1266We have the same statement as to the age of Epimenides, in Valerius Maximus, B. viii. s. 13; he also, in the same section, gives an account of the Epii, of Pictoreus, of Dandon, and of the king of the island of the Tyrians, all of which agree with the present statement, except that the person mentioned by Damastes is called Literius, and the last-named individual is styled the king of the island of the Lutmii.—B.
1266We have the same statement as to the age of Epimenides, in Valerius Maximus, B. viii. s. 13; he also, in the same section, gives an account of the Epii, of Pictoreus, of Dandon, and of the king of the island of the Tyrians, all of which agree with the present statement, except that the person mentioned by Damastes is called Literius, and the last-named individual is styled the king of the island of the Lutmii.—B.
1267The king of the Tartessi, mentioned above.—B.
1267The king of the Tartessi, mentioned above.—B.
1268Pliny has already spoken of the vigorous old age of Masinissa, in the 12th Chapter of the present Book.—B.
1268Pliny has already spoken of the vigorous old age of Masinissa, in the 12th Chapter of the present Book.—B.
1269We have an account of Gorgias in Cicero, de Senect. sec. 9; in Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13, and in Lucian.—B.
1269We have an account of Gorgias in Cicero, de Senect. sec. 9; in Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13, and in Lucian.—B.
1270Valerius Maximus,ubi supra, reduces this to sixty-two years.—B.
1270Valerius Maximus,ubi supra, reduces this to sixty-two years.—B.
1271We have the same statement respecting Perperna in Valerius Maximus, but he does not mention his age.—B.
1271We have the same statement respecting Perperna in Valerius Maximus, but he does not mention his age.—B.
1272The names of the succeeding censors were C. Claudius Pulcher, and T. Sempronius Gracchus.
1272The names of the succeeding censors were C. Claudius Pulcher, and T. Sempronius Gracchus.
1273V. Maximus gives the same account of the age of Corvinus, but he states the interval between his consulships to have been forty-seven years. According to the Fasti, in Dr. Smith’sDictionary of Antiquities, the interval was forty-eight years, fromA.U.C.406 toA.U.C.455.—B.
1273V. Maximus gives the same account of the age of Corvinus, but he states the interval between his consulships to have been forty-seven years. According to the Fasti, in Dr. Smith’sDictionary of Antiquities, the interval was forty-eight years, fromA.U.C.406 toA.U.C.455.—B.
1274The honour of the curule-chair—“sella curulis.” It was attached to the offices of consul, prætor, and ædile; Corvinus had, therefore, been elected to one or other of these offices twenty-one times.—B.
1274The honour of the curule-chair—“sella curulis.” It was attached to the offices of consul, prætor, and ædile; Corvinus had, therefore, been elected to one or other of these offices twenty-one times.—B.
1275Valerius Maximus gives the same account of Metellus. He also informs us that Metellus, although of an advanced age when created pontiff, held the office for twenty-two years; so also Cicero, de Senect. sec. 9.—B.
1275Valerius Maximus gives the same account of Metellus. He also informs us that Metellus, although of an advanced age when created pontiff, held the office for twenty-two years; so also Cicero, de Senect. sec. 9.—B.
1276We have the same account of these females in Valerius Maximus. He adds, that Clodia survived all her children; Seneca, Epist. 77, also refers to the great age of Statilia.—B.
1276We have the same account of these females in Valerius Maximus. He adds, that Clodia survived all her children; Seneca, Epist. 77, also refers to the great age of Statilia.—B.
1277“Emboliaria,” an actress in the “embolium,” or interlude of the Roman stage; also called “acroama,” by Cicero. It appears to have been a concert of musical instruments, perhaps accompanied by dancing.
1277“Emboliaria,” an actress in the “embolium,” or interlude of the Roman stage; also called “acroama,” by Cicero. It appears to have been a concert of musical instruments, perhaps accompanied by dancing.
1278Their consulship wasA.U.C.761.—B.
1278Their consulship wasA.U.C.761.—B.
1279Their consulship wasA.U.C.671, which would leave an interval of ninety years between her first appearance and her appearance at the votive games.—B.
1279Their consulship wasA.U.C.671, which would leave an interval of ninety years between her first appearance and her appearance at the votive games.—B.
1280“Togatus saltare instituit.” He acted in the “togatæ fabulæ,” comedies representing Roman life, or the life of those who wore the toga, the civic costume of the Romans. The Greek comedies were called “palliatæ.”
1280“Togatus saltare instituit.” He acted in the “togatæ fabulæ,” comedies representing Roman life, or the life of those who wore the toga, the civic costume of the Romans. The Greek comedies were called “palliatæ.”
1281The secular games of Augustus are stated by Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, c. 31, and by Dion Cassius, to have taken placeA.U.C.739.—B.
1281The secular games of Augustus are stated by Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, c. 31, and by Dion Cassius, to have taken placeA.U.C.739.—B.
1282“We have an account of Epigenes, by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. i. pp. 86, 87, where he is designated Rhodius. He is referred to by Varro, Columella, and Seneca; Pliny mentions him in other parts of his work.—B.
1282“We have an account of Epigenes, by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. i. pp. 86, 87, where he is designated Rhodius. He is referred to by Varro, Columella, and Seneca; Pliny mentions him in other parts of his work.—B.
1283Berosus has been referred to in the 37th Chapter of the present Book.—B.
1283Berosus has been referred to in the 37th Chapter of the present Book.—B.
1284For some account of Petosiris and Necepsos, see end of B. ii.
1284For some account of Petosiris and Necepsos, see end of B. ii.
1285Literally, the fourth part; according to Hardouin’s explanation, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 186.—B.
1285Literally, the fourth part; according to Hardouin’s explanation, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 186.—B.
1286Literally ... “repetitions.” Dalechamps explains it as indicating, “that part of the heavens which is distant thirty parts; that is to say, two signs from the horoscope;” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 187.—B.
1286Literally ... “repetitions.” Dalechamps explains it as indicating, “that part of the heavens which is distant thirty parts; that is to say, two signs from the horoscope;” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 187.—B.
1287Ajasson refers us to Jul. Firmicus for an explanation of the difference which may exist in the length of the lives of individuals as depending on their natal day; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 186. It appears to have been one of the leading tenets of the astrologers, that the favourable influence of the ascending sign is diminished or counteracted by the rays of other planets, or of the sun, falling upon the sign in certain directions or at certain angles, and that the length of the life of the individual is shortened in proportion to this injurious effect.—B.
1287Ajasson refers us to Jul. Firmicus for an explanation of the difference which may exist in the length of the lives of individuals as depending on their natal day; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 186. It appears to have been one of the leading tenets of the astrologers, that the favourable influence of the ascending sign is diminished or counteracted by the rays of other planets, or of the sun, falling upon the sign in certain directions or at certain angles, and that the length of the life of the individual is shortened in proportion to this injurious effect.—B.
1288This term means, literally, “increasing by a regular scale,” or, “according to a proportional series of numbers;” the multiples of 7 have been generally supposed to be the critical periods of human life, and, more especially, 63, or 9 times 7, which was accordingly termed “the grand climacteric.”—B.
1288This term means, literally, “increasing by a regular scale,” or, “according to a proportional series of numbers;” the multiples of 7 have been generally supposed to be the critical periods of human life, and, more especially, 63, or 9 times 7, which was accordingly termed “the grand climacteric.”—B.
1289This census appears to have taken placeA.D.74, under the fifth consulship of Vespasian, and the third of Titus; according to Censorinus, it was the last of which we have any distinct account.—B.
1289This census appears to have taken placeA.D.74, under the fifth consulship of Vespasian, and the third of Titus; according to Censorinus, it was the last of which we have any distinct account.—B.
1290“Vasaria;” it is said, by the commentators, to be a term of German origin, derived from a word which signified the bark of a tree. It does not appear, however, from what cause it was appropriated to the sense in which it is used by Pliny. The word is found in Cicero’s oration against Piso, sec. 35; but is there applied to a totally different object.—B.
1290“Vasaria;” it is said, by the commentators, to be a term of German origin, derived from a word which signified the bark of a tree. It does not appear, however, from what cause it was appropriated to the sense in which it is used by Pliny. The word is found in Cicero’s oration against Piso, sec. 35; but is there applied to a totally different object.—B.
1291Now Brigella or Brescella. Parma still retains its ancient name, Placentia is now Piacenza, and Faventia the modern Faenza.
1291Now Brigella or Brescella. Parma still retains its ancient name, Placentia is now Piacenza, and Faventia the modern Faenza.
1292Probably the same as the Velia, mentioned by Phlegon Trallianus as famous for the longevity of its inhabitants.
1292Probably the same as the Velia, mentioned by Phlegon Trallianus as famous for the longevity of its inhabitants.
1293“Marcus Mucius, M. Filius, Galeria, Felix.” It has been doubted by the commentators, whether the word Galeria refers to the name of the mother of Mucius, or to the tribe to which he belonged. The latter is, perhaps, the more natural interpretation. Hardouin and Ajasson, however, adopt the opinion, that Galeria was the mother of Marcus; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 191, 192. We meet with a precisely similar construction of words in Cicero, 9th Philip. sec. 7; “Ser. Sulpicius, Q. Filius, Lemonia Rufus.”—B.
1293“Marcus Mucius, M. Filius, Galeria, Felix.” It has been doubted by the commentators, whether the word Galeria refers to the name of the mother of Mucius, or to the tribe to which he belonged. The latter is, perhaps, the more natural interpretation. Hardouin and Ajasson, however, adopt the opinion, that Galeria was the mother of Marcus; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 191, 192. We meet with a precisely similar construction of words in Cicero, 9th Philip. sec. 7; “Ser. Sulpicius, Q. Filius, Lemonia Rufus.”—B.
1294The son of Panthöus, and friend of Hector. He was famous for his wisdom and prudence in giving counsel. See Iliad, B. xviii. l. 249-52.
1294The son of Panthöus, and friend of Hector. He was famous for his wisdom and prudence in giving counsel. See Iliad, B. xviii. l. 249-52.
1295The passage referred to is in the Iliad, B. xviii. l. 249-51.—B.
1295The passage referred to is in the Iliad, B. xviii. l. 249-51.—B.
1296Respecting Cælius [formerly called Cæcilius in most editions] Hardouin informs us that he was the accuser of Calpurnius, that he was prætor during the consulship of P. Lentulus Spinther and L. Metellus Nepos, and was oppressed by Clodius. Pliny refers to Cælius, and his accusation of Calpurnius, in a subsequent passage, B. xxvii. c. 2.—B. Licinius Calvus Macer was by some considered, as an orator, to rival even Cicero himself; and as a poet, is generally mentioned by the side of Catullus. He exhausted his constitution by his severe application, and died in his thirty-fifth or thirty-sixth year. He was remarkable for the extreme shortness of his stature. Cælius was a partisan of Pompey, and was eventually put to death at Thurii.
1296Respecting Cælius [formerly called Cæcilius in most editions] Hardouin informs us that he was the accuser of Calpurnius, that he was prætor during the consulship of P. Lentulus Spinther and L. Metellus Nepos, and was oppressed by Clodius. Pliny refers to Cælius, and his accusation of Calpurnius, in a subsequent passage, B. xxvii. c. 2.—B. Licinius Calvus Macer was by some considered, as an orator, to rival even Cicero himself; and as a poet, is generally mentioned by the side of Catullus. He exhausted his constitution by his severe application, and died in his thirty-fifth or thirty-sixth year. He was remarkable for the extreme shortness of his stature. Cælius was a partisan of Pompey, and was eventually put to death at Thurii.
1297ConsulA.U.C.463; he is generally called Rufinus.—B.
1297ConsulA.U.C.463; he is generally called Rufinus.—B.
1298This anecdote is mentioned by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. iii. c. 28, and by Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B. He was tyrant of Pheræ and Tagus in Thessaly, and was finally assassinated.
1298This anecdote is mentioned by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. iii. c. 28, and by Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B. He was tyrant of Pheræ and Tagus in Thessaly, and was finally assassinated.
1299He was consulA.U.C.633; in consequence of the victories which he obtained over the Allobroges, he obtained the agnomen of “Allobrogicus.”—B.
1299He was consulA.U.C.633; in consequence of the victories which he obtained over the Allobroges, he obtained the agnomen of “Allobrogicus.”—B.
1300Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13, refers to the great age of Xenophilus, but designates him “Pythagoræus;” he says that he obtained his information respecting him from Aristoxenus, the musician, which may have led to an inaccuracy on the part of Pliny. Poinsinet endeavours to reconcile the discrepancy, by the circumstance, that music formed a prominent part of the Pythagorean discipline.—B.
1300Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13, refers to the great age of Xenophilus, but designates him “Pythagoræus;” he says that he obtained his information respecting him from Aristoxenus, the musician, which may have led to an inaccuracy on the part of Pliny. Poinsinet endeavours to reconcile the discrepancy, by the circumstance, that music formed a prominent part of the Pythagorean discipline.—B.
1301“Per sapientiam mori.” Many conjectures have been formed respecting the meaning of this passage, which is obscure. Attempts have been made to amend the reading of the text, but, as it appears, without success; see the notes of Hardouin, Ajasson, and others, Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 197, 8.—B. It is pretty clear, however, that Pliny here refers to what, in the next Chapter, he calls “sapientiæ ægritudo,” the malady by the Greeks called “phrenesis,” and by us “frenzy,” which attacks the seat of wisdom, the understanding. Many pages have been written upon the meaning of this passage, obvious as it seems to be.
1301“Per sapientiam mori.” Many conjectures have been formed respecting the meaning of this passage, which is obscure. Attempts have been made to amend the reading of the text, but, as it appears, without success; see the notes of Hardouin, Ajasson, and others, Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 197, 8.—B. It is pretty clear, however, that Pliny here refers to what, in the next Chapter, he calls “sapientiæ ægritudo,” the malady by the Greeks called “phrenesis,” and by us “frenzy,” which attacks the seat of wisdom, the understanding. Many pages have been written upon the meaning of this passage, obvious as it seems to be.
1302The same doctrine is advanced in B. xxviii., which treats of medicine, see c. 10.—B.
1302The same doctrine is advanced in B. xxviii., which treats of medicine, see c. 10.—B.
1303Among the ancients, all the manufactures and mechanical arts were carried on by slaves; they were, consequently, subjected to the same kinds of morbid causes which are found, in modern times, to be so detrimental to certain descriptions of workmen.—B.
1303Among the ancients, all the manufactures and mechanical arts were carried on by slaves; they were, consequently, subjected to the same kinds of morbid causes which are found, in modern times, to be so detrimental to certain descriptions of workmen.—B.
1304Our own experience has taught us the truth of this observation in the case of the cholera; and the great plague of 1348, which is thought to have swept off one-third of mankind, is supposed to have travelled to Europe from the vicinity of the Ganges.
1304Our own experience has taught us the truth of this observation in the case of the cholera; and the great plague of 1348, which is thought to have swept off one-third of mankind, is supposed to have travelled to Europe from the vicinity of the Ganges.
1305Dalechamps correctly remarks, that the laughter here referred to, is not the indication of mirth, but what has been termed the “risus Sardonicus,” the “Sardonic laugh,” produced by a convulsive action of the muscles of the face; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 201.—B.
1305Dalechamps correctly remarks, that the laughter here referred to, is not the indication of mirth, but what has been termed the “risus Sardonicus,” the “Sardonic laugh,” produced by a convulsive action of the muscles of the face; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 201.—B.
1306“Sapientiæ ægritudine.” See Note1301above.
1306“Sapientiæ ægritudine.” See Note1301above.
1307Pliny probably took this notion from Celsus, who speaks of this as being a fatal symptom, B. ii. c. 6; “si manibus qui in febre, &c., in veste floccos legit, fimbriasque diducit....”—B.
1307Pliny probably took this notion from Celsus, who speaks of this as being a fatal symptom, B. ii. c. 6; “si manibus qui in febre, &c., in veste floccos legit, fimbriasque diducit....”—B.
1308“Venarum percussa;” the ancients were not acquainted with the relation which exists between the arteries and the veins, or the appropriate functions of these parts.—B.
1308“Venarum percussa;” the ancients were not acquainted with the relation which exists between the arteries and the veins, or the appropriate functions of these parts.—B.
1309In Seneca, Contr. B. ii., we find the remark, “Such genius, at so early an age, bodes no long life.” Apuleius, quoting from some Greek writer, says, “Odi puerulos præcoci sapientiâ.” “I hate your bits of boys, with their precocious wisdom.” We have a somewhat similar saying to the above passage from Seneca, “He is too wise,” or “too clever to live long.”
1309In Seneca, Contr. B. ii., we find the remark, “Such genius, at so early an age, bodes no long life.” Apuleius, quoting from some Greek writer, says, “Odi puerulos præcoci sapientiâ.” “I hate your bits of boys, with their precocious wisdom.” We have a somewhat similar saying to the above passage from Seneca, “He is too wise,” or “too clever to live long.”
1310This remark has been confirmed by various writers, ancient and modern; it appears to depend upon an unnatural development of the cerebral and nervous system, which renders it more liable to disease, and less able to bear the impressions to which it is ordinarily exposed.—B.
1310This remark has been confirmed by various writers, ancient and modern; it appears to depend upon an unnatural development of the cerebral and nervous system, which renders it more liable to disease, and less able to bear the impressions to which it is ordinarily exposed.—B.
1311This was probably Phthiriasis, or the “morbus pediculosus,” which has been previously mentioned in this book with reference to Sulla, and of which, probably, Herod Agrippa died. Some authors state that Pherecydes put an end to his life by throwing himself from a rock at Delphi; others give other accounts of his death.
1311This was probably Phthiriasis, or the “morbus pediculosus,” which has been previously mentioned in this book with reference to Sulla, and of which, probably, Herod Agrippa died. Some authors state that Pherecydes put an end to his life by throwing himself from a rock at Delphi; others give other accounts of his death.
1312This circumstance is mentioned by Seneca, De Provid. c. 3.—B.
1312This circumstance is mentioned by Seneca, De Provid. c. 3.—B.
1313We have the same account of Antipater in Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8. He was the preceptor of Cato of Utica; Cicero makes honourable mention of him, De Oratore, B. iii. c. 50.—B.
1313We have the same account of Antipater in Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8. He was the preceptor of Cato of Utica; Cicero makes honourable mention of him, De Oratore, B. iii. c. 50.—B.
1314We have an account of the death of Aviola, in Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8. This name occurs in the Consular Fasti, A.U.C. 806; but it could not be that of the person referred to by Valerius Maximus, as his work was published under the reign of Tiberius, who diedA.U.C.789. We have also an account of the death of Lamia in Valerius Maximus, as occurring under the same circumstances with that of Aviola.—B.
1314We have an account of the death of Aviola, in Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8. This name occurs in the Consular Fasti, A.U.C. 806; but it could not be that of the person referred to by Valerius Maximus, as his work was published under the reign of Tiberius, who diedA.U.C.789. We have also an account of the death of Lamia in Valerius Maximus, as occurring under the same circumstances with that of Aviola.—B.
1315Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 251, 252, supposes, that Messala and Rufus are the names of two writers, and not, as usually supposed, of one only. The conjecture appears not improbable.—B.
1315Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 251, 252, supposes, that Messala and Rufus are the names of two writers, and not, as usually supposed, of one only. The conjecture appears not improbable.—B.
1316Plutarch, “De Deo Socratis,” gives us the same account of Hermotinus. Ajasson has remarked, not inaptly, that this story is very similar to the modern statements as to the effect of animal magnetism, Lemaire, iii. 207.—B. Apuleius, in his “Defence,” has a passage which is remarkable as clearly bearing reference to the doctrines inculcated by the mesmerists of modern times; be says, “Quin et illud mecum reputo, posse animum humanum, præsertim puerilem et simplicem seu carminum avocamento, sine odorum delenimento, soporari et ad oblivionem præsentium externari; et paulisper remotâ corporis memoriâ, redigi et redire ad naturam suam quæ est immortalis scilicet et divina; atque ita veluti quodam sopore futura rerum præsagire.”
1316Plutarch, “De Deo Socratis,” gives us the same account of Hermotinus. Ajasson has remarked, not inaptly, that this story is very similar to the modern statements as to the effect of animal magnetism, Lemaire, iii. 207.—B. Apuleius, in his “Defence,” has a passage which is remarkable as clearly bearing reference to the doctrines inculcated by the mesmerists of modern times; be says, “Quin et illud mecum reputo, posse animum humanum, præsertim puerilem et simplicem seu carminum avocamento, sine odorum delenimento, soporari et ad oblivionem præsentium externari; et paulisper remotâ corporis memoriâ, redigi et redire ad naturam suam quæ est immortalis scilicet et divina; atque ita veluti quodam sopore futura rerum præsagire.”
1317We have no notice of any people, under this appellation, in Greece; Cantharus, however, occurs as the name of an individual, and possibly these may have been his descendants, or the members of his family.—B.
1317We have no notice of any people, under this appellation, in Greece; Cantharus, however, occurs as the name of an individual, and possibly these may have been his descendants, or the members of his family.—B.
1318See B. v. c. 44.
1318See B. v. c. 44.
1319We have an account of Aristeas in Herodotus, iv. 13, but somewhat different from that here given; Aristeas is also mentioned by Apollonius in his Hist. Mirab., and A. Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B. He was an epic poet, who flourished in the time of Crœsus and Cyrus. Herodotus mentions a story that he reappeared at Metapontum, in Italy, 340 years after his death. He is generally represented as a magician, whose soul could leave, and re-enter his body at pleasure.
1319We have an account of Aristeas in Herodotus, iv. 13, but somewhat different from that here given; Aristeas is also mentioned by Apollonius in his Hist. Mirab., and A. Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B. He was an epic poet, who flourished in the time of Crœsus and Cyrus. Herodotus mentions a story that he reappeared at Metapontum, in Italy, 340 years after his death. He is generally represented as a magician, whose soul could leave, and re-enter his body at pleasure.
1320A poet and prophet of Crete. The story was, that being sent by his father to fetch a sheep, he went into a cave, and fell into a sleep, from which he did not awake for fifty-seven years. On awaking, he sought for the sheep, and was astonished on finding everything altered. On returning home, he found that his young brother had in the meantime become an aged man. His story is only equalled by the famous one of the Seven Sleepers of Damascus, who fell asleep in the time of the Decian persecution of the Christians, and slept in a cave till the thirtieth year of the reign of the Emperor Theodosius, 196 years. It is not improbable that it is to this story about Epimenides, that we are indebted for the amusing story of Rip Van Winkle, by Washington Irving.
1320A poet and prophet of Crete. The story was, that being sent by his father to fetch a sheep, he went into a cave, and fell into a sleep, from which he did not awake for fifty-seven years. On awaking, he sought for the sheep, and was astonished on finding everything altered. On returning home, he found that his young brother had in the meantime become an aged man. His story is only equalled by the famous one of the Seven Sleepers of Damascus, who fell asleep in the time of the Decian persecution of the Christians, and slept in a cave till the thirtieth year of the reign of the Emperor Theodosius, 196 years. It is not improbable that it is to this story about Epimenides, that we are indebted for the amusing story of Rip Van Winkle, by Washington Irving.
1321We have the life of Epimenides by Diogenes Laertius, who gives an account of this long-continued sleep. It is also mentioned by other writers, but there is some difference in their statements as to its length.—B.
1321We have the life of Epimenides by Diogenes Laertius, who gives an account of this long-continued sleep. It is also mentioned by other writers, but there is some difference in their statements as to its length.—B.
1322According to the interpretation of Dalechamps, “spiritus et animæ interceptioni ac privationi,” “the interception and privation of the breath and faculties;” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 208.—B.
1322According to the interpretation of Dalechamps, “spiritus et animæ interceptioni ac privationi,” “the interception and privation of the breath and faculties;” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 208.—B.
1323He probably alludes to what are known among us as hysteria, or hysterical affections.
1323He probably alludes to what are known among us as hysteria, or hysterical affections.
1324We have an account of Heraclides in Diogenes Laertius; he was a native of Pontus, and a pupil of Aristotle.—B.
1324We have an account of Heraclides in Diogenes Laertius; he was a native of Pontus, and a pupil of Aristotle.—B.
1325This circumstance is not mentioned in either of the two works of Varro which have come down to us, “De Re Rusticâ,” and “De Linguâ Latinâ.”—B.
1325This circumstance is not mentioned in either of the two works of Varro which have come down to us, “De Re Rusticâ,” and “De Linguâ Latinâ.”—B.
1326They were a body of commissioners appointed for the distribution of lands in Campania; Julius Cæsar, when consul, having caused a law to be passed, dividing that territory among such of the Roman citizens as should have three or more children.
1326They were a body of commissioners appointed for the distribution of lands in Campania; Julius Cæsar, when consul, having caused a law to be passed, dividing that territory among such of the Roman citizens as should have three or more children.
1327We are not informed, whether these persons of the name of Corfidius, were in any way connected, nor, indeed, do we appear to have any certain knowledge of their history.—B. L. Corfidius, a Roman eques, is mentioned by Cicero, in his oration for Ligarius,B.C.46, as one of the distinguished men who were then interceding with Cæsar on behalf of Ligarius; but after the oration was published, Cicero was informed that he had made a mistake in mentioning the name of Corfidius, as he had died before the speech was delivered. It does not appear certain that he was one of the parties here mentioned: but it is not improbable that he was the brother whose sudden death is mentioned below.
1327We are not informed, whether these persons of the name of Corfidius, were in any way connected, nor, indeed, do we appear to have any certain knowledge of their history.—B. L. Corfidius, a Roman eques, is mentioned by Cicero, in his oration for Ligarius,B.C.46, as one of the distinguished men who were then interceding with Cæsar on behalf of Ligarius; but after the oration was published, Cicero was informed that he had made a mistake in mentioning the name of Corfidius, as he had died before the speech was delivered. It does not appear certain that he was one of the parties here mentioned: but it is not improbable that he was the brother whose sudden death is mentioned below.
1328Among the ancients, servants used to be summoned by clapping the hands, as they are, in modern times, by ringing of bells.—B. The same practice still prevails in the east.
1328Among the ancients, servants used to be summoned by clapping the hands, as they are, in modern times, by ringing of bells.—B. The same practice still prevails in the east.
1329In the twenty-third Chapter of the present Book.—B.
1329In the twenty-third Chapter of the present Book.—B.
1330Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 12, and Diodorus Siculus, B. xiii. c. 14, gives the same account. It has been said, that, when he heard the news, he called for a draught of wine, and was choked with a grape-stone; this incident forms the subject of an epigram by Simonides, quoted by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 210.—B.
1330Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 12, and Diodorus Siculus, B. xiii. c. 14, gives the same account. It has been said, that, when he heard the news, he called for a draught of wine, and was choked with a grape-stone; this incident forms the subject of an epigram by Simonides, quoted by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 210.—B.
1331There is reason to believe, that the prize was given rather to the rank, than to the poetry of Dionysius; see the remarks of Ajasson, Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 210, 211.—B.
1331There is reason to believe, that the prize was given rather to the rank, than to the poetry of Dionysius; see the remarks of Ajasson, Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 210, 211.—B.
1332This anecdote is related by Livy, B. xxii. c. 7; by Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 12; and by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 15; the two former, however, state, that it occurred after the battle of Thrasymenus.—B.
1332This anecdote is related by Livy, B. xxii. c. 7; by Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 12; and by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 15; the two former, however, state, that it occurred after the battle of Thrasymenus.—B.
1333Cicero, De Fato, sec. 6, styles Diodorus, “valens dialecticus.”—B.
1333Cicero, De Fato, sec. 6, styles Diodorus, “valens dialecticus.”—B.
1334According to Hardouin, these were Lucius, the prætor, and Caius, the father of the dictator; they were brothers, and the sons of C. Cæsar.—B.
1334According to Hardouin, these were Lucius, the prætor, and Caius, the father of the dictator; they were brothers, and the sons of C. Cæsar.—B.
1335Thirty-first of December; consequently his tenure of office was for a few hours only. Cicero indulged in several jokes upon his consulship, remarking that no one had died during it; and that the consul was extremely vigilant, for that he had never slept during his term of office.
1335Thirty-first of December; consequently his tenure of office was for a few hours only. Cicero indulged in several jokes upon his consulship, remarking that no one had died during it; and that the consul was extremely vigilant, for that he had never slept during his term of office.
1336This took placeA.U.C.708; Macrobius, in his Saturnalia, gives us an account of the jests passed by Cicero and others on the brief duration of his office.—B.
1336This took placeA.U.C.708; Macrobius, in his Saturnalia, gives us an account of the jests passed by Cicero and others on the brief duration of his office.—B.
1337He is supposed to have been the same person who was consulA.U.C.732.—B.
1337He is supposed to have been the same person who was consulA.U.C.732.—B.
1338The Comitium was a place in the forum at Rome, where the “comitia curiata” were held, and certain offences tried and punished. It was here also that the tribunal, or “suggestum,” was situate.
1338The Comitium was a place in the forum at Rome, where the “comitia curiata” were held, and certain offences tried and punished. It was here also that the tribunal, or “suggestum,” was situate.
1339We are informed by Hardouin, that he held the office of PrætorA.U.C.660.—B.
1339We are informed by Hardouin, that he held the office of PrætorA.U.C.660.—B.
1340“A puero;” not necessarily a slave, as Littrè seems to think.
1340“A puero;” not necessarily a slave, as Littrè seems to think.
1341On Hardouin’s authority, we learn that A. Pompeius was surnamed Bithynicus, and was prætorA.U.C.680.—B.
1341On Hardouin’s authority, we learn that A. Pompeius was surnamed Bithynicus, and was prætorA.U.C.680.—B.
1342The death of Thalna is given somewhat more in detail by Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 12; it took placeA.U.C.590.—B.
1342The death of Thalna is given somewhat more in detail by Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 12; it took placeA.U.C.590.—B.
1343The ancients reckoned the hours from sun-rise; in summer, the second hour of the day would be six o’clockA.M., and in the winter, a quarter past eight.—B.
1343The ancients reckoned the hours from sun-rise; in summer, the second hour of the day would be six o’clockA.M., and in the winter, a quarter past eight.—B.
1344Bankers, and usurers more especially, had their shops in the Roman Forum.
1344Bankers, and usurers more especially, had their shops in the Roman Forum.
1345“Cum vadimonium differri jubet.”—B.
1345“Cum vadimonium differri jubet.”—B.
1346Augustus built a third Forum, because the old one and that of Julius Cæsar, were not found sufficient for the great increase of business. He adorned it with a temple of Mars, and the statues of the most distinguished Romans.
1346Augustus built a third Forum, because the old one and that of Julius Cæsar, were not found sufficient for the great increase of business. He adorned it with a temple of Mars, and the statues of the most distinguished Romans.
1347According to Hardouin, this ivory statue was in the eighth region of the city.—B.
1347According to Hardouin, this ivory statue was in the eighth region of the city.—B.
1348“Specillum;” this instrument is mentioned by Celsus, B. vi. c. 6, 25,et alibi. There has been a considerable discussion among the commentators respecting the “specillum;” see Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214. From the uses to which it was applied by Celsus, we can have little doubt upon the subject. Poinsinet and Ajasson employ the equivalent French term “eprouvette.”—B.
1348“Specillum;” this instrument is mentioned by Celsus, B. vi. c. 6, 25,et alibi. There has been a considerable discussion among the commentators respecting the “specillum;” see Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214. From the uses to which it was applied by Celsus, we can have little doubt upon the subject. Poinsinet and Ajasson employ the equivalent French term “eprouvette.”—B.
1349“Mulsum” was the most universally esteemed of all the beverages used among the Romans. It seems to have been of two kinds: in the one case honey was mixed with wine, in the other with must. Massic or Falernian wine was preferred for the purpose, and new Attic honey. The proportions were four measures of wine to one of honey; and various perfumes and spices were added. See B. xxii, c. 4. It was especially valued as the most appropriate draught on an empty stomach.
1349“Mulsum” was the most universally esteemed of all the beverages used among the Romans. It seems to have been of two kinds: in the one case honey was mixed with wine, in the other with must. Massic or Falernian wine was preferred for the purpose, and new Attic honey. The proportions were four measures of wine to one of honey; and various perfumes and spices were added. See B. xxii, c. 4. It was especially valued as the most appropriate draught on an empty stomach.
1350The Cornelius Gallus here mentioned could not have been the poet of the same name, because, as we are informed, he died by his own hand. The death of the poet Gallus is alluded to by Ovid, Amores, B. iii. El. 9, l. 64.—B. A similar fate is said, by Tertullian, to have overtaken Speusippus, the Platonic philosopher. The same was also said by some of the poet Pindar.
1350The Cornelius Gallus here mentioned could not have been the poet of the same name, because, as we are informed, he died by his own hand. The death of the poet Gallus is alluded to by Ovid, Amores, B. iii. El. 9, l. 64.—B. A similar fate is said, by Tertullian, to have overtaken Speusippus, the Platonic philosopher. The same was also said by some of the poet Pindar.
1351Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 12, gives the same account of the death of Gallus and Haterius.—B.
1351Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 12, gives the same account of the death of Gallus and Haterius.—B.
1352Which was usually worn by the Romans at their entertainments.
1352Which was usually worn by the Romans at their entertainments.
1353Consideringsomeof the above cases, Pliny must have had a curious notion of a happy death. Ovid would have agreed with him in one respect; for in his amatory poems, he expresses a wish that he may die of a surfeit of sensual enjoyment.
1353Consideringsomeof the above cases, Pliny must have had a curious notion of a happy death. Ovid would have agreed with him in one respect; for in his amatory poems, he expresses a wish that he may die of a surfeit of sensual enjoyment.
1354The great-grandfather of the Emperor Nero. We have a reference to his death by Seneca, De Benef. B. iii. c. 24, and a more full account of it by Suetonius, Life of Nero, c. 2.—B.
1354The great-grandfather of the Emperor Nero. We have a reference to his death by Seneca, De Benef. B. iii. c. 24, and a more full account of it by Suetonius, Life of Nero, c. 2.—B.
1355The charioteers at Rome were divided into four companies, or “factiones,” each distinguished by a colour, representing the season of the year. These colours were green for the spring, red for the summer, azure for autumn, and white for the winter. Domitian afterwards increased them to six, adding the golden and the purple. The most ardent party spirit prevailed among them, and the interest in their success extended to all classes and both sexes.
1355The charioteers at Rome were divided into four companies, or “factiones,” each distinguished by a colour, representing the season of the year. These colours were green for the spring, red for the summer, azure for autumn, and white for the winter. Domitian afterwards increased them to six, adding the golden and the purple. The most ardent party spirit prevailed among them, and the interest in their success extended to all classes and both sexes.
1356In the thirty-sixth Chapter of this Book.—B.
1356In the thirty-sixth Chapter of this Book.—B.
1357It would appear, from Dalechamps and Hardouin, that this statement, respecting the period when the custom of burning the body after death was first adopted by the Romans, is incorrect, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 219. There is much uncertainty as to its origin, and the source from which they borrowed it. We learn from Macrobius, that the practice was discontinued in his time,i. e.in the fourth century after Christ.—B.
1357It would appear, from Dalechamps and Hardouin, that this statement, respecting the period when the custom of burning the body after death was first adopted by the Romans, is incorrect, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 219. There is much uncertainty as to its origin, and the source from which they borrowed it. We learn from Macrobius, that the practice was discontinued in his time,i. e.in the fourth century after Christ.—B.
1358We have the same remarks, respecting the antiquity of the custom of interring the body, the continued adoption of it by the Cornelian family, and the supposed notion of Sylla, in ordering his own body to be burnt, in Cicero, De Leg. B. ii. c. 22, from whom it is probable Pliny may have borrowed them.—B.
1358We have the same remarks, respecting the antiquity of the custom of interring the body, the continued adoption of it by the Cornelian family, and the supposed notion of Sylla, in ordering his own body to be burnt, in Cicero, De Leg. B. ii. c. 22, from whom it is probable Pliny may have borrowed them.—B.
1359We have no English term that will preserve the distinction which Pliny makes between the two modes of disposing of the body after death.—B.
1359We have no English term that will preserve the distinction which Pliny makes between the two modes of disposing of the body after death.—B.
1360He views the state after death in the same light as Democritus and Epicurus, utterly denying the immortality of the soul; though it cannot be said that he looks upon life in the same cheerful, laissez-faire manner in which it was regarded by the latter of these philosophers.
1360He views the state after death in the same light as Democritus and Epicurus, utterly denying the immortality of the soul; though it cannot be said that he looks upon life in the same cheerful, laissez-faire manner in which it was regarded by the latter of these philosophers.
1361Hardouin remarks, that the ancients made a distinction between the souls of the dead, and their spirits or shades, “umbræ.” The former were supposed to remain on the earth, while the latter were removed either to Elysium or to Tartarus, according to the character or actions of the deceased.—B.
1361Hardouin remarks, that the ancients made a distinction between the souls of the dead, and their spirits or shades, “umbræ.” The former were supposed to remain on the earth, while the latter were removed either to Elysium or to Tartarus, according to the character or actions of the deceased.—B.
1362According to Varro, Democritus directs, that the body shall not be burnt after death, but preserved in honey; on which Varro remarks, how greatly such a practice would tend to raise the price of that article.—B.
1362According to Varro, Democritus directs, that the body shall not be burnt after death, but preserved in honey; on which Varro remarks, how greatly such a practice would tend to raise the price of that article.—B.
1363It has been conjectured, that Bacchus derived his name from the Greek wordΒάσκω, on account of his numerous journies into different parts of the world; it was during these that he conveyed to the various nations which he visited the arts of civilized life.—B.
1363It has been conjectured, that Bacchus derived his name from the Greek wordΒάσκω, on account of his numerous journies into different parts of the world; it was during these that he conveyed to the various nations which he visited the arts of civilized life.—B.
1364We have a long discussion by Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 234, 235, on the derivation of the name of Ceres, in which he endeavours to explain the various attributes that were ascribed to her. The character in which she was generally regarded by the writers of antiquity, was the one here given to her by Pliny; in proof of which we may refer, among other authorities, to Virgil, Geor. B. i. l. 147. and to Ovid, Metam. B. iii. l. 341.—B.
1364We have a long discussion by Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 234, 235, on the derivation of the name of Ceres, in which he endeavours to explain the various attributes that were ascribed to her. The character in which she was generally regarded by the writers of antiquity, was the one here given to her by Pliny; in proof of which we may refer, among other authorities, to Virgil, Geor. B. i. l. 147. and to Ovid, Metam. B. iii. l. 341.—B.
1365The earliest method of reducing corn to the state proper for the food of man, was by pounding it in a mortar; afterwards, when it was ground between stones, they were moved by the hand, as is still the practice in many parts of the East. It was not until a comparatively late period that water was employed as the moving power for mills.—B.
1365The earliest method of reducing corn to the state proper for the food of man, was by pounding it in a mortar; afterwards, when it was ground between stones, they were moved by the hand, as is still the practice in many parts of the East. It was not until a comparatively late period that water was employed as the moving power for mills.—B.
1366It has been supposed by some commentators, that the character of legislator was bestowed upon Ceres, in consequence of the name by which she was designated, in the ancient northern languages, being incorrectly transferred to the Greek. Others have thought that it might be referred to the connection which may be supposed to exist between an advance in the arts of life generally and an improvement of the laws.—B.
1366It has been supposed by some commentators, that the character of legislator was bestowed upon Ceres, in consequence of the name by which she was designated, in the ancient northern languages, being incorrectly transferred to the Greek. Others have thought that it might be referred to the connection which may be supposed to exist between an advance in the arts of life generally and an improvement of the laws.—B.
1367We do not find the circumstance here referred to in the “Noctes Atticæ” of Aulus Gellius.—B.
1367We do not find the circumstance here referred to in the “Noctes Atticæ” of Aulus Gellius.—B.
1368It would appear that there were two individuals of this name, who were confounded with each other; Simonides, the celebrated poet, lived as late as the fifth century before Christ, so that it has been thought improbable that the Greek language could have existed without the four letters here mentioned, until so recent a period.—B.
1368It would appear that there were two individuals of this name, who were confounded with each other; Simonides, the celebrated poet, lived as late as the fifth century before Christ, so that it has been thought improbable that the Greek language could have existed without the four letters here mentioned, until so recent a period.—B.
1369The account of the original introduction of the alphabet into Greece, here given, is the one generally adopted in his time. Most readers will be aware, that the actual invention of letters, the share which the Egyptians and the Phœnicians had in it, the identification of Cadmus, and still more of Mercury, with any of the heroes or legislators of antiquity, of whom we have any correct historical data, and the connection which the Greek alphabet had with those of other nations, are among the most curious questions of literary discussion, and are still far from being resolved with any degree of certainty.—B.
1369The account of the original introduction of the alphabet into Greece, here given, is the one generally adopted in his time. Most readers will be aware, that the actual invention of letters, the share which the Egyptians and the Phœnicians had in it, the identification of Cadmus, and still more of Mercury, with any of the heroes or legislators of antiquity, of whom we have any correct historical data, and the connection which the Greek alphabet had with those of other nations, are among the most curious questions of literary discussion, and are still far from being resolved with any degree of certainty.—B.