Chapter 236

110“Si alius est Deus quam sol,” Alexandre in Lem. i. 230. Or rather, if there be any God distinct from the world; for the latter part of the sentence can scarcely apply to the sun. Poinsinet and Ajasson, however, adopt the same opinion with M. Alexandre; they translate the passage, “s’il en est autre que le soleil,” i. 17 and ii. 11.

111“totus animæ, totus animi;” “Anima est qua vivimus, animus quo sapimus.” Hard. in Lem. i. 230, 231. The distinction between these two words is accurately pointed out by Lucretius, iii. 137et seq.

112“fecerunt (Athenienses) Contumeliæ fanum et Impudentiæ.” Cicero, De Leg. ii. 28. See also Bossuet, Discours sur l’Histoire univ. i. 250.

113The account which Cicero gives us of the opinions of Democritus scarcely agrees with the statement in the text; see De Nat. Deor. i. 120.

114“In varios divisit Deos numen unicum, quod Plinio cœlum est aut mundus; ejusque singulas partes, aut, ut philosophi aiunt, attributa, separatim coluit;” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 231.

115“Febrem autem ad minus nocendum, templis celebrant, quorum adhuc unum in Palatio....” Val. Max. ii. 6; see also Ælian, Var. Hist. xii. 11. It is not easy to ascertain the precise meaning of the termsFanum,Ædes, andTemplum, which are employed in this place by Pliny and Val. Maximus. Gesner definesFanum“area templi et solium,templumvero ædificium;” but this distinction, as he informs us, is not always accurately observed; there appears to be still less distinction betweenÆdesandTemplum; see his Thesaurusin loco, also Bailey’s Facciolatiin loco.

116“Orbona est Orbitalis dea.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 231.

117“Appositos sibi statim ab ortu custodes credebant, quos viri Genios, Junones fœminæ vocabant.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 232. See Tibullus, 4. 6. 1, and Seneca, Epist. 110,sub init.

118We may suppose that our author here refers to the popular mythology of the Egyptians; the “fœtidi cibi” are mentioned by Juvenal; “Porrum et cæpe nefas violare et frangere morsu,” xv. 9; and Pliny, in a subsequent part of his work, xix. 32, remarks, “Allium cæpeque inter Deos in jurejurando habet Ægyptus.”

119See Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 42et alibi, for an illustration of these remarks of Pliny.

120This sentiment is elegantly expressed by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 62, and by Horace, Od. iii. 3. 9et seq.It does not appear, however, that any of the Romans, except Romulus, were deified, previous to the adulatory period of the Empire.

121“Planetarum nempe, qui omnes nomina mutuantur a diis.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 234.

122This remark may be illustrated by the following passage from Cicero, in the first book of his treatise De Nat. Deor. Speaking of the doctrine of Zeno, he says, “neque enim Jovem, neque Junonem, neque Vestam, neque quemquam, qui ita appelletur, in deorum habet numero: sed rebus inanimis, atque mutis, per quandam significationem, hæc docet tributa nomina.” “Idemque (Chrysippus) disputat, æthera esse eum, quem homines Jovem appellant: quique aër per maria manaret, eum esse Neptunum: terramque eam esse, quæ Ceres diceretur: similique ratione persequitur vocabula reliquorum deorum.”

123The following remarks of Lucretius and of Cicero may serve to illustrate the opinion here expressed by our author:—“Omnis enim per se Divum natura necesse est Immortali ævo summa cum pace fruatur, Semota ab nostris rebus, sejunctaque longe;” Lucretius, i. 57-59.“Quod æternum beatumque sit, id nec habere ipsum negotii quidquam, nec exhibere alteri; itaque neque ira neque gratia teneri, quod, quæ talia essent, imbecilla essent omnia.” Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 45.

123The following remarks of Lucretius and of Cicero may serve to illustrate the opinion here expressed by our author:—

“Omnis enim per se Divum natura necesse est Immortali ævo summa cum pace fruatur, Semota ab nostris rebus, sejunctaque longe;” Lucretius, i. 57-59.

“Quod æternum beatumque sit, id nec habere ipsum negotii quidquam, nec exhibere alteri; itaque neque ira neque gratia teneri, quod, quæ talia essent, imbecilla essent omnia.” Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 45.

124The author here alludes to the figures of the Egyptian deities that were engraven on rings.

125His specific office was to execute vengeance on the impious.

126“sola utramque paginam facit.” The wordsutraque paginagenerally refer to the two sides of the same sheet, but, in this passage, they probably mean the contiguous portions of the same surface.

127“astroque suo eventu assignat;” the wordastrumappears to be synonymous withsidus, generally signifying a single star, and, occasionally, a constellation; as in Manilius, i. 541, 2.“... quantis bis sena feranturFinibus astra....”It is also used by synecdoche for the heavens, as is the case with the English wordstars. See Gesner’s Thesaurus.

127“astroque suo eventu assignat;” the wordastrumappears to be synonymous withsidus, generally signifying a single star, and, occasionally, a constellation; as in Manilius, i. 541, 2.

“... quantis bis sena feranturFinibus astra....”

“... quantis bis sena ferantur

Finibus astra....”

It is also used by synecdoche for the heavens, as is the case with the English wordstars. See Gesner’s Thesaurus.

128“Quæ si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis ... et sternutamenta erunt observanda.” Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 84.

129“Divus Augustus.” The epithetdivusmay be regarded as merely a term of court etiquette, because all the Emperors after death were deifiedex officio.

130We learn the exact nature of this ominous accident from Suetonius; “... si mane sibi calceus perperam, et sinister pro dextro induceretur;” Augustus, Cap. 92. From this passage it would appear, that the Roman sandals were made, as we term it, right and left.

131It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the opinions here stated respecting the Deity are taken partly from the tenets of the Epicureans, combined with the Stoical doctrine of Fate. The examples which are adduced to prove the power of fate over the Deity are, for the most part, rather verbal than essential.

132“affixa mundo.” The peculiar use of the wordmundusin this passage is worthy of remark, in connexion with note86, ch. 1. page 13.

133We have many references in Pliny to the influence of the stars upon the earth and its inhabitants, constituting what was formerly regarded as so important a science, judicial astrology. Ptolemy has drawn up a regular code of it in his “Centum dicta,” or “Centiloquiums.” We have a highly interesting account of the supposed science, its origin, progress, and general principles, in Whewell’s History of the Inductive Sciences, p. 293et seq.I may also refer to the same work for a sketch of the history of astronomy among the Greeks and the other nations of antiquity.

134There are certain metaphorical expressions, which have originated from this opinion, adopted by the moderns; “his star is set;” “the star of his fortune,” &c.

135Ovid, when he compares Phaëton to a falling star, remarks, concerning this meteor,—“Etsi non cecidit, potuit cecidisse videri.” Metam. ii. 322.

135Ovid, when he compares Phaëton to a falling star, remarks, concerning this meteor,—

“Etsi non cecidit, potuit cecidisse videri.” Metam. ii. 322.

136Manilius supposes that comets are produced and rendered luminous by an operation very similar to the one described in the text; i. 815et seq.Seneca, in the commencement of his Nat. Quæst., and in other parts of the same treatise, refers to this subject. His remarks may be worth perusing by those who are curious to learn the hypotheses of the ancients on subjects of natural science. We may remark, that Seneca’s opinions are, on many points, more correct than our author’s.

137The author probably refers to that part of his work in which he treats on agriculture, particularly to the 17th and 18th books.

138The æra of the Olympiads commenced in the year 776 before Christ; each olympiad consists of 4 years; the 58th olympiad will therefore include the interval 548 to 544B.C.The 21st vol. of the “Universal History” consists entirely of a “chronological table,” and we have a useful table of the same kind in Brewster’s Encycl., article “Chronology.”

139“rerum fores aperuisse ... traditur.” An account of the astronomy of Anaximander is contained in Brewster’s Encycl., article “Astronomy,” p. 587, and in the article “Anaximander” in the supplement to the same work by Scott of Aberdeen. I may remark, that these two accounts do not quite agree in their estimate of his merits; the latter author considers his opinions more correct. We have also an account of Anaximander in Stanley, pt. 2. p. 1et seq., and in Enfield, i. 154et seq.

140In the translation of Ajasson, ii. 261-7, we have some valuable observations by Marcus, respecting the origin and progress of astronomy among the Greeks, and the share which the individuals mentioned in the text respectively had in its advancement; also some interesting remarks on the history of Atlas. Diodorus Siculus says, that “he was the first that discovered the knowledge of the sphere; whence arose the common opinion, that he carried the world upon his shoulders.” Booth’s trans. p. 115.

141“nunc relicto mundi ipsius corpore, reliqua inter cœlum terrasque tractentur.” I have already had occasion to remark upon the various modes in which the author uses the wordmundus; bycœlum, in this passage, he means the body or region beyond the planets, which is conceived to contain the fixed stars.Sphæra, in the preceding sentence, may be supposed to mean the celestial globe.

142“ac trigesimo anno ad brevissima sedis suæ principia regredi;” I confess myself unable to offer any literal explanation of this passage; nor do the remarks of the commentators appear to me satisfactory; see Hardouin and Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 241, 2. It is translated by Ajasson “en trente ans il reviens à l’espace minime d’où il est parti.” The period of the sidereal revolutions of the planets, as stated by Mrs. Somerville, in her “Mechanism of the Heavens,” and by Sir J. Herschel, in his “Treatise on Astronomy,” are respectively as follows:—days.days.Mercury87·970587·9692580Venus224·7224·7007869Earth365·2564365·2563612Mars686·99686·9796458Jupiter4332·654332·5848212Saturn10759·410759·2198174Somerville, p. 358.Herschel, p. 416.

days.days.Mercury87·970587·9692580Venus224·7224·7007869Earth365·2564365·2563612Mars686·99686·9796458Jupiter4332·654332·5848212Saturn10759·410759·2198174Somerville, p. 358.Herschel, p. 416.

143“‘mundo;’ hoc est, cœlo inerrantium stellarum.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, ii. 242.

144Our author supposes, that the spectator has his face directed towards the south, as is the case with the modern observers. We are, however, informed by Hardouin, that this was not the uniform practice among the ancients; see the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 242, and of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 269.

145Theconstant revolutionrefers to the apparent daily motion; theopposite directionto their annual course through the zodiac. Ptolemy gives an account of this double motion in his Magna Constructio, i. 7.

146For the exact period, according to Somerville and Herschel, see note142, p. 27.

147Aristotle informs us, that Mars was also called Hercules or Pyrosis; De Mundo, cap. ii. p. 602. See also Apuleius, De Mundo, § 710. Hyginus is said by Hardouin to give the name of Hercules to the planet Mars, but this appears to be an inaccuracy; he describes the planet under its ordinary appellation; lib. ii. p. 62; and ii. 78, 9.

148Cicero, speaking of the period of Mars, says, “Quatuor et viginti mensibus, sex, ut opinor, diebus minus;” De Nat. Deor. For the exact period, see note142, p. 27.

149“Sed ut observatio umbrarum ejus redeat ad notas.” According to the interpretation of Hardouin, “Ad easdem lineas in solari horologio.” Lemaire, ii. 243.

150This is an example of the mode of computation which we meet with among the ancients, where, in speaking of the period of a revolution, both the time preceding and that following the interval are included.

151The division of the planets into superior and inferior was not known to Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. ii. p. 602, to Plato, Timæus, p. 318, 319, or the older Greek astronomers. It was first made by the Egyptians, and was transferred from them to the Romans. It is one of the points in which our author differs from Aristotle. See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 242et seq.Marcus notices the various points which prove the deficiency of Pliny’s knowledge of astronomy; he particularizes the four following:—his ignorance of the true situation of the constellations; his erroneous opinion respecting the cause of the seasons; his account of the phases of the moon, and of the position of the cardinal points. He appears not to have been aware, that certain astronomical phænomena undergo a regular progression, but supposed that they remained, at the time when he wrote, in the same state as in the age of Hipparchus or the original observers. Columella, when treating on these subjects, describes the phænomena according to the ancient calculation, but he informs us, that he adopts it, because it was the one in popular use, and better known by the farmers (De Re Rust. ix. 14), while Pliny appears not to have been aware of the inaccuracy.

152“Modo solem antegrediens, modo subsequens.” Hardouin in Lemaire, ii. 243.

153It was not known to the earlier writers that Lucifer and Vesper were the same star, differently situated with respect to the Sun. Playfair remarks, that Venus is the only planet mentioned in the sacred writings, and in the most ancient poets, such as Hesiod and Homer; Outlines, ii. 156.

154There has been much discussion among the commentators respecting the correctness of the figures in the text; according to the æra of the olympiads, the date referred to will be between the years 750 and 754B.C.; the foundation of Rome is commonly referred to the year 753B.C.See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 278, 9.

155Aristotle informs us, that it was called either Phosphorus, Juno, or Venus; De Mundo, cap. 2. t. i. p. 602. See also Hyginus, Poet. Astr. lib. iii. p. 76, 7; and Apuleius, De Mundo, § 710.

156It will be scarcely necessary to refer the reader to the well-known commencement of Lucretius’s poem for the illustration of this passage; it is remarkable that Pliny does not refer to this writer.

157The periodical revolution of Venus is 224·7 days, see note142, p. 27. Its greatest elongation is 47° 1′; Somerville, § 641. p. 391.

158According to Aristotle, this planet had the three appellations of Stilbon, Mercury, and Apollo; De Mundo, cap. 2. p. 602; see also Apuleius, De Mundo, § 710. Cicero inverts the order of the planets; he places Mercury next to Mars, and says of Venus, that it is “infima quinque errantium, terræque proxima;” De Nat. Deor. ii. 53. Aristotle places the stars in the same order,ubi supra, and he is followed in this by Apuleius,ubi supra; this appears to have been the case with the Stoics generally; see Enfield’s Phil. i. 339.

159For the periodical revolution of Mercury see note142, p. 27. Its greatest elongation, according to Playfair, p. 160, is 28°. Mrs. Somerville, p. 386, states it to be 28° 8′. Ptolemy supposed it to be 26·5 degrees; Almagest, ix. 7. We learn from Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 246, that there is considerable variation in the MSS. with respect to the greatest elongation of Mercury.

160Sosigenes was an Egyptian mathematician and astronomer, who is said to have assisted Cæsar in the formation of his Kalendar, as our author informs us in a subsequent part of his work, xviii. 25; see also Aikin, Gen. Biog.,in loco; Enfield’s Phil. ii. 96; Whewell, p. 210; and Hardouin’s “Index Auctorum,” in Lemaire, i. 213.

161Concerning the “magnus annus” Cicero remarks, “efficitur cum solis et lunæ et quinque errantium ad eandem inter se comparationem, confectis omnibus spatiis, est facta conversio.” De Nat. Deor. ii. 51. See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 281-3.

162For the various appellations which the moon has received in the ancient and modern languages, and their relation to each other, the reader is referred to the learned remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 283-5.

163Marcus conceives that the epithetmaculosadoes not refer to what are called the spots on the moon, but to the circumstance of the edge of the disc being not illuminated when it is near the full; Ajasson, ii. 286. But, from the way in which the word is employed at the end of the chapter, and from the explanation which is given of the cause of the “maculæ,” I think it ought to be referred to the spotted appearance of the face of the moon.

164“Quum laborare non creditur.” It was a vulgar notion among the ancients, that when the moon is eclipsed, she is suffering from the influence of magicians and enchanters, who are endeavouring to draw her down to the earth, in order to aid them in their superstitious ceremonies. It was conceived that she might be relieved from her sufferings by loud noises of various kinds which should drown the songs of the magicians. Allusion is frequently made to this custom by the ancient poets, as Virgil, Æn. i. 742, Manilius, i. 227, and Juvenal, vi. 444; and the language has been transferred to the moderns, as in Beattie’s Minstrel, ii. 47, “To ease of fancied pangs the labouring moon.”

165We have some interesting remarks by Marcus respecting Endymion, and also on the share which Solon and Thales had in correcting the lunar observations; Ajasson, ii. 288-290.

166“Lucem nobis aperuere in hac luce.”

167“Cardo.”

168Astronomers describe two different revolutions or periods of the moon; the synodical and the sidereal. The synodical marks the time in which the moon passes from one conjunction with the sun to the next conjunction, or other similar position with respect to the sun. The sidereal period is the time in which the moon returns to the same position with respect to the stars, or in which it makes a complete revolution round the earth. These numbers are, for the synodical period, 29ᵈ 12ʰ 44ᵐ 2·87ˢ, and for the sidereal, 27ᵈ 7ʰ 43ᵐ 11·5ˢ; Herschel, pp. 213, 224.

169Our author, as Marcus remarks, “a compté par nombres ronds;” Ajasson, ii. 291; the correct number may be found in the preceding note.

170It was a general opinion among the ancients, and one which was entertained until lately by many of the moderns, that the moon possessed the power of evaporating the water of the ocean. This opinion appears to have been derived, at least in part, from the effect which the moon produces on the tides.

171“quantum ex sole ipsa concipiat;” from this passage, taken singly, it might be concluded, that the author supposed the quantity of light received by the moon to differ at different times; but the succeeding sentence seems to prove that this is not the case; see the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 249. Marcus, however, takes a different view of the subject; Ajasson, ii. 291, 292. He had previously pointed out Pliny’s opinion respecting the phases of the moon, as one of the circumstances which indicate his ignorance of astronomy,ut supra, ii. 245, 246.

172This doctrine is maintained by Seneca, Quæst. Nat. lib. ii. § 5. p. 701, 702. From the allusion which is made to it by Anacreon, in his 19th ode, we may presume that it was the current opinion among the ancients.

173I may remark, that Poinsinet, in this passage, substitutes “umbra” for “umbræque,” contrary to the authority of all the MSS., merely because it accords better with his ideas of correct reasoning. Although it may be of little consequence in this particular sentence, yet, as such liberties are not unfrequently taken, I think it necessary to state my opinion, that this mode of proceeding is never to be admitted, and that it has proved a source of serious injury to classical literature. In this account of the astronomical phenomena, as well as in all the other scientific dissertations that occur in our author, my aim has been to transfer into our language the exact sense of the original, without addition or correction. Our object in reading Pliny is not to acquire a knowledge of natural philosophy, which might be better learned from the commonest elementary work of the present day, but to ascertain what were the opinions of the learned on such subjects when Pliny wrote. I make this remark, because I have seldom if ever perused a translation of any classical author, where, on scientific topics, the translator has not endeavoured, more or less, to correct the mistakes of the original, and to adapt his translation to the state of modern science.

174The terms here employed are respectivelyinterventus,objectio, andinterpositus; it may be doubted whether the author intended to employ them in the precise sense which is indicated by their etymology.

175“metæ et turbini inverso.” Themetæwere small pyramids placed at the two extremities of the spina, or central division of the circus: see Montfaucon, v. iii. p. 176; Adam, p. 341.

176The eclipses of the moon are only visible when the spectator is so situated as to be able to observe the shadow of the earth, or is on that side of the earth which is turned from the sun.

177“non semper in scrupulis partium congruente siderum motu.” On the termscrupulusHardouin remarks, “Scrupuli, nodi sunt, in quibus circuli, quos in suo cursu Sol et Luna efficiunt, se mutuo secant.” Lemaire, ii. 251. Ptolemy, Magn. Const. vi. 6-11, gives a full and generally correct account of the principal phænomena of eclipses.

178Marcus conceives that our author must here mean, not the actual, but the apparent size of these bodies; Ajasson, ii. 295; but I do not perceive that the text authorizes this interpretation.

179I have given the simple translation of the original as it now stands in the MSS.; whether these may have been corrupted, or the author reasoned incorrectly, I do not venture to decide. The commentators have, according to their usual custom, proposed various emendations and explanations, for which I may refer to the note of Hardouin in Lemaire, ii. 252, with the judicious remarks of Alexandre, and to those of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 295-298, who appear to me to take a correct view of the subject.

180Alexandre remarks, “Hinc tamen potius distantia quam magnitudo Solis colligi potest.” Lemaire, ii. 252. And the same remark applies to the two next positions of our author.

181Alexandre remarks on the argument of our author, perhaps a little too severely, “Absurde dictum; nam aliis oritur, aliis occidit, dum aliis est a vertice; quod vel pueri sentiunt.” Lemaire, ii. 253. But we may suppose, that Pliny, in this passage, only meant to say, that as the sun became vertical to each successive part of the equinoctial district, no shadows were formed in it.

182The commentators have thought it necessary to discuss the question, whether, in this passage, Pliny refers to the Ida of Crete or of Asia Minor. But the discussion is unnecessary, as the statement of the author is equally inapplicable to both of them. Mela appears to refer to this opinion in the following passage, where he is describing the Ida of Asia Minor; “ipse mens ... orientem solem aliter quam in aliis terris solet aspici, ostentat.” lib. i. cap. 18.

183“Ut dictum est superiore capite, quo Plinius falso contendit Terram esse Luna minorem.” Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 253. The words of the text, however, apply equally to the comparative size of the earth and the sun, as of the earth and the moon.

184“turbo rectus;” literally an upright top.

185“meta.”

186This has been pointed out as one of our author’s erroneous opinions on astronomy. The earth is really about1⁄30nearer the sun in our winters than in our summers. The greater degree of heat produced by his rays in the latter case depends upon their falling on the surface of the earth less obliquely. This is the principal cause of the different temperatures of the equatorial and polar regions.

187This eclipse is calculated to have occurred on the 28th of June, 168B.C.; Brewster’s Encyc. “Chronology,” p. 415, 424. We have an account of this transaction in Livy, xliv. 37, and in Plutarch, Life of Paulus Æmilius, Langhorne’s trans. ii. 279; he however does not mention the name of Gallus. See also Val. Maximus, viii. 11. 1, and Quintilian, i. 10. Val. Maximus does not say that Gallus predicted the eclipse, but explained the cause of it when it had occurred; and the same statement is made by Cicero, De Repub. i. 15. For an account of Sulpicius, see Hardouin’s Index auctorum, Lemaire, i. 214.

188An account of this event is given by Herodotus, Clio, § 74. There has been the same kind of discussion among the commentators, respecting the dates in the text, as was noticed above, note154, p. 29: see the remarks of Brotier and of Marcus in Lemaire and Ajasson,in loco. Astronomers have calculated that the eclipse took place May 28th, 585B.C.; Brewster,ut supra, pp. 414, 419.

189Hipparchus is generally regarded as the first astronomer who prosecuted the science in a regular and systematic manner. See Whewell, C. 3. p. 169et seq., 177-179. He is supposed to have made his observations between the years 160 and 125B.C.He made a catalogue of the fixed stars, which is preserved in Ptolemy’s Magn. Const. The only work of his now extant is his commentary on Aratus; it is contained in Petau’s Uranologie. We find, among the ancients, many traces of their acquaintance with the period of 600 years, or what is termed the great year, when the solar and lunar phænomena recur precisely at the same points. Cassini, Mem. Acad., and Bailly, Hist. Anc. Astron., have shown that there is an actual foundation for this opinion. See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 302, 303.

190Seneca, the tragedian, refers to this superstitious opinion in some beautiful verses, which are given to the chorus at the termination of the fourth act of the Thyestes.

191We have an account of this event in Thucydides, Smith’s trans. ii. 244, and in Plutarch, Langhorne’s trans. iii. 406. It is calculated to have happened Aug. 27th, 413B.C.; Brewster,ut supra, p. 415, 421.

192The elegant lines of Ovid, in his Fasti, i. 297et seq., express the same sentiment: “Felices animos, quibus hoc cognoscere primis,” &c.

193I have already remarked upon the use of this term as applied to the eclipses of the moon in note164, p. 31.

194According to the remarks of Marcus, it appears probable that this sol-lunar period, as it has been termed, was discovered by the Chaldeans; Ajasson, ii. 306, 307.

195“coitus.”

196“Hoc enim periodo (223 mensium) plerumque redeunt eclipses, non multum differentes, denis tamen gradibus zodiaci antecedentes;” Kepler, as quoted by Alexandre, in Lemaire, ii. 238.

197The terms “sub terra” and “superne” are interpreted, by most of the commentators, below and above the horizon respectively; see Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 307.

198“globo terræ obstante convexitatibus mundi.” The termconvexus, as applied to the heavens, or visible firmament, simply signifiesarched; not opposed toconcave, like the English wordconvex.

199This point is discussed by Ptolemy, Magn. Const. vi. 6; “De distantia eclipticorum mensium.” See also the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire, ii. 260, 261; and of Poinsinet, i. 67.

200These are styled horizontal eclipses; they depend on the refractive power of the atmosphere, causing the sun to be visible above the horizon, although it is actually below it. Brotier states, that eclipses of this description occurred on the 17th July, 1590, on the 30th November, 1648, and on the 16th January, 1660; Lemaire, ii. 260.

201This is supposed to have been in the year 72 of our æra, when it is said that the sun was eclipsed, in Italy, on the 8th, and the moon on the 22nd of February; see Hardouin and Alexandre, in Lemaire, ii. 261.

202In a subsequent part of the work, xviii. 75, the author gives a different rate of increase, viz. 511⁄2minutes; neither of these numbers is correct; the mean rate of increase being, according to Alexandre, about 54′ or 55′; Lemaire, ii. 261, 262. See also Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 311-14.

203It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the effect, as here stated, has no connexion with the supposed cause.

204“luminum canonica.”

205Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn.

206They are then said, in astronomical language, to rise heliacally.

207In the last chapter this distance was stated to be 7 degrees; see the remarks of Alexandre, in Lemaire, ii. 263.

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