alli el padrino de los captivos que alli mataban, que los llevaba á la piedra y los ataba alli, y los daba las armas, y los lloraba entre tanto que peleaban, y quando caian los entregaba al que les habia de sacar el corazon, que era otro satrapa vestido con otro pellejo que se llamaba Tooallaoan. Esta relacion queda escrita en la fiesta de Tlacaxipeoaliztli.'[IX-69]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 23, 37-43;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 51-3, 86-97;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pt. i., lam. iii., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 133;Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. lxiii., inId., vol. v., p. 191;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 154, 252-4;Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt. ii., pp. 50-4;Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 78, note;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 481. We learn from Clavigero,Ibid., tom. i., pp. 281-2, that this great gladiatorial block was sometimes to an extraordinary extent a 'stone of sacrifice' to the executioners as well as to the doomed victim. In the last year of the reign of the last Montezuma, a famous Tlascaltec general, Tlahuicol, was captured by the merest accident. His strength of arm was such that few men could lift hismaquahuil, or sword of the Mexican type, from the ground. Montezuma, too proud to use such an inglorious triumph, or perhaps moved by a sincere admiration of the terrible and dignified warrior, offered him his liberty, either to return to Tlascala, or to accept high office in Mexico. But the honor of the chief was at stake, as he understood it; and not even a favor would he accept from the hated Mexican; the death, the death! he said, and, if you dare, by battle on the gladiatorial stone. So they tied him, (by the foot says Clavigero), upon thetemalacatl, armed with a great staff only, and chose out champions to kill him from the most renowned of the warriors; but the grim Tlascaltec dashed out the brains of eight with his club, and hurt twenty more, before he fell, dying like himself. They tore out his heart, as of wont, and a costlier heart to Mexico never smoked before the sun.[IX-70]This last name means, Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 57, being followed, 'the hook-nosed;' and it is curious enough that this type of face, so generally connected with the Hebrew race and through them with particular astuteness in trade, should be the characteristic of the Mexican god of trade:'Los mercaderes tuvieron Dios particular, al qual llamaron Iyacatecuhtli, y por otro nombre se llamò Yacacoliuhqui, que quiere decir: El que tiene la nariz aguileña, que propriamente representa persona que tiene viveça, ò habilidad, para mofar graciosamente, ò engañar, y es sabio, y sagàz (que es propia condicion de mercaderes.)'[IX-71]Without laying any particular stress on this lighting a fire before Yiacatecutli—perhaps here necessary as a camp-fire and probably, at any rate, a thing done before many other gods—it may be noticed that the fire god seems to be particularly connected with the merchant god and indeed with the merchants themselves. Describing a certain coming down or arrival of the gods among men, believed to take place in the twelfth Mexican month, Sahagun—after describing the coming, first of Tezcatlipoca, who, 'being a youth, and light and strong, walked fastest,' and then the coming of all the rest (their arrival being known to the priests by the marks of their feet on a little heap of maize flour, specially prepared for the purpose)—says that a day after all the rest of the gods, came the god of fire and the god of the merchants, together; they being old and unable to walk as fast as their younger divine brethren:'El dia siguiente llegaba el dios de los Mercaderes llamado Yiaiacapitzaoac, ó Yiacatecutli, y otro Dios llamado Hiscocauzqui (Yxcocauhqui), ó Xiveteuctli (Xiuhtecutli), que és el Dios del fuego á quien los mercaderes tienen grande devocion. Estos dos llegaban á la postre un dia despues de los otros, porque decian que eran viejos y no andaban tanto como los otros:'Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 71, orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 158.See also, for the connection of the fire god Xiuhtecutli with business, this vol.p. 226; and for the high position of the merchants themselves besides Tezcatlipoca see this vol.,p. 228.[IX-72]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 14-16;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 29-33;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 20. The Nahuihehecatli, or Nauiehecatl, mentioned by the interpreters of the codices, as a god honored by the merchants, is either some air god like Quetzalcoatl, or, as Sahagun gives it, merely the name of a sign; seeSpiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xxvii., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 179; also, pp. 139-40;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xii.; also,Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 304-5, andKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 135-6.[IX-73]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 16-17;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 33-5;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 59-60;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22.[IX-74]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 7, 19, 90, 93;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 14, 39-40, lib. ii., pp. 200, 205;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 58, 152, 184, 416;Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xxxv., andExplicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xvi., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 141, 182;Gallatin, inAmer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 344, 350;Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 87, 315;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21.'Otros tenian figuras de hombres; tenian estos en la cabeza un mortero en lugar de mitra, y allí les echaban vino, por ser el dios del vino.'Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 33.'Otros con un mortero en la cabeza, y este parece que era el dios del vino, y así le echaban vino en aquel como mortero.'Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 88.'PapaztlaóPapaztac.... Este era uno de los tres pueblos de donde se sacaban los esclavos para el sacrificio que se hacia de dia, al idoloCentzentotochtin, Dios del vino en el mes nombradoHueipachtli, ótepeilhuitlen su templo propio que es el cuadragesimo cuarto edificio de los que se contenian en la area del mayor, como dice el Dr. Hernandez:"Templum erat dicatum vini deo, in cujus honorem tres captivos interdiu tamen, et nonnoctu jugulabant, quorum primum Tepuztecatl nuncupabant secundum toltecatl, tertium vero Papaztac quod fiebat quotanni circa festum Tepeilhuiltl." Apud P. Nieremberg, pag. 144.'Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 35.'Les buveurs et les ivrognes avaient cependant, parmi les Aztèques, plusieurs divinités particulières: la principale était Izquitecatl; mais le plus connu devait être Tezcatzoncatl, appelé aussi Tequechmecaniani, ou le Pendeur.'Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 493.[IX-75]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 64;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 23. These were what the Spaniards called 'oratorios' in the houses of the Mexicans. In or before these oratories the people offered cooked food to such images of the gods as they had there. Every morning the good-wife of the house woke up the members of her family and took care that they made the proper offering, as above, to these deities.Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 95;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 211.[IX-76]It is obviously of little consequence to mythology whether the Mexicans called the month Atlcahualco the first or the third month (or, as Boturini has it, the eighteenth,) so long as we know, with some accuracy, to what month and day of the month it corresponds in our own Gregorian calendar. For the complete discussion of this question of the calendar we refer readers to the preceding volume of this series. Gama was unfortunately unacquainted with the writings of Sahagun, and Bustamante (who edited the works both of Gama and Sahagun) remarks in a note to the writings of the astronomer:'Muchas veces he deplorado, que el sábio Sr. D. Antonio Leon y Gama no hubiese tenido á la vista para formar esta preciosa obra los manuscritos del P. Sahagun, que he publicado en los años de 1829 y 30 en la oficina de D. Alejandro Valdés, y solo hubiese leído la obra del P. Torquemada, discípulo de D. Antonio Valeriano, que lo fué de dicho P. Sahagun; pues la lectura del texto de éste, que acaso truncó, ó no entendió bien, podrian haberle dejado dudas en hechos muy interesantes á esta historia.' SeeLeon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 45-89;Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 20-34, orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 251-86;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 397;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 58-84;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pt i., andSpiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. lvii-lxxiv, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 129-34, 190-7;Boturini,Idea de una Hist., pp. 47-53;Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 294;Müller,Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 646-8;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-37;Gallatin, inAmer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 57-114.[IX-77]See this vol.,pp. 332-4.[IX-78]It is also surnamed Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake:' see above.[IX-79]There seems to be some confusion with regard to whether or not there were gladiatorial sacrifices in each of the first two months. Sahagun, however, appears to describe sacrifices of this kind, as occurring in both periods; those of the first month being in honor of the Tlalocs and those of the second in honor of Xipe. For a description of these rites see this vol.pp. 414-5.[IX-80]See this vol.,pp. 360-2.[IX-81]'LeTzohualliétait un composé de graines légumineuses particulières au Mexique, qu'on mangeait de diverses manières.'Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 513.[IX-82]The name 'Tepopochuiliztli' signifies 'smoke or vapor.' As to the meaning of 'Toxcatl' writers are divided, Boturini interpreting it to mean 'effort,' and Torquemada 'a slippery place.' Acosta, Sahagun, and Gama agree, however, in accepting it as an epithet applied to a string of parched or toasted maize used in ceremonies to be immediately described, and Acosta further gives as its root signification 'a dried thing.' Consult, in addition to the references given in the note at the beginning of these descriptions of the feasts,Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 383;Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 45-9;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 100-11.[IX-83]With three of these goddesses we are tolerably familiar, knowing them to be intimately connected with each other and concerned in the production, preservation, or support of life and of life-giving food. Of Atlatonan little is known, but she seems to belong to the same class, being generally mentioned in connection with Cinteotl. Her name means, according to Torquemada, 'she that shines in the water.''Otra Capilla, ò Templo avia, que se llamaba Xiuhcalco, dedicado al Dios Cinteutl, en cuia fiesta sacrificaban dos Varones Esclavos, y una Muger, à los quales ponian el nombre de su Dios. Al vno llamaban Iztaccinteutl, Dios Tlatlauhquicinteutl, Dios de las Mieses encendidas, ò coloradas; y à la Muger Atlantona, que quiere decir, que resplandece en el Agua, à la qual desollaban, cuio pellejo, y cuero, se vestia vn Sacerdote, luego que acababa el Sacrificio, que era de noche.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 155;see also,Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 94; orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 209.[IX-84]Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 382-3, gives an account of various other ceremonies which took place ten days before the great feast day, which account has been followed by Torquemada, Clavigero, and later writers, and which we reproduce from the quaint but in this case at least full and accurate translation of E. G.—a translation which, however, makes this chapter the 29th of the fifth book instead of the 28th as in the original: 'Then came forth one of the chiefe of the temple, attired like to the idoll, carrying flowers in his hand, and a flute of earth, having a very sharpe sound, and turning towards the east, he sounded it, and then looking to the west, north and south he did the like. And after he had thus sounded towards the foure parts of the world (shewing that both they that were present and absent did heare him) hee put his finger into the aire, and then gathered vp earth, which he put in his mouth, and did eate it in signe of adoration. The like did all they that were present, and weeping, they fell flat to the ground, invocating the darknesse of the night, and the windes, intreating them not to leave them, nor to forget them, or else to take away their lives, and free them from the labors they indured therein. Theeves, adulterers, and murtherers, and all others offendors had great feare and heavinesse, whilest this flute sounded; so as some could not dissemble nor hide their offences. By this meanes they all demanded no other thing of their god, but to have their offences concealed, powring foorth many teares, with great repentaunce and sorrow, offering great store of incense to appease their gods. The couragious and valiant men, and all the olde souldiers, that followed the Arte of Warre, hearing this flute, demaunded with great devotion of God the Creator, of the Lorde for whome wee live, of the sunne, and of other their gods, that they would give them victorie against their ennemies, and strength to take many captives, therewith so honour their sacrifices. This ceremonie was doone ten dayes before the feast: During which tenne dayes the Priest did sound this flute, to the end that all might do this worship in eating of earth, and demaund of their idol what they pleased: they every day made their praiers, with their eyes lift vp to heaven, and with sighs and groanings, as men that were grieved for their sinnes and offences.'[IX-85]Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 100-11;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 263-6;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 70-3.[IX-86]For the month Etzalqualiztli, see this volume, pp.334-43; for the months Tecuilhuitzintli, Hueytecuilhuitl, and Tlaxochimaco, see vol. ii. of this work, pp. 225-8; for Xocotlhuetzin and Ochpaniztli, this volume,pp. 385-9,354-9; for Teotleco, vol. ii., pp. 332-4; for Tepeilhuitl, Quecholli, Panquetzaliztli, and Atemoztli, this volume,pp. 343-6,404-6,297-300,323-4,346-8; for Tititl, vol. ii., pp. 337-8; for Itzcalli, this volume,pp. 390-3.[IX-87]Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 194-7, 216. There are other scattered notices of these movable feasts, which will be referred to as they appear.[IX-88]Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxvi.[IX-89]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 77-8, 195-218. The last five days of the year were, according to Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 331, devoted to religious ceremonies, as drawing of blood, sacrifices, and dances, but most other authors state that they were passed in quiet retirement.[IX-90]See this volume,pp. 393-6.[X-1]'Los Pueblos, que à los Templos de la Ciudad de Tetzcuco servian, con Leña, Carbon, y corteça de Roble, eran quince ... y otros quince Pueblos ... servian los otros seis meses del Año, con lo mismo, à las Casas Reales, y Templo Maior.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 164.[X-2]Rapport, inTernaux-Compans,Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 305.[X-3]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 164-6;Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxix., cxli.'È da credersi, che quel tratto di paese, che avea il nome diTeotlalpan, (Terra degli Dei,) fosse così appellata, per esservi delle possesioni de' Tempj.'Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36.[X-4]Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 120.[X-5]Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 112;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 36-7.[X-6]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 175-7;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 37. Sahagun calls them Quetzalcoatl Teoteztlamacazqui, who was also high-priest of Huitzilopochtli, and Tlaloctlamacazqui, who was Tlaloc's chief priest; they were equals, and elected from the most perfect, without reference to birth.Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 276-7. There are two inconsistencies in this, the only strong contradiction of the statement of the above, as well as several other authors, who form the authority of my text: first, Sahagun calls the first high-priest Quetzalcoatl Teotectlamacazqui, a name which scarcely accords with the title of Huitzilopochtli's high-priest; secondly, he ignores the almost unanimous evidence of old writers, who state that the latter office was hereditary in a certain district.'Al Summo Pontìfice llamaban en la lengua mexicana Tehuatecolt.'Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.'El mayor de todos que es superlado, Achcauhtli.'Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 323.But this was the title of the Tlascaltec high-priest.'A los supremos Sacerdotes ... llamauan en su antigua lengua Papas.'Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 336.See alsoChaves,Rapport, inTernaux-Compans,Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 303-4.[X-7]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 177, 180;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 41;Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xv.;Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.[X-8]Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-19. Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 549-51, whose chief authority is Hernandez, and who is not very clear in his description, holds that the Mexicatlteohuatzin was the supreme priest, and that he also bore the title of Teotecuhtli, the rank of chief priest of Huitzilopochtli, and was the right hand minister of the king. Quetzalcoatl's high-priest he places next in rank, but outside of the political sphere. On one page he states that the high-priest was elected by the two chief men in the hierarchy, and on another he distinctly implies that the king made the higher appointments in order to control the church. The sacrificing priest, whom he evidently holds to be the same as the high-priest, he invests with the rank of generalissimo, and heir to the throne.[X-9]Carbajal states that a temple bearing the name of the people, or their chief town, was erected in the metropolis, and attended by a body of priests brought from the province.Discurso, p. 110. This may, however, be a misinterpretation of Torquemada, who gives a description of a building attached to the chief temple at Mexico, in which the idols of subjugated people were kept imprisoned, to prevent them from aiding their worshipers to regain their liberty.[X-10]Some authors seem to associate this office with that of the pontiff, but it appears that the high-priest merely inaugurated the sacrifices on special occasions.'Era esta vna dignidad suprema, y entre ellos tenida en mucho, la qual se heredaua como cosa de mayorazgo. El ministro que tenia oficio de matar ... era tenido y reuerenciado como supreme Sacerdote, o Pontifice.'Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 352.'Era como decir, el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual, y no à otro, era dado este oficio de abrir los Hombres por los pechos, ... siendo comunmente los herederos, de este Patrimonio, y suerte Eclesiastica, los primogenitos.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 117.It is difficult to decide upon the interpretation of these sentences. The expression of his being 'held or reverenced as pontiff' certainly indicates that another priest held the office, so does the sentence, 'it was inherited by the first-born' of certain families. But the phrase,'el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual y no à otro, era dado este oficio,'points very directly to the high-priest as the holder of the post.[X-11]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 178-9;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 37-9;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-26;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 551.[X-12]Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 323-4. He describes the dress as'vna ropa de algodon blanca estrecha, y larga, y encima vna manta por capa añudada al hombro.... Tiznaunse los dios festiuales, y quando su regla mandaua de negro las piernas,'etc.[X-13]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 39-40;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 369-71. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that the teopatli was the ointment used at the consecration of the high-priest, but it is not likely that a preparation which served monks and invalids as body paint, would be applied to the heads of high-priests and kings.Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 558. Every priestly adornment had, doubtless, its mystic meaning. The custom of painting the body black was first done in honor of the god of Hades.Boturini,Idea, p. 117.[X-14]See vol. ii., pp. 242, et seq.[X-15]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 189-91;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 223-31;Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 53-4.'Sustentábanse del trabajo de sus manos ó por sus padres y parientes.'Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 107.[X-16]'Trahian en las cabeças coronas como frayles, poco cabello, aunque crezido hasta media oreja, y mas largo por el colodrillo hasta las espaldas, y a manera de trençado le atauan.'Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvi.[X-17]Clavigero asserts that at the age of two the boy was consecrated to the order oftlamacazcayotlby a cut in the breast, and at seven he was admitted.Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 44;Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 53.[X-18]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 220-4. Whether this decorum was preserved after the adjournment of the meeting, is a point which some writers are inclined to doubt.[X-19]Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 341-2.[X-20]Hist. Tlax., inNouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 134-5.[X-21]Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxii.;Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 90.[X-22]Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxix.;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 185-6.[X-23]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 39. According to Torquemada, the night service was partly devoted to the god of night.Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 227.[X-24]Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxv.;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 224-5, 275;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 336, 343;Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.[X-25]This was the answer given by Juan de Tovar, in hisHist. Ind., MS., to the doubts expressed by Acosta as to the authenticity of the long-winded prayers of the Mexicans, whose imperfect writing was not well adapted to reproduce orations.Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., p. 282.[X-26]Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 93. Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 24, certainly says:'Taceano le loro preghiere comunemente inginocchione,'but we are told by Sahagun and others, that when they approached the deity with most humility, namely, at the confession, a squatting position was assumed; the same was done when they delivered orations. The greatest sign of adoration, according to Camargo, was to take a handful of earth and grass and eat it; very similar to the manner of taking an oath or greeting a superior, which consisted in touching the hand to the ground and then putting it to the lips.Hist. Tlax., inNouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 168.[X-27]Ib.[X-28]At the present day the rite of circumcision may be traced almost in an unbroken line from China to the Cape of Good Hope.[X-29]Myths, p. 147.[X-30]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 83;Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., pp. 108-9;Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxv.;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 133.[X-31]See this volume, pp.380-4.[X-32]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 212-13;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 343;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 275-6.[X-33]Conq. Mex., fol. 336. Some of these sticks were thicker than a finger,'y largos, como el tamaño de vn braço.''Eran en numero de quatrocientas.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 102-3;Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 51-2.[X-34]Rapport, inTernaux-Compans,Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 305. The Mexican priests performed this sacrifice every five days.Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 225,'De la sangre que sacaban de las partes del Cuerpo en cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre.'Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxx.[X-35]See this volume,p. 61.[X-36]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 165-7. Torquemada, however, mentions one earlier sacrifice of some refractory Mexicans, who desired to leave their wandering countrymen and settle at Tula, contrary to the command of the god.Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 115-16, 50.'On prétend que cet usage vint de la province de Chalco dans celle de Tlaxcallan.'Camargo,Hist. Tlax., inNouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 199;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Quatre Lettres, p. 343. 'Quetzalcoatle was the first inventor of sacrifices of human blood.'Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 201. It is conceded, however, by other writers, that Quetzalcoatl was opposed to all bloodshed. See this volume,p. 278. Müller,Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 628, thinks that the Aztecs introduced certain rites of human sacrifice, which they connected with others already existing in Mexico.[X-37]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 186.'Eran cada año estos Niños sacrificados mas de veinte mil por cuenta.'Id., tom. ii., p. 120.A misconstruction of Zumárraga, who does not specify them as children.Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 49, tom. i., p. 257;Ixtlilxochitl,Hist. Chich., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 268;Boturini,Idea, p. 28.'Afirman que auia vez que passauan de cinco mil, y dia vuo que en diuersas partes fueron assi sacrificados mas de veynta mil.'Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 356.Gomara states that the conquerors counted 136,000 skulls in one skull-yard alone.Conq. Mex., fol. 122.[X-38]'Non furono mai veduti i Messicani sacriücare i propj lor Nazionali, se non coloro, che per li loro delitti erano rei di morte.'Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 299.A rather hasty assertion.[X-39]See vol. ii., p. 307.[X-40]Salazar y Olarte,Hist. Conq. Mex., p. 71;Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.[X-41]Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 79-82. This author gives the name as Curicaweri.[X-42]'El Sumo Sacerdote Curinacanery.'Beaumont,Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 52.[X-43]'Guirnaldas de fluecos colorados,' says Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.[X-44]Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.;Beaumont,Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 52-3, 75;Alegre,Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 91-2;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 59, 64-5, 79-82;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 525; Carbajal Espinosa,Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 291-2, thinks that the sacrifices were introduced by surrounding tribes, and that cannibalism was unknown to the Tarascos.'Sacrificaban culebras, aves y conejos, y no los hombres, aunque fuesen cautivos, porque se servian de ellos, como de esclavos.'Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138.See also vol. ii., pp. 620-1, of this work.
[IX-45]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 157, 191-3;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., ap., pp. 346-7, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 260-4;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 292-5;Boturini,Idea, pp. 18-21;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 62, 84-5;Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 101;Acosta,Hist. de las Yndias, pp. 398-9. Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 51-55, differs somewhat from the text; he was unfortunate in never having seen the works of Sahagun.
[IX-46]This vol.p. 59. The interpretations of the codices represent this god as peculiarly honored in their paintings: They place Michitlatecotle opposite to the sun, to see if he can rescue any of those seized upon by the lords of the dead, for Michitla signifies the dead below. These nations painted only two of their gods with the crown called Altoutcatecoatle, viz., the God of heaven and of abundance and this lord of the dead, which kind of crown I have seen upon the captains in the war of Coatle.Explicacion del Codex Telleriano Remensis, pt ii., lam. xv., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 140. Miquitlantecotli signifies the great lord of the dead fellow in hell who alone after Tonacatecotle was painted with a crown, which kind of a crown was used in war even after the arrival of the Christians in those countries, and was seen in the war of Coatlan, as the person who copied these paintings relates, who was a brother of the Order of Saint Dominic, named Pedro de los Rios. They painted this demon near the sun; for in the same way as they believed that the one conducted souls to heaven, so they supposed that the other carried them to hell. He is here represented with his hands open and stretched toward the sun, to seize on any soul which might escape from him.Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xxxiv., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 182. The Vatican Codex says further—that these were four gods or principal demons in the Mexican hell. Miquitlamtecotl or Zitzimitl; Yzpunteque, the lame demon, who appeared in the streets with the feet of a cock; Nextepelma, scatterer of ashes; and Contemoque, he who descends head-foremost. These four have goddesses, not as wives, but as companions, which was the simple relation in which all the Mexican god and goddesses stood to one another, there having been—according to most authorities—in their olympus neither marrying nor giving in marriage. Picking our way as well as possible across the frightful spelling of the interpreter, the males and females seem paired as follows: To Miquitlamtecotl or Tzitzimitl, was joined as goddess, Miquitecacigua; to Yzpunteque, Nexoxocho; to Nextepelma, Micapetlacoli; and to Contemoque, Chalmecaciuatl.Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. iii., iv., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 162-3;Boturini,Idea, pp. 30-1;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., ap. pp. 260-3;Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 116-17, says that this god was known by the further name of Tzontemoc and Aculnaoacatl.Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 6, 17. Gallatin,Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 350-1, says that 'Mictlanteuctli is specially distinguished by the interpreters as one of the crowned gods. His representation is found under the basis of the statue of Teoyaomiqui, and Gama has published the copy. According to him, the name of that god means the god of the place of the dead. He presided over the funeral of those who died of diseases. The souls of all those killed in battle were led by Teoyaomiqui to the dwelling of the sun. The others fell under the dominion of Mictanteuctli.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 77, 148, 447, tom. ii., p. 428. Brasseur de Bourbourg mentions this god and his wife, bringing up several interesting points, for which, however, he must bear the sole responsibility:S'il Existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 98-9.'Du fond des eaux qui couvraient le monde, ajoute un autre document mexicain (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 4, v.), le dieu des régions d'en bas.Mictlan-Teuctlifait surgir un monstre marin nomméCipactliouCapactli(Motolinia,Hist. Antig. de los Indios, part. MS. Dans ce document, au lieu decipactliil y acapactli, qui n'est peut-être qu'une erreur du copiste, mais qui, peut-être aussi est le souvenir d'une langue perdue et qui se rattacherait aucapacouManco-Capacdu Pérou.): de ce monstre, qui a la forme d'un caïman, il crée la terre (Motolinia,Ibid.). Ne serait-ce pas là le crocodile, image du temps, chez les Égyptiens, et ainsi que l'indique Champollion (DansHerapollon, i., 69 et 70, le crocodile est le symbole du couchant et des ténèbres) symbole également de laRégion du Couchant, de l'Amenti? Dans l'Orcus mexicain, le prince des Morts,Mictlan-Teuctli, a pour compagneMictecacihuatl, celle qui étend les morts. On l'appelleIxcuina, ou la déesse au visage peint ou au double visage, parce qu'elle avait le visage de deux couleurs, rouge avec le contour de la bouche et du nez peint en noir (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 18, v.). On lui donnait aussi le nom deTlaçolteotl, la déesse de l'ordure, ouTlaçolquani, la mangeuse d'ordure, parce qu'elle présidait aux amours et aux plaisirs lubriques avec ses trois sœurs. On la trouve personifiée encore avecChantico, quelquefois représentée comme un chien, soit à cause de sa lubricité, soit à cause du nom deChiucnauh-Itzcuintliou les Neuf-Chiens, qu'on lui donnait également (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 21, v.). C'est ainsi que dans l'Italie anté-pélasgique, dans la Sicile et dans l'île de Samothrace, antérieurement aux Thraces et aux Pélasges, on adorait une Zérinthia, une Hécate, déesse Chienne qui nourrissait ses trois fils, ses trois chiens, sur le même autel, dans la demeure souterraine; l'une et l'autre rappelaient ainsi le souvenir de ces hétaires qui veillaient au pied des pyramides, où elles se prostituaient aux marins, aux marchands et aux voyageurs, pour ramasser l'argent nécessaire à l'érection des tombeaux des rois. "Tout un calcul des temps, dit Eckstein (Sur les sources de la Cosmogonie de Sanchoniathon, pp. 101, 197), se rattache à l'adoration solaire de cette déesse et de ses fils. Le Chien, le Sirius, règne dans l'astre de ce nom, au zénith de l'année, durant les jours de la canicule. On connaît le cycle ou la période que préside l'astre du chien: on sait qu'il ne se rattache pas seulement aux institutions de la vieille Égypte, mais encore à celles de la haute Asie." En Amérique le nom de la déesseIxcuinase rattache également à la constellation du sud, où on la personnifie encore avecIxtlacoliuhqui, autre divinité des ivrognes et des amours obscènes: les astrologues lui attribuaient un grand pouvoir sur les événements de la guerre, et, dans les derniers temps, on en faisait dépendre le châtiment des adultères et des incestueux (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 16, v.).'See also,Brinton's Myths, pp. 130-7;Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 12, pt ii., pp. 65-6.
[IX-47]Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 338-9.
[IX-48]Speaking of the great image in the Mexican museum of antiquities supposed by some to be this Mexican goddess of war, or of death, Teoyaomique, Mr Tylor says,Anahuac, pp. 222-3: 'The stone known as the statue of the war-goddess is a huge block of basalt covered with sculptures. The antiquaries think that the figures on it stand for different personages, and that it is three gods—Huitzilopochtli the god of war, Teoyaomiqui his wife, and Mictlanteuctli the god of hell. It has necklaces of alternate hearts and dead men's hands, with death's head for a central ornament. At the bottom of the block is a strange sprawling figure, which one cannot see now, for it is the base which rests on the ground; but there are two shoulders projecting from the idol, which show plainly that it did not stand on the ground, but was supported aloft on the tops of two pillars. The figure carved upon the bottom represents a monster holding a skull in each hand, while others hang from his knees and elbows. His mouth is a mere oval ring, a common feature of Mexican idols, and four tusks project just above it. The new moon laid down like a bridge forms his forehead, and a star is placed on each side of it. This is thought to have been the conventional representation of Mictlanteuctli (Lord of the land of the dead), the god of hell, which was a place of utter and eternal darkness. Probably each victim as he was led to the altar could look up between the two pillars and see the hideous god of hell staring down upon him from above.'
[IX-49]Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 41-4.
[IX-50]The tenth month, so named by the Tlascaltecs and others. SeeTorquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 298.'Al decimo Mes del Kalendario Indiano llamaban sus Satrapas, Xocotlhuetzi, que quiere decir: Quando se cae, y acaba la Fruta, y debia de ser, por esta raçon, de que por aquel Tiempo se acababa, que cae en nuestro Agosto, è ià en todo este Mes se pasan las Frutas en tierra fria. Pero los Tlaxcaltecas, y otros lo llamaban Hueymiccailhuitl. que quiere decir: La Fiesta maior de los Difuntos; y llamavanla asi, porque este Mes solemniçaban la memoria de los Difuntos, con grandes clamores, y llantos, y doblados lutos, que la primera, y se teñian los cuerpos de color negro, y se tiznaban toda la cara; y asi, las ceremonias, que se hacian de Dia, y de Noche, en todos los Templos, y fuera de ellos, eran de mucha tristeça, segun que cada vno podia hacer su sentimiento; y en este Mes daban nombre de Divinos, à sus Reies difuntos, y à todas aquellas Personas señaladas, que havian muerto haçañosamente en las Guerras, y en poder de sus enemigos, y les hacian sus Idolos, y los colocaban, con sus Dioses, diciendo, que avian ido al lugar de sus deleites, y pasatiempos, en compañia de los otros Dioses.'
[IX-51]As the whole description becomes a little puzzling here, I give the original,Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, p. 42:'Enfrente de esta figura está Teoyaomique desnuda, y cubierta con solo un cendal, parada sobre una basa, ó porcion de pilastra; la cabeza separada del cuerpo, arriba del cuello, con los ojos vendados, y en su lugar dos viboras ó culebras, que nacen del mismo cuello. Entre estas dos figuras está un árbol de flores partido por medio, al cual se junta un madero con varios atravesaños, y encima de él una ave, cuya cabeza está tambien dividida del cuerpo. Se vé tambien otra cabeza de ave dentro de una jicara, otra de sierpe, una olla con la boca para abajo, saliendo de ella la materia que contenia dentro, cuya figura parece ser la que usaban para representar el agua; y finalmente ocupan el resto del cuadro [of the representation of the constellation above mentioned in the text] otros geroglíficos y figuras diferentes.'
[IX-52]Boturini,Idea, pp. 27-8, mentions the goddess Teoyaomique; on pp. 30-1, he notices the respect with which Mictlantecutli and the dead were regarded:'Me resta solo tratar de la decima tercia, y ultima Deidad esto es, elDios del Infierno, Geroglifico, que explica el piadoso acto de sepultar los muertos, y el gran respeto, que estos antiguos Indios tenian à los sepulcros, creyendo, à imitacion de otras Naciones, no solo que alli asistian las almas de los Difuntos, ... sino que tambien dichos Parientes eran sus DiosesIndigetes, ita dicti, quasi inde geniti, cuyos huessos, y cenizas daban alli indubitables, y ciertas señales de el dominio, que tuvieron en aquella misma tierra, donde se hallaban sepultados, la que havian domado con los sudores de la Agricultura, y aun defendian con los respetos, y eloquencia muda, de sus cadaveres.... Nuestros Indios en la segunda Edad dedicaron dos meses de el año llamadosMicaylhuitl, yHueymicaylhuitlà la Commemoracion de los Difuntos, y en la tercera exercitaron varios actos de piedad en su memoria, prueba constante de que confessaron la immortalidad de el alma.'See furtherTorquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 529-30. Of the compound idol discussed above, Humboldt,Vues des Cordillères, tom. ii., pp. 153-7, speaks at some length. He says:'On distingue, à la partie supérieure, les têtes de deux monstres accolés et l'on trouve, à chaque face, deux yeux et une large gueule armée de quatre dents. Ces figures monstrueuses n'indiquent peut-être que des masques: car, chez les Mexicains, on étoit dans l'usage de masquer les idoles à l'époque de la maladie d'un roi, et dans toute autre calamité publique. Les bras et les pieds sont cachés sous une draperie entourée d'énormes serpens, et que les Mexicains designoient sous le nom decohuatlicuye, vêtement de serpent. Tous ces accessoires, surtout les franges en forme de plumes, sont sculptés avec le plus grand soin. M. Gama, dans un mémoire particulier, a rendu très-probable que cette idole représente le dieu de la guerre,Huitzilopochtli, ouTlacahuepancuexcotzin, et sa femme, appeléeTeoyamiqui(demiqui, mourir, et deteoyao, guerre divine), parcequ'elle conduisoit les ames des guerriers morts pour la défense des dieux, à lamaison du Soleil, le paradis des Mexicains, où elle les transformoit en colibris. Les têtes de morts et les mains coupées, dont quatre entourent le sein de la déesse, rappellent les horribles sacrifices (teoquauhquetzoliztli) célébrés dans la quinzième période de treize jours, après le solstice d'été, à l'honneur du dieu de la guerre et de sa compagneTeoyamiqui. Les mains coupées alternent avec la figure de certains vases dans lesquels on brûloit l'encens. Ces vases étoient appeléstop-xicalli sacs en forme de calebasse(detoptli, bourse tissue de fil de pite, et dexicali, calebasse). Cette idole étant sculptée sur toutes ses faces, même par dessous (fig. 5), où l'on voit représentéMictlanteuhtli, le seigneur du lieu des morts, on ne sauroit douter qu'elle étoit soutenue en l'air au moyen de deux colonnes sur lesquelles reposoient les parties marquées A et B, dans les figures 1 et 3. D'après cette disposition bizarre, la tête de l'idole se trouvoit vraisemblablement élevée de cinq à six mètres au-dessus du pavé du temple, de manière que les prêtres (Teopixqui) traînoient les malheureuses victimes à l'autel, en les faisant passer au-dessous de la figure deMictlanteuhtli.'
[IX-53]According to Brasseur de Bourbourg, inNouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1858, tom. clx., pp. 267-8:'Les héros et demi-deux qui, sous le nom générique de Chichemèques-Mixcohuas, jouent un si grand rôle dans la mythologie mexicaine, et qui du viieau ixesiècle de notre ère, obtinrent la prépondérance sur le plateau aztèque.... Les plus célèbres de ces héros sont Mixcohuatl-Mazatzin (le Serpent Nébuleux et le Daim), fondateur de la royauté à Tollan (aujourd'hui Tula), Tetzcatlipoca, spécialement adoré à Tetzeuco, et son frère Mixcohuatl le jeune, dit Camaxtli, en particulier adoré à Tlaxcallan, l'un et l'autre mentionnés, sous d'autres noms, parmi les rois de Culhuacan et considérés, ainsi que le premier, comme les principaux fondateurs de la monarchie toltèque. On ignore où ils reçurent le jour. Un manuscrit mexicain, [Codex Chimalpopoca], en les donnant pour fils d'Iztac-Mixcohuatl ou le Serpent Blanc Nébuleux et d'Iztac-Chalchiuhlicué ou la Blanche Dame azurée, fait allégoriquement allusion aux pays nébuleux et aquatiques où ils ont pris naissance; le même document ajoute qu'ils vinrent par eau et qu'ils demeurèrent un certain temps en barque. Peut-être que le nom d'Iztac ou Blanc, également donné à Mixcohuatl, désigne aussi une race différente de celle des Indiens et plus en rapport avec la nôtre.'
[IX-54]Brinton's Myths, p. 158.
[IX-55]Cañas de humo.Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 75;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166.
[IX-56]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 73-6;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 162-7;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 148-9, 151-2, 280-1;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 79;Müller,Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 483, 486, and elsewhere. Brasseur, as his custom is, euhemerizes this god, detailing the events of his reign, and theorizing on his policy, as soberly and believingly as if it were a question of the reign of a Louis XIV., or a Napoleon I.; seeHist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 227-35. Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 88, and others, make Camaxtle, the principal god of Tlascala, identical with Mixcoatl. The Chichimecs 'had only one god called Mixcoatl and they kept this image or statue. They held to another god, invisible, without image, called Iooalliehecatl—that is to say, god invisible and impalpable, favoring, sheltering, all-powerful, by whose power all live, etc.'Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 64.
[IX-57]This deity must not, it would seem, be confounded with another mentioned by Sahagun, viz., Coatlyace, or Coatlyate, or Coatlantonan, a goddess of whom we know little save the fact, incidentally mentioned, that she was regarded with great devotion by the dealers in flowers. SeeKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 42, andSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 95.
[IX-58]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 10-11, 136;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 19-22, lib. iv., p. 305. Boturini,Idea de una Hist., pp. 14-15, speaks of a goddess called Macuilxochiquetzalli; by a comparison of the passage withnote 28of this chapter, it will I think be evident that the chevalier's Macuilxochiquetzalli is identical not with Macuilxochitl, but with Xochiquetzal, the Aztec Venus. See further, on the relations of this goddess,Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 490-1:'Matlalcuéyé, qui donnait son nom au versant de la montagne du côté de Tlaxcallan, était regardée comme la protectrice spéciale des magiciennes. La légende disait qu'elle était devenue l'épouse de Tlaloc, après que Xochiquetzal eut été enlevée à ce dieu[see this vol.p. 378].Celle-ci, dont elle n'était, après tout, qu'une personnification différente, était appelée aussi Chalchiuhlycué, ou le Jupon semé d'émeraudes, en sa qualité de déesse des eaux. Le symbole sous lequel on la représente, comme déesse des amours honnêtes, est celui d'un éventail composé de cinq fleurs, ce que rend encore le nom qu'on lui donnait "Macuil-Xochiquetzalli."'Brasseur, it is to be remembered, distinguishes between Xochiquetzal as the goddess of honest love, and Tlazolteotl as the goddess of lubricity.
[IX-59]The fire-god Xiuhtecutli used an instrument of this kind; see this vol.p. 385.
[IX-60]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 11-12;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 22-3;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 58, 240-1;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 492.
[IX-61]This god, who was also known by the title of Tlaltecuin, is the third Mexican god connected with medicine. There is first that unnamed goddess described onp. 353of this vol.; and there is then a certain Tzaputlatena, described by Sahagun—Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 4;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 7-8—as the goddess of turpentine (seeBrasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 494), or of some such substance, used to cure the itch in the head, irruptions on the skin, sore throats, chapped feet or lips, and other such things:'Tzaputlatena fué una muger, segun su nombre, nacida en el pueblo de Tzaputla, y por esto se llama la Madre de Tzaputla, porque fué la primera que inventó la resina que se llama uxitl, y es un aceyte sacado por artificio de la resina del pino, que aprovecha para sanar muchas enfermedades, y primeramente aprovecha contra una manera de bubas, ó sarna, que nace en la cabeza, que se llama Quaxococivistli; y tambien contra otra enfermedad es provechosa asi mismo, que nace en la cabeza, que es como bubas, que se llama Chaguachicioiztli, y tambien para la sarna de la cabeza. Aprovecha tambien contra la ronguera de la garganta. Aprovecha tambien contra las grietas de las pies y de los labios. Es tambien contra los empeines que nacen en la cara ó en las manos. Es tambien contra el usagre; contra muchas otras enfermedades es bueno. Y como esta muger debió ser la primera que halló este aceyte, contaronla entre las Diosas, y hacianla fiesta y sacrificios aquellos que venden y hacen este aceyte que se llama Uxitl.'
[IX-62]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 12-13;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 24-5;Clavigero,Hist. Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21.
[IX-63]'Tenia en la mano izquierda una rodela teñida de colorado, y en el medio de este campo una flor blanca con quatro ojas á manera de cruz, y de los espacios de las ojas salian quatro puntas que eran tambien ojas de la misma flor. Tenia un cetro en la mano derecha como un caliz, y de lo alto de él salia como un casquillo de saetas.'Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 13;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 26-7;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 20;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 60-1.'La pêche avait, toutefois, son génie particulier: c'était Opochtli, le Gaucher, personnification de Huitzilopochtli.'Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 494.
[IX-64]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22. This is evidently a blunder, however; Boturini explains Totec to mean 'god our lord,' and Xipe (or Oxipe, as he writes it) to signify 'god of the flaying.''Tlaxipehualiztli, Symbolo del primer Mes, quiere decirDeshollamiento de Gentes, porque en su primer dia se deshollaban unos Hombres vivos dedicados al DiosTotéuc, esto es,Dios Señor nuestro, ò al DiosOxipe, Dios de el Deshollamiento, syncope deTloxipeùca.'Boturini,Idea de una Hist., p. 51.Sahagun says that the name means 'the flayed one.''Xipetotec, que quiere decir desollado.'Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 14;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. 27. While Torquemada affirms that it means 'the bald,' or 'the blackened one.''Tenian los Plateros otro Dios, que se llamaba Xippe, y Totec.... Este Demonio Xippe, que quiere decir, Calvo, ó Ateçado.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 58.Brasseur,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 503, partially accepts all these derivations:'Xipe, le chauve ou l'écorché, autrement dit encore Totec ou notre seigneur.'This god was further surnamed, according to the interpreter of the Vatican Codex, 'the mournful combatant,' or, as Gallatin gives it, 'the disconsolate;' seeSpiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xliii., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 186; andAmer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 345, 350.
[IX-65]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 14;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 27-8;Boturini,Idea de Nueva Hist., p. 51.
[IX-66]These human sacrifices were begun, according to Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 165-7, by the Mexicans, before the foundation of their city, while yet slaves of the Culhuas. These Mexicans had done good service to their rulers in a battle against the Xochimilcas. The masters were expected to furnish their serfs with a thank-offering for the war god. They sent a filthy rag and a rotten fowl. The Mexicans received and were silent. The day of festival came; and with it the Culhua nobles to see the sport—the Helots and their vile sacrifice. But the filth did not appear, only a coarse altar, wreathed with a fragrant herb, bearing a great flake of keen-ground obsidian. The dance began, the frenzy mounted up, the priests advanced to the altar, and with them they dragged four Xochimilca prisoners. There is a quick struggle, and over a prisoner bruised, doubled back supine on the altar-block gleams and falls the itzli, driven with a two-handed blow. The blood spurts like a recoil into the bent face of the high priest, who grabbles, grasps, tears out and flings the heart to the god. Another, another, another, and there are four hearts beating in the lap of the grim image. There are more dances but there is no more sport for the Culhuas: with lips considerably whitened they return to their place. After this there could be no more mastership, nor thought of mastership over such a people; there was too much of the wild beast in them; they had already tasted blood. And the Mexicans were allowed to leave the land of their bondage, and journey north toward the future Tenochtitlan.
[IX-67]See this vol.,p. 415.
[IX-68]Further notice of this stone appears inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 94, orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap., pp. 207-8:'El sesenta y dos edificio se llamaba Temalacatl. Era una piedra como muela de molino grande, y estaba agujereada en el medio como muela de molino. Sobre esta piedra ponian los esclavos y acuchillabanse con ellos: estaban atados por medio de tal manera que podian llegar hasta la circumferencia de la piedra, y dabanles armas con que peleasen. Era este un espectaculo muy frequente, y donde concurria gente de todas las comarcas á verle. Un satrapa vestido de un pellejo de oso ó Cuetlachtli, era alli el padrino de los captivos que alli mataban, que los llevaba á la piedra y los ataba alli, y los daba las armas, y los lloraba entre tanto que peleaban, y quando caian los entregaba al que les habia de sacar el corazon, que era otro satrapa vestido con otro pellejo que se llamaba Tooallaoan. Esta relacion queda escrita en la fiesta de Tlacaxipeoaliztli.'
[IX-69]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 23, 37-43;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 51-3, 86-97;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pt. i., lam. iii., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 133;Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. lxiii., inId., vol. v., p. 191;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 154, 252-4;Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt. ii., pp. 50-4;Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 78, note;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 481. We learn from Clavigero,Ibid., tom. i., pp. 281-2, that this great gladiatorial block was sometimes to an extraordinary extent a 'stone of sacrifice' to the executioners as well as to the doomed victim. In the last year of the reign of the last Montezuma, a famous Tlascaltec general, Tlahuicol, was captured by the merest accident. His strength of arm was such that few men could lift hismaquahuil, or sword of the Mexican type, from the ground. Montezuma, too proud to use such an inglorious triumph, or perhaps moved by a sincere admiration of the terrible and dignified warrior, offered him his liberty, either to return to Tlascala, or to accept high office in Mexico. But the honor of the chief was at stake, as he understood it; and not even a favor would he accept from the hated Mexican; the death, the death! he said, and, if you dare, by battle on the gladiatorial stone. So they tied him, (by the foot says Clavigero), upon thetemalacatl, armed with a great staff only, and chose out champions to kill him from the most renowned of the warriors; but the grim Tlascaltec dashed out the brains of eight with his club, and hurt twenty more, before he fell, dying like himself. They tore out his heart, as of wont, and a costlier heart to Mexico never smoked before the sun.
[IX-70]This last name means, Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 57, being followed, 'the hook-nosed;' and it is curious enough that this type of face, so generally connected with the Hebrew race and through them with particular astuteness in trade, should be the characteristic of the Mexican god of trade:'Los mercaderes tuvieron Dios particular, al qual llamaron Iyacatecuhtli, y por otro nombre se llamò Yacacoliuhqui, que quiere decir: El que tiene la nariz aguileña, que propriamente representa persona que tiene viveça, ò habilidad, para mofar graciosamente, ò engañar, y es sabio, y sagàz (que es propia condicion de mercaderes.)'
[IX-71]Without laying any particular stress on this lighting a fire before Yiacatecutli—perhaps here necessary as a camp-fire and probably, at any rate, a thing done before many other gods—it may be noticed that the fire god seems to be particularly connected with the merchant god and indeed with the merchants themselves. Describing a certain coming down or arrival of the gods among men, believed to take place in the twelfth Mexican month, Sahagun—after describing the coming, first of Tezcatlipoca, who, 'being a youth, and light and strong, walked fastest,' and then the coming of all the rest (their arrival being known to the priests by the marks of their feet on a little heap of maize flour, specially prepared for the purpose)—says that a day after all the rest of the gods, came the god of fire and the god of the merchants, together; they being old and unable to walk as fast as their younger divine brethren:'El dia siguiente llegaba el dios de los Mercaderes llamado Yiaiacapitzaoac, ó Yiacatecutli, y otro Dios llamado Hiscocauzqui (Yxcocauhqui), ó Xiveteuctli (Xiuhtecutli), que és el Dios del fuego á quien los mercaderes tienen grande devocion. Estos dos llegaban á la postre un dia despues de los otros, porque decian que eran viejos y no andaban tanto como los otros:'Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 71, orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 158.See also, for the connection of the fire god Xiuhtecutli with business, this vol.p. 226; and for the high position of the merchants themselves besides Tezcatlipoca see this vol.,p. 228.
[IX-72]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 14-16;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 29-33;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 20. The Nahuihehecatli, or Nauiehecatl, mentioned by the interpreters of the codices, as a god honored by the merchants, is either some air god like Quetzalcoatl, or, as Sahagun gives it, merely the name of a sign; seeSpiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xxvii., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 179; also, pp. 139-40;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xii.; also,Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 304-5, andKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 135-6.
[IX-73]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 16-17;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 33-5;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 59-60;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22.
[IX-74]Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 7, 19, 90, 93;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 14, 39-40, lib. ii., pp. 200, 205;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 58, 152, 184, 416;Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. xxxv., andExplicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xvi., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 141, 182;Gallatin, inAmer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 344, 350;Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 87, 315;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21.'Otros tenian figuras de hombres; tenian estos en la cabeza un mortero en lugar de mitra, y allí les echaban vino, por ser el dios del vino.'Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 33.'Otros con un mortero en la cabeza, y este parece que era el dios del vino, y así le echaban vino en aquel como mortero.'Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 88.'PapaztlaóPapaztac.... Este era uno de los tres pueblos de donde se sacaban los esclavos para el sacrificio que se hacia de dia, al idoloCentzentotochtin, Dios del vino en el mes nombradoHueipachtli, ótepeilhuitlen su templo propio que es el cuadragesimo cuarto edificio de los que se contenian en la area del mayor, como dice el Dr. Hernandez:"Templum erat dicatum vini deo, in cujus honorem tres captivos interdiu tamen, et nonnoctu jugulabant, quorum primum Tepuztecatl nuncupabant secundum toltecatl, tertium vero Papaztac quod fiebat quotanni circa festum Tepeilhuiltl." Apud P. Nieremberg, pag. 144.'Leon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 35.'Les buveurs et les ivrognes avaient cependant, parmi les Aztèques, plusieurs divinités particulières: la principale était Izquitecatl; mais le plus connu devait être Tezcatzoncatl, appelé aussi Tequechmecaniani, ou le Pendeur.'Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 493.
[IX-75]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 64;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 23. These were what the Spaniards called 'oratorios' in the houses of the Mexicans. In or before these oratories the people offered cooked food to such images of the gods as they had there. Every morning the good-wife of the house woke up the members of her family and took care that they made the proper offering, as above, to these deities.Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 95;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 211.
[IX-76]It is obviously of little consequence to mythology whether the Mexicans called the month Atlcahualco the first or the third month (or, as Boturini has it, the eighteenth,) so long as we know, with some accuracy, to what month and day of the month it corresponds in our own Gregorian calendar. For the complete discussion of this question of the calendar we refer readers to the preceding volume of this series. Gama was unfortunately unacquainted with the writings of Sahagun, and Bustamante (who edited the works both of Gama and Sahagun) remarks in a note to the writings of the astronomer:'Muchas veces he deplorado, que el sábio Sr. D. Antonio Leon y Gama no hubiese tenido á la vista para formar esta preciosa obra los manuscritos del P. Sahagun, que he publicado en los años de 1829 y 30 en la oficina de D. Alejandro Valdés, y solo hubiese leído la obra del P. Torquemada, discípulo de D. Antonio Valeriano, que lo fué de dicho P. Sahagun; pues la lectura del texto de éste, que acaso truncó, ó no entendió bien, podrian haberle dejado dudas en hechos muy interesantes á esta historia.' SeeLeon y Gama,Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 45-89;Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 20-34, orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 251-86;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 397;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 58-84;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pt i., andSpiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano(Vaticano), tav. lvii-lxxiv, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 129-34, 190-7;Boturini,Idea de una Hist., pp. 47-53;Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 294;Müller,Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 646-8;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-37;Gallatin, inAmer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 57-114.
[IX-77]See this vol.,pp. 332-4.
[IX-78]It is also surnamed Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake:' see above.
[IX-79]There seems to be some confusion with regard to whether or not there were gladiatorial sacrifices in each of the first two months. Sahagun, however, appears to describe sacrifices of this kind, as occurring in both periods; those of the first month being in honor of the Tlalocs and those of the second in honor of Xipe. For a description of these rites see this vol.pp. 414-5.
[IX-80]See this vol.,pp. 360-2.
[IX-81]'LeTzohualliétait un composé de graines légumineuses particulières au Mexique, qu'on mangeait de diverses manières.'Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 513.
[IX-82]The name 'Tepopochuiliztli' signifies 'smoke or vapor.' As to the meaning of 'Toxcatl' writers are divided, Boturini interpreting it to mean 'effort,' and Torquemada 'a slippery place.' Acosta, Sahagun, and Gama agree, however, in accepting it as an epithet applied to a string of parched or toasted maize used in ceremonies to be immediately described, and Acosta further gives as its root signification 'a dried thing.' Consult, in addition to the references given in the note at the beginning of these descriptions of the feasts,Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 383;Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 45-9;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 100-11.
[IX-83]With three of these goddesses we are tolerably familiar, knowing them to be intimately connected with each other and concerned in the production, preservation, or support of life and of life-giving food. Of Atlatonan little is known, but she seems to belong to the same class, being generally mentioned in connection with Cinteotl. Her name means, according to Torquemada, 'she that shines in the water.''Otra Capilla, ò Templo avia, que se llamaba Xiuhcalco, dedicado al Dios Cinteutl, en cuia fiesta sacrificaban dos Varones Esclavos, y una Muger, à los quales ponian el nombre de su Dios. Al vno llamaban Iztaccinteutl, Dios Tlatlauhquicinteutl, Dios de las Mieses encendidas, ò coloradas; y à la Muger Atlantona, que quiere decir, que resplandece en el Agua, à la qual desollaban, cuio pellejo, y cuero, se vestia vn Sacerdote, luego que acababa el Sacrificio, que era de noche.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 155;see also,Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 94; orSahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 209.
[IX-84]Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 382-3, gives an account of various other ceremonies which took place ten days before the great feast day, which account has been followed by Torquemada, Clavigero, and later writers, and which we reproduce from the quaint but in this case at least full and accurate translation of E. G.—a translation which, however, makes this chapter the 29th of the fifth book instead of the 28th as in the original: 'Then came forth one of the chiefe of the temple, attired like to the idoll, carrying flowers in his hand, and a flute of earth, having a very sharpe sound, and turning towards the east, he sounded it, and then looking to the west, north and south he did the like. And after he had thus sounded towards the foure parts of the world (shewing that both they that were present and absent did heare him) hee put his finger into the aire, and then gathered vp earth, which he put in his mouth, and did eate it in signe of adoration. The like did all they that were present, and weeping, they fell flat to the ground, invocating the darknesse of the night, and the windes, intreating them not to leave them, nor to forget them, or else to take away their lives, and free them from the labors they indured therein. Theeves, adulterers, and murtherers, and all others offendors had great feare and heavinesse, whilest this flute sounded; so as some could not dissemble nor hide their offences. By this meanes they all demanded no other thing of their god, but to have their offences concealed, powring foorth many teares, with great repentaunce and sorrow, offering great store of incense to appease their gods. The couragious and valiant men, and all the olde souldiers, that followed the Arte of Warre, hearing this flute, demaunded with great devotion of God the Creator, of the Lorde for whome wee live, of the sunne, and of other their gods, that they would give them victorie against their ennemies, and strength to take many captives, therewith so honour their sacrifices. This ceremonie was doone ten dayes before the feast: During which tenne dayes the Priest did sound this flute, to the end that all might do this worship in eating of earth, and demaund of their idol what they pleased: they every day made their praiers, with their eyes lift vp to heaven, and with sighs and groanings, as men that were grieved for their sinnes and offences.'
[IX-85]Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 100-11;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 263-6;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 70-3.
[IX-86]For the month Etzalqualiztli, see this volume, pp.334-43; for the months Tecuilhuitzintli, Hueytecuilhuitl, and Tlaxochimaco, see vol. ii. of this work, pp. 225-8; for Xocotlhuetzin and Ochpaniztli, this volume,pp. 385-9,354-9; for Teotleco, vol. ii., pp. 332-4; for Tepeilhuitl, Quecholli, Panquetzaliztli, and Atemoztli, this volume,pp. 343-6,404-6,297-300,323-4,346-8; for Tititl, vol. ii., pp. 337-8; for Itzcalli, this volume,pp. 390-3.
[IX-87]Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 194-7, 216. There are other scattered notices of these movable feasts, which will be referred to as they appear.
[IX-88]Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxvi.
[IX-89]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 77-8, 195-218. The last five days of the year were, according to Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 331, devoted to religious ceremonies, as drawing of blood, sacrifices, and dances, but most other authors state that they were passed in quiet retirement.
[IX-90]See this volume,pp. 393-6.
[X-1]'Los Pueblos, que à los Templos de la Ciudad de Tetzcuco servian, con Leña, Carbon, y corteça de Roble, eran quince ... y otros quince Pueblos ... servian los otros seis meses del Año, con lo mismo, à las Casas Reales, y Templo Maior.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 164.
[X-2]Rapport, inTernaux-Compans,Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 305.
[X-3]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 164-6;Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxix., cxli.'È da credersi, che quel tratto di paese, che avea il nome diTeotlalpan, (Terra degli Dei,) fosse così appellata, per esservi delle possesioni de' Tempj.'Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36.
[X-4]Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 120.
[X-5]Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 112;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 36-7.
[X-6]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 175-7;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 37. Sahagun calls them Quetzalcoatl Teoteztlamacazqui, who was also high-priest of Huitzilopochtli, and Tlaloctlamacazqui, who was Tlaloc's chief priest; they were equals, and elected from the most perfect, without reference to birth.Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 276-7. There are two inconsistencies in this, the only strong contradiction of the statement of the above, as well as several other authors, who form the authority of my text: first, Sahagun calls the first high-priest Quetzalcoatl Teotectlamacazqui, a name which scarcely accords with the title of Huitzilopochtli's high-priest; secondly, he ignores the almost unanimous evidence of old writers, who state that the latter office was hereditary in a certain district.'Al Summo Pontìfice llamaban en la lengua mexicana Tehuatecolt.'Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.'El mayor de todos que es superlado, Achcauhtli.'Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 323.But this was the title of the Tlascaltec high-priest.'A los supremos Sacerdotes ... llamauan en su antigua lengua Papas.'Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 336.See alsoChaves,Rapport, inTernaux-Compans,Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 303-4.
[X-7]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 177, 180;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 41;Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xv.;Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.
[X-8]Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-19. Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 549-51, whose chief authority is Hernandez, and who is not very clear in his description, holds that the Mexicatlteohuatzin was the supreme priest, and that he also bore the title of Teotecuhtli, the rank of chief priest of Huitzilopochtli, and was the right hand minister of the king. Quetzalcoatl's high-priest he places next in rank, but outside of the political sphere. On one page he states that the high-priest was elected by the two chief men in the hierarchy, and on another he distinctly implies that the king made the higher appointments in order to control the church. The sacrificing priest, whom he evidently holds to be the same as the high-priest, he invests with the rank of generalissimo, and heir to the throne.
[X-9]Carbajal states that a temple bearing the name of the people, or their chief town, was erected in the metropolis, and attended by a body of priests brought from the province.Discurso, p. 110. This may, however, be a misinterpretation of Torquemada, who gives a description of a building attached to the chief temple at Mexico, in which the idols of subjugated people were kept imprisoned, to prevent them from aiding their worshipers to regain their liberty.
[X-10]Some authors seem to associate this office with that of the pontiff, but it appears that the high-priest merely inaugurated the sacrifices on special occasions.'Era esta vna dignidad suprema, y entre ellos tenida en mucho, la qual se heredaua como cosa de mayorazgo. El ministro que tenia oficio de matar ... era tenido y reuerenciado como supreme Sacerdote, o Pontifice.'Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 352.'Era como decir, el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual, y no à otro, era dado este oficio de abrir los Hombres por los pechos, ... siendo comunmente los herederos, de este Patrimonio, y suerte Eclesiastica, los primogenitos.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 117.It is difficult to decide upon the interpretation of these sentences. The expression of his being 'held or reverenced as pontiff' certainly indicates that another priest held the office, so does the sentence, 'it was inherited by the first-born' of certain families. But the phrase,'el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual y no à otro, era dado este oficio,'points very directly to the high-priest as the holder of the post.
[X-11]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 178-9;Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 37-9;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-26;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 551.
[X-12]Gomara,Conq. Mex., fol. 323-4. He describes the dress as'vna ropa de algodon blanca estrecha, y larga, y encima vna manta por capa añudada al hombro.... Tiznaunse los dios festiuales, y quando su regla mandaua de negro las piernas,'etc.
[X-13]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 39-40;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 369-71. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that the teopatli was the ointment used at the consecration of the high-priest, but it is not likely that a preparation which served monks and invalids as body paint, would be applied to the heads of high-priests and kings.Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 558. Every priestly adornment had, doubtless, its mystic meaning. The custom of painting the body black was first done in honor of the god of Hades.Boturini,Idea, p. 117.
[X-14]See vol. ii., pp. 242, et seq.
[X-15]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 189-91;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 223-31;Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 53-4.'Sustentábanse del trabajo de sus manos ó por sus padres y parientes.'Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 107.
[X-16]'Trahian en las cabeças coronas como frayles, poco cabello, aunque crezido hasta media oreja, y mas largo por el colodrillo hasta las espaldas, y a manera de trençado le atauan.'Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvi.
[X-17]Clavigero asserts that at the age of two the boy was consecrated to the order oftlamacazcayotlby a cut in the breast, and at seven he was admitted.Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 44;Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 53.
[X-18]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 220-4. Whether this decorum was preserved after the adjournment of the meeting, is a point which some writers are inclined to doubt.
[X-19]Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 341-2.
[X-20]Hist. Tlax., inNouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 134-5.
[X-21]Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxii.;Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 90.
[X-22]Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxix.;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 185-6.
[X-23]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 39. According to Torquemada, the night service was partly devoted to the god of night.Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 227.
[X-24]Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxv.;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 224-5, 275;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 336, 343;Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.
[X-25]This was the answer given by Juan de Tovar, in hisHist. Ind., MS., to the doubts expressed by Acosta as to the authenticity of the long-winded prayers of the Mexicans, whose imperfect writing was not well adapted to reproduce orations.Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., p. 282.
[X-26]Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., p. 93. Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 24, certainly says:'Taceano le loro preghiere comunemente inginocchione,'but we are told by Sahagun and others, that when they approached the deity with most humility, namely, at the confession, a squatting position was assumed; the same was done when they delivered orations. The greatest sign of adoration, according to Camargo, was to take a handful of earth and grass and eat it; very similar to the manner of taking an oath or greeting a superior, which consisted in touching the hand to the ground and then putting it to the lips.Hist. Tlax., inNouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 168.
[X-27]Ib.
[X-28]At the present day the rite of circumcision may be traced almost in an unbroken line from China to the Cape of Good Hope.
[X-29]Myths, p. 147.
[X-30]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 83;Mendieta,Hist. Ecles., pp. 108-9;Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxv.;Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 133.
[X-31]See this volume, pp.380-4.
[X-32]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 212-13;Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 343;Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 275-6.
[X-33]Conq. Mex., fol. 336. Some of these sticks were thicker than a finger,'y largos, como el tamaño de vn braço.''Eran en numero de quatrocientas.'Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 102-3;Motolinia,Hist. Indios, inIcazbalceta,Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 51-2.
[X-34]Rapport, inTernaux-Compans,Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 305. The Mexican priests performed this sacrifice every five days.Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 225,'De la sangre que sacaban de las partes del Cuerpo en cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre.'Las Casas,Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxx.
[X-35]See this volume,p. 61.
[X-36]Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 165-7. Torquemada, however, mentions one earlier sacrifice of some refractory Mexicans, who desired to leave their wandering countrymen and settle at Tula, contrary to the command of the god.Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 115-16, 50.'On prétend que cet usage vint de la province de Chalco dans celle de Tlaxcallan.'Camargo,Hist. Tlax., inNouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 199;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Quatre Lettres, p. 343. 'Quetzalcoatle was the first inventor of sacrifices of human blood.'Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 201. It is conceded, however, by other writers, that Quetzalcoatl was opposed to all bloodshed. See this volume,p. 278. Müller,Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 628, thinks that the Aztecs introduced certain rites of human sacrifice, which they connected with others already existing in Mexico.
[X-37]Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 186.'Eran cada año estos Niños sacrificados mas de veinte mil por cuenta.'Id., tom. ii., p. 120.A misconstruction of Zumárraga, who does not specify them as children.Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 49, tom. i., p. 257;Ixtlilxochitl,Hist. Chich., inKingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 268;Boturini,Idea, p. 28.'Afirman que auia vez que passauan de cinco mil, y dia vuo que en diuersas partes fueron assi sacrificados mas de veynta mil.'Acosta,Hist. de las Ynd., p. 356.Gomara states that the conquerors counted 136,000 skulls in one skull-yard alone.Conq. Mex., fol. 122.
[X-38]'Non furono mai veduti i Messicani sacriücare i propj lor Nazionali, se non coloro, che per li loro delitti erano rei di morte.'Clavigero,Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 299.A rather hasty assertion.
[X-39]See vol. ii., p. 307.
[X-40]Salazar y Olarte,Hist. Conq. Mex., p. 71;Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.
[X-41]Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 79-82. This author gives the name as Curicaweri.
[X-42]'El Sumo Sacerdote Curinacanery.'Beaumont,Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 52.
[X-43]'Guirnaldas de fluecos colorados,' says Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.
[X-44]Herrera,Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.;Beaumont,Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 52-3, 75;Alegre,Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 91-2;Brasseur de Bourbourg,Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 59, 64-5, 79-82;Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 525; Carbajal Espinosa,Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 291-2, thinks that the sacrifices were introduced by surrounding tribes, and that cannibalism was unknown to the Tarascos.'Sacrificaban culebras, aves y conejos, y no los hombres, aunque fuesen cautivos, porque se servian de ellos, como de esclavos.'Sahagun,Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138.See also vol. ii., pp. 620-1, of this work.