1. If I did not know, members of the Boule, that my accusers wished to injure me in every way, I should have felt grateful to them for bringing this charge. For I think to men slandered unjustly these charges are of great benefit, as they compel them to exhibit their mode of life. 2. I feel so sure of myself that I hope, if any one here entertains feelings of dislike toward me, he will, having heard what I have to say of the facts, think better of it and be in all after-time a good friend to me. 3. I make no claim, members of the Boule, to do anything more than show you that I am well disposed to the existing constitution and that I shared the same dangers that you did. If I make plain to you that I have lived well, contrary to common report and the assertions of my enemies, I want you to pass me and count them bad. First, I will show that I did not serve in the cavalry, that I was not in Athens at the time of the Thirty, and that I took no part in the government of that time.
4. My father sent me before the disaster on the Hellespont, to live at the court of Salyrus, king of Bosphorus, and I was not at home, either while the walls were being taken down, or the constitution was undergoing change, but returned five days before the party of Phyle occupied the Piraeus. 5. It is not likely that, arriving at such a time, I was desirous of sharing other people's dangers, and they evidently did not have any idea of sharing the management of the government with those who were away from home and not guilty of disloyalty, but rather disenfranchised even those who helped them to abolish the democracy. 6. And in the next place it is foolish to estimate the cavalry from the register. For there are many persons on this list who admit that they did mot serve in the cavalry, and some are written there who were away from home. Here is the strongest proof. For when you returned you voted that the phylarchs should give in a return of those serving in the cavalry that you might recover the allowances. 7. No one can show that my name was handed in by phylarchs, nor given to the revenue commissioners as having received an allowance. So it is plain to all that it was necessary for the phylarchs, if they did not give in the names of those having received the allowance, to be losers themselves. So you ought to put much more trust in the returns of these men than you do in the register. 8. Yet, members of the Boule, if I had served in the cavalry, I should not have denied it as if I had been guilty of a terrible crime, but should claim, if I proved I had done no one of the citizens any wrong, that I ought to be passed. I see that, following this plan, many who served in the cavalry at that time are in the Boule, and many have been appointed generals, and many commanders of cavalry. Believe, then, that I make this defense for no other reason than that they have dared lie about me before the whole world. Come and give evidence.
9. I do not know that I need say anything further about the charges. I believe in cases of another sort it is only necessary to make a defense by refuting accusations, but in trials concerning examination, to offer to give an account of one's entire life. I wish you to listen to me fairly. I will make the account as short as I can.
10. In the first place, though I was left little money by my father, both on account of his misfortunes and the calamity that befell the city, yet I married off my two sisters, giving them thirty minae as a dowry; and I so divided the property between myself and my brother that he admits that he had more than his share. And in all other relations of my life I have so behaved that no one ever brought an indictment against me. 11. I think the greatest proof of the blamelessness of my public life is that all the young men who habitually spend their time with dice, or in drink, or excesses of this sort, are my enemies; and it is just they who get up and circulate such stories about me. If I and they had the same tastes, it is plain that they would have had no such opinion of me. 12. No one can prove that I have had a private suit, a public suit, or was ever impeached before the Boule. But you see other men often engaged in such cases. Last of all, see how well I served the state in the army and in the expeditions against the enemy. 13. For first, when you made the alliance against the Boeotians, and it was necessary to send assistance to Haliartus, I was put in the list of the cavalry by Orthoboulus; but seeing that all thought the cavalry was safe, but that there was danger to the hoplites, while others not qualified by law were trying to get enrolled on the cavalry, I reported myself to Orthoboulus to be struck off the list, thinking it disgraceful to be in security myself while others were in danger. Come and testify for me, Orthoboulus.
14. Again, when the members of my deme were assembled for the expedition, as I saw that some were honorable, wealthy and zealous, but that there were others who lacked the means for the journey, I moved that the wealthy provide the outfit for the poor. And I not only counseled the others to do this, but I myself gave two men thirty drachmae each; not that I was worth much, but for an example to the rest. Come forward, witnesses.
15. After this, members of the Boule, during the expedition to Corinth, when all saw that there would be warm work, and others were shirking, I arranged to be stationed in the rank next the enemy. And besides, when our tribe was overthrown and most of it perished, I retreated after that fine gentleman of Steiria, who has been reproaching all men with cowardice. 16. And not many days later, by the capture of the strongholds in Corinth, the enemy was unable to advance, and Agesilaus invaded Boeotia, and the archons voted to detach certain ranks and send them to aid. All were afraid (naturally enough, too, members of the Boule, for it is hardly probable that men who had just escaped would wish to place themselves in danger again), but I, going of my own accord to the commander, asked him to send my company.
17. If, then, some of you are angry at those who claim to act in the interest of the state, and who nevertheless run from danger, you ought to have no such opinion about me. Not only did I do zealously what was commanded me, but I even exposed myself to great danger and did this, not because it was a light matter to fight the Spartans, but that if I ever were unjustly brought to any trial, I might, with a better reputation for valor, get full justice. Now bring witnesses.
18. I did not shirk any of the other expeditions nor the garrison duty, but always marched with the foremost and retreated among the last. You ought to estimate from such considerations, those who live well and in order, and not hate a man for wearing his hair long. For habits of this sort injure neither the private citizen nor the city at large, but you are all benefited by those who meet the dangers of the enemy. 19. It is not right to either love or hate a man on account of his looks. For many who talk modestly and dress well have been the cause of great evils, and others who pay no attention to these things have effected great good.
20. I see that some, members of the Boule, are dissatisfied because I, so young a man, have ventured to speak before the people. I was compelled to do so first on account of my case, and then I seem even to myself to be somewhat more ambitiously disposed than I ought to be, both because I remember my ancestors who never stopped working for the city, (21) and because I perceive that you (for I must speak the truth) think that only men of this sort are worth anything. So, seeing you have this opinion, who could not be induced to work and speak in behalf of the city? Why, then, should you be disgusted with men of this sort? For it is you and no other people who judge them.
1. Perhaps some of you, gentlemen of the jury, on account of my wish to be a worthy citizen, think that I can speak better than other men. But I am so far from being able to speak about what does not concern myself, that I cannot say what I ought in regard to those things about which I should speak. I think however, if I shall go over the whole affair between myself and Eraton and his children, that you will easily understand what view to take about the claim. So hear me from the start.
2. Eraton, the father of Erasiphon, borrowed two talents from my grandfather. That he took the money and that he asked him to lend so much, I will furnish as witnesses those in whose presence it was given. How he employed it, and what use he made of it, those who know better than I and were cognizant of his proceedings will declare and give evidence to you. Now call the witnesses.
3. As long as Eraton lived, I received the interest and other details of the transaction. When he died he left three sons, Erasiphon, Eraton and Erasistratus, but they no longer paid their dues. So in the war, as there were no courts, we could not exact from them what they owed, and when peace came, when civil suits were being heard, my father, having obtained leave to bring suit against Erasistratus for the whole debt; as he alone of the brothers lived in the city, obtained judgment against him in the archonship of Xenaetnetus. Now call the witnesses.
4. That the property of Eraton would rightfully be ours, is easily seen from these men, and that it is all confiscated, from the lists, for three or four persons entered the items. Now this is clear to every one that they would not have omitted anything else which it was possible to confiscate while making a list of all Eraton's property,—even what I have for some time held myself.
I think it is evident that I cannot recover this money elsewhere if you confiscate this property. 5. But now see in what a different spirit I and these persons make my claim against you. For as long as the friends of Erasiphon disputed the property with me, I claimed it was all mine, because Erasistratus was defeated while defending a suit against my father for the whole. And I have let the property at Sphettus for three years past, and was engaged in a suit with the occupants of the property at Cicyna and the house there. But last year they struck out the suit on the ground that they were merchants; but now, though I brought in my suit in the month Gamelion, the Marine Court rendered no decision. 6. And since you thought best to confiscate Eraton's property, I think two shares should be allowed the state and the property of Erasistratus be voted to me, as you have decided that this was formerly in my possession. So I have picked out for myself one-third of the property, roughly estimated, and leaving over two-thirds to the state. 7. It is easy to find out from the valuation put upon it. All the property has been valued at more than a talent, and what I claim, I value at five minae and a thousand drachmae respectively. If they are worth more than this, when the property is sold, the state shall have the rest. 8. That you may know that these are the facts, I will bring as witnesses to you, first, those who hired from me the place at Sphettus, then those living near the place at Cicyna who were acquainted with me when I made the claim three years ago, also the archons of last year before whom the suits were brought, and the present Marine Court. 9. The lists too will be read you, for from them you will know that my claim to this property is not a recent one, and that I do not ask more from the state than from private individuals. Now call the witnesses.
10. It has now been proved that I do not wrongfully claim the decision of the property in my favor, but that after relinquishing much of the property to the state I claim this only. And now it seems right for me to ask this of you, and the magistrates with you.
1. This suit troubles me greatly, gentlemen of the jury, when I consider that if I do not speak well, not only I, but my father will appear in the wrong, and I shall lose all my property. So, if I am not naturally skillful in this task, I must come to the rescue of myself and my father as best I can. 2. You see the careful preparation and zeal of my enemies, and I need say nothing about them, and all who know me know my inexperience. So I shall beg you grant what is just (for me) and easy (for you), to hear me with patience, as well as the prosecution. 3. For a defendant is necessarily at a disadvantage even if you listen impartially, for the prosecutors have planned for a long time, and without any risk to themselves have made their attack, but I struggle with fear, prejudice and great danger. So it is right for you to show greater favor to the defendants. 4. For I suppose you all know that many who make terrible accusations have at once been convicted of falsifying so evidently, that they leave the court and become mistrusted for all they do. Some again have been convicted of false witness and of seeking to ruin men, when there was nothing more to their advantage. 5. Since, as I hear, there are many such cases, gentlemen of the jury, do not trust the words of the prosecution until I speak. For I hear, and I think many of you know that slander is most difficult (to deal with). 6. Surely we may realize this when so many come to trial on this charge, for usually the last tried are acquitted; for you listen to them without prejudice, and you admit their arguments willingly. 7. So remember that Nicophemus and Aristophanes were put to death without a trial, before the arrival of any one to (hear) them proved guilty. For no one saw them after the arrest; for they did not give up their bodies for burial, and so terrible was their fate, that besides all the rest they were deprived of this (privilege) too. 8. But I will pass this by, for I could never finish (the subject); but much harder I think was the fate of the sons of Aristophanes. For though never wronging any one in public or private, they not only lost their patrimony contrary to your laws, but also their remaining hope was blighted of being brought up by their grandfather. 9. Still I, deprived of kindred, of the dowry (of my sister), and having to bring up three children, have charges brought against me, and run in danger about the inheritance which my ancestors left me, acquired legally (by them). And yet, gentlemen of the jury, my father during his lifetime spent more for the state than for himself and family, and it was four times what I have now, as I was often at hand when he was reckoning. 10. Do not prejudge the injustice of a man who spent little for himself and much every year for you, but (be ready to condemn those) who are accustomed to spend their patrimony and everything else they get for vicious pleasures. 11. It is difficult, gentlemen of the jury, to defend myself contrary to the opinion which some hold about the property of Nicophemus, both because of the present scarcity of money in the state, and because the suit concerns the treasury. And yet under these disadvantages, you will readily see that the accusations are not true. And I beg you by every means in my power to hear me favorably to the close, and to vote whatever you think best and in best accord with your oaths.
12. In the first place I will inform you how they came to be connections of mine. For Conon, commanding near the Peloponnesus, who was my father's friend when he was Trierarch, asked him to give my sister to the son of Nicophemus when he asked her hand. 13. And he seeing that they (Nicophemus and his son) were trusted by Conon, and were serviceable to the state, then at least conforming to her laws, promised to give her, not realizing the bad repute into which they would fall, at a time when any one of you would have wished to be connected with them; that it was (done) for the sake of money, it is easy to understand from the whole life and conduct of my father. 14. For when he was at a suitable age, although he could have married another with a large dowry, he married my mother who brought none, because she was the daughter of Xenophon, son of Euripides, who not only seemed to be of good character, but you thought him worthy to be Strategus, as I hear. 15. Moreover he did not give my sisters to rich husbands who would have been willing to take them without dowries, because they seemed to be of inferior birth, but one to Philomelus of Paeania, whom they say is better in character than wealth, another to a man who lost his property through no fault of his own, his nephew, Phaidrus of Murrhinoute, besides giving him forty minae, and the same to Aristophanes. 16. And besides, though I could have (married a woman with) a large dowry, be advised a smaller one, that I might be sure of having connections orderly and discreet. And now my wife is the daughter of Critodemus of Alopeke, who was put to death by the Spartans after the naval battle of the Hellespont. 17. And now, gentlemen of the jury, is it not probable that one who married without a portion, and gave his daughter much money, and took a small dowry for his son, should be trusted to have sought connection with these men for no money considerations?
18. It is easy to see that Aristophanes, already married, would have confided in any one sooner than my father. For their ages were wide apart, and their dispositions still more; for my father had merely his own concerns to attend to, but Aristophanes wished to attend not only to his own private affairs, but to public ones as well, and if he had any money, he spent it in his desire for honor. 19. You know from what he used to do that I speak the truth. For first, when Conon wished to send some one to Sicily, he undertook the commission and went with Eunomus, enjoying the friendship and hospitality of Dionysius, who benefited the state greatly, as I heard from those in his company at Piraeus. 20. And the hope of the expedition was to persuade Dionysius to become allied to Evagoras, and hostile to the Spartans, and a friend and ally to your city. And this they did in spite of dangers which threatened by sea and from the enemy, and they persuaded Dionysius not to send the trireme which he had prepared for the Spartans. 21. And afterwards, when ambassadors came from Cyprus for assistance, he did cease his activity. You gave them triremes, and voted other aid, but they lacked funds for the expedition. For they came with little money, and asked for much; for they (asked it) not only for the ships, but they hired mercenaries, and bought arms. 22. Now Aristophanes himself furnished most of the money; and when there was not enough, he persuaded his friends, asking for it and giving securities, and having forty minae of his half-brother at his house he used them up. And the day before he sailed, he went to my father and asked him to lend him whatever money he had. For he said it was needed for paying the mercenaries. We had in ready money seven minae, and he took this and used it up. 23. Now what man, gentlemen of the jury, ambitious, with letters from his father that he would find no lack in Cyprus, having moreover been chosen ambassador, and being about to sail to Evagoras, would have left everything behind, and would not, if he could by contributing everything, please him (Evagoras) and make a large profit? That this is the case, call Eunomus.
24. You hear the witnesses, both that they lent (the money) at his demand, and that they received it back, for it was brought them on the trireme.
From what has been said, it is easy to see that in these emergencies he spared himself not in the least. 25. Here is the best proof: Demus, the son of Pyrolampes, in command of the trireme for Cyprus, asked me to go to him, saying that he had from the king of Persia a golden bowl, for which he wished to get seventeen minae, which he would spend on his trierarchy; when he came to Cyprus he would redeem it, paying twenty minae; for through this pledge he would have plenty of money and other advantages in Asia Minor. 26. Aristophanes, hearing this from Demus, though I urged him, and although he would have taken the cup, and gained four minae interest, said he had no money, and declared he had borrowed from his friends besides, otherwise he would be most glad to take the pledge and oblige us by what we asked. 27. I will bring witnesses that these are the facts.
From the evidence it is certain that Aristophanes left no money behind; and he had not much (in the way of) bronze. And when he entertained the ambassadors from Evagoras he had to borrow the plate. And we will read you what he left.
28. Perhaps some of you, gentlemen of the jury, think this is a small inventory. Bear this in mind, that before our naval victory he only had a little estate at Rhamnus. The naval battle was in the archonship of Euboulus. 29. So in four or five years, as at first he had no property, it was no easy matter for him to supply the chorus twice for tragedies, for himself and his father, serve as Trierarch three consecutive years, make large contributions, build a house for five minae, and get more than three hundred plethra of land; and yet, besides all this, do you think he necessarily left many household effects? 30. But not even families of long-standing wealth could show much of value, for sometimes, no matter how desirous one may be, it is not possible to buy that which always gives pleasure to its possessor.
31. But consider this. Of others whose property you confiscated, not only did you sell no furniture, but the doors were torn from the houses. But when the confiscation had taken place, and my sister had left, we set a guard in the house, that neither the doors, vases, nor anything else might be lost. And property of more than a thousand drachmae was reported, more than you ever took from any one else. 32. Besides, both formerly before the commissioners and now we wish to give a pledge, the greatest in use, that we have no money of Aristophanes, but he owes the dowry of my sister and seven minae, which he took from my father when he went off. 33. How then would men be more wretched than to be thought to hold the property of others, after loss of their own? And what is the worst of all, to receive a sister with many children, look after them, and have nothing for myself, if you take even what we have.
34. Come now, by the Olympian gods! Look at it in this light, gentlemen of the jury. If one of you happened to give to Timotheus, son of Conon, his daughter or sister, and when he was deprived of civil rights, and accused, his property was seized, and if, when all was sold, the city did not get four talents, on this account would you think it right to ruin his family and relatives, because the property turned out to be not even a fraction of what you thought it? 35. All of you here know that Conon was in command, and that Nicodemus executed his commands. It is likely that Conon gave part of the profits to some other, so if they thought Nicodemus had much, they would agree that Conon's share was ten times as much. 36. And still they seem never to have had any difference of opinion, so it is likely that they had the same ideas about money, namely, to have here sufficient for their sons, and to take the rest with them. For Conon had a son and wife in Cyprus, Nicodemus a wife and daughter, and they thought their property there to be as safe as that here. 37. And besides this, think, if some one who had not acquired his property, but had inherited it from his father, distributed it to his sons, that he would have reserved the most for himself. For all with money prefer to be served by their children rather than ask it of them in poverty. 38. Now if you should confiscate the property of Timotheus,—and may it not happen, unless great good come to the state from it,—and should gain less from it than came from the property of Aristophanes, for this reason would you believe it right that his relatives should lose their property? 39. It is not likely, gentlemen of the jury. For the death of Conon and the will which he made in Cyprus clearly showed that his money was a very small part of what you expected, for to Athena and to Apollo in Delphi he dedicated five thousand staters. 40. And to his nephew who kept guard for him and had charge of his affairs in Cyprus, he gave ten thousand drachmae, and three talents to his brother; the rest, seventeen talents, he left to his son. The sum total is about forty talents. And no one can say that he was robbed or that a just return was not made. 41. For he made his will when in sickness, in his right mind. Now call me the witnesses.
42. Surely one would have thought, before both cases were shown, that the property of Nicophemus was a small fraction of that of Conon. Aristophanes purchased land and a house for more than five talents, supplied choruses for himself and his father for five thousand drachmae, and spent eighty minae as Trierarch. 43. And in taxes he contributed for both no less than forty minae, and for the expedition to Sicily he spent a hundred minae. For sending the triremes when the Cyprians came and you gave them ten ships, for pay for the mercenaries and the purchase of arms, he furnished thirty thousand drachmae. The amount of this is a little less than fifteen talents. 44. So you do not charge me with reason, since the property of Aristophanes appears to be more than a third part of that of Conon, which is agreed was rightly reported by himself, though appearing to be much greater. And I do not reckon what Nicophemus had in Cyprus, where were his wife and daughter.
45. I do not believe, gentlemen of the jury, that you will ruin me after my producing such conclusive evidence. For I have heard from my father and other older men that both now and formerly you have been mistaken about the property of many men, and that many while living seem to be wealthy, and after death they turned out very different from what you supposed. 46. For example, every one supposed Ischomachus as long as he lived was worth more than seventy talents, as I hear; but each of his two sons had less than ten at his death. Stephanus, son of Thallus, was said to be worth more than fifty talents, but his property after his death proved to be about eleven talents. 47. The estate of Nicias was expected to be worth not less than a hundred talents, and much of it in ready money; but when Niceratus was dying, he said himself he was not leaving any gold or silver, and the house which he left to his son was not worth more than fourteen talents. 48. Again Callias, son of Hipponicus, at the recent death of his father seemed to have inherited more than any other Greek, but as he says, his grandfather valued (the property) at two hundred talents. His rateable property is really not worth two talents. You all know Cleophon, that for many years he managed all the finances of the state and was supposed to have much from the government; but at his death there was no money, and the relatives and connections whom he left were confessedly poor men. 49. So we are evidently much deceived in regard to men of hereditary wealth and those who have recently become noted. And I think the reason is that one dares to say without sufficient grounds that so-and-so has many talents from the government. And I do not wonder at what they say about the dead (for they cannot be confuted by them), but at their attempt to deceive during their life. 50. For you yourselves lately heard in the assembly that Diotimus had forty talents more than he acknowledged from the ship captains and merchants; and no one tested him when he came bringing his accounts and feeling bad that he had been slandered in his absence, that too when the state was in need of money and he wished to give a statement. 51. Think now what would happen if after all Athens had heard that Diotimus had forty talents, he had met his fate before sailing home. Then his relatives would have been in greatest danger, if they had had to defend themselves against such a charge, not knowing any of the facts. These are responsible for your being mistaken about many, and unjustly ruining some, (these men) who rashly venture to speak falsely and wish to bring charges against others. 52. Then I suppose you know that Alcibiades was Strategus for four or five years, having prevailed over and conquered the Spartans, and the cities thought best to give him twice as much as to any other general, so that some thought he owned more than a hundred talents. But at his death he showed it was not the case, for he left a smaller estate to his children than he had received from his guardians.
53. That such things formerly happened is readily seen; and they say the noblest and wisest are especially willing to change their opinions. If then I seem to speak to the point, and bring sufficient testimony, gentlemen of the jury, in every way favor me, as, although the accusation is so great, I believe I shall win with truth on my side; and if there is no way in which you are willing to be persuaded, there seems to be no hope for me. 54. But by the Olympian gods, gentlemen of the jury, be willing to save me with justice (on my side), rather than ruin me unjustly; and believe they speak the truth, who even in silence during their lives conduct themselves wisely and justly.
55. So in regard to the writ itself and how they became my connections and that his property was not enough for the voyage, but that he borrowed elsewhere, you have heard and testimony has been given you; but I wish to say a few words about myself. For I at thirty years of age never spoke wrongly to my father, nor has a citizen ever brought a charge against me, and though living near the market-place I was never seen in the court or assembly before this befell me. 56. So much I can say of myself, but of my father, since the charge has been made as if he were at fault, have patience if I declare what he spent for the state and his friends. And (it is not) in a spirit of boasting, but to prove that it is inconsistent with the character of a man to spend much unnecessarily and to wish to keep common property at greatest risk. 57. There are some who spend not only for this, but that they may gain twice as much if they are thought by you worthy to rule. My father never wished to be a leader, but he supplied all choruses, and was Trierarch seven times, and made many large contributions. That you may know this, each point will be read you.
58. Hear the number of them, gentlemen of the jury. For fifty years my father served the state with money, and in person. So in such a time, being thought wealthy from the start, it is natural that he shrank from no expense. Yet I will bring you witnesses.
59. The sum of all is nine talents and two thousand drachmae. Besides, privately he helped portion the daughters and sisters of some poor citizens, and ransomed some from the enemy, and furnished money for the burial of others. And this he did, believing it was a brave man's duty to help his friends, even if no one would learn of it; and now it is fitting that you should learn of it from me. Now call in this and that one.
60. You have heard the witnesses; remember that one could assume a character for a short time, but no one could elude detection for seventy years if a bad man. Against my father perhaps some could bring other charges, but no one, even an enemy, dared (to accuse him) about his money affairs. 61. Is it then right to trust the words of the accusers, rather than to the facts, (as to) what he did in all his life, and to time, which to be sure is the clearest test of truth? For if he had not been such a man, he would not have left so little from so much, since if you are deceived by these men and confiscate my property, you will get not two talents. So it is for your interest to acquit me not only because you think it right, but as a question of money, for you will be the gainers if I keep this. 62. And see how many expenditures have been made in the past for the state, and now from what remains I am Trierarch, and my father died while Trierach, and I shall endeavor, following his example, to give a small amount, little at a time, for the common weal. So in reality this (now) belongs to the state, and I shall not think I am wronged if deprived of it, but you will have greater benefit than if you confiscate it. 63. Besides this, it is fitting to bear in mind the nature of my father. For whatever he wished to spend beyond the necessities of life, it evidently was in a direction in which the city too would gain some honor. For example, when he served in the cavalry, he purchased horses, not only fine ones, but racers, with which he won at the Isthmian and Nemean games, so that the city was proclaimed and he crowned. So I beg you, gentlemen of the jury, bearing in mind these and all other words to protect me, and not to leave men in the power of their enemies. And so doing, you will vote justly, and for your own advantage.
1. Many have come to me, gentlemen of the jury, expressing surprise that I have entered an accusation in the Boule against the corn dealers, and saying that you, even if you think them ever so guilty, nevertheless think that those who bring charges against them are doing so from personal interest. Accordingly I first wish to show you why I was compelled to accuse them.
2. When the Prytanes reported them to the Boule, feeling ran so high that some of the speakers said that without a trial they should be handed to the Eleven to be put to death. But I, thinking that it would be a terrible precedent for the Boule to do this, rose and said that it seemed best to me to try the dealers by law, as I thought that if they had committed a capital crime you no less than we would know what was just, but if they were doing nothing wrong they need not die without a trial. 3. When the Boule had agreed to this, some tried to slander me, saying I made these speeches for the safety of the dealers. Before the Boule, since the preliminary trial was before them, I made a practical defense. For while the rest were sitting still, I got up and accused them, making it clear to all that I was not speaking in their behalf, but upholding the established laws. 4. I took up the matter on account of this, fearing the charges. And I think it base to stop until you have voted what you wish.
5. First stand up and tell me whether you are a metic? Yes. Are you a metic on condition of obeying the laws of the city or doing what you please? On condition of obeying. Do you expect to escape death if you transgress the laws of which the penalty is death? I do not. Tell me then whether you confess that you bought more than the fifty measures of corn which the law allows. I bought it, advised to do so by the officers.
6. If he can show, gentlemen of the jury, that there is a law which permits dealers to buy corn when ordered to do so by the officers, acquit them. If not, it is just to condemn them. For we showed you the law which forbids any one in the city buying more than fifty measures of corn.
7. This, gentlemen of the jury, ought to end the accusation, since he admits that he bought corn and the law plainly forbids it, and you have sworn to give judgment according to law. But that you may be convinced that they are wrong about the officers I must say something further about them. 8. Since they made the charges against them let us call the officers and question them. Four of them say they know nothing about the matter. Anytus says that last winter when corn was high and the dealers were outbidding and fighting against one another, he counseled them to stop quarreling, thinking it was advantageous to you who buy from these that they should previously buy it as cheap as possible. For they must sell it not more than an obol dearer. 9. That he did not order them to buy the corn and store it up, but advised them not to fight with each other, I will Anytus as witness, and also that he said these words last year and they have been proved guilty of engrossing corn this year.
10. You have heard that they did not buy the corn because they were advised to do so by the officers. And I think if they really are speaking the truth about the corn inspectors they will not be defending themselves, but accusing them. Ought they not to be punished for offenses concerning which the law is expressly written—both those who do not obey and those who direct to do what is contrary to them?
11. But I do not think, gentlemen of the jury, that they will resort to this argument. Perhaps they will say, just as they did before the Boule, that they bought the grain out of good will to the city, that you might buy it as cheaply as possible. I will give you the greatest and most evident proof that they lied. 12. They ought, if they bought the corn for your benefit, to have sold it many days for the same price, until the supply ran out; but in truth they sold it the same day at a drachma dearer as if they were buying it up by the medinnus. I will prove this to you by witnesses.
13. I think It strange that when there is a tax to pay about which all men will know, they do not wish to do their share but plead poverty, but those offenses for which the penalty is death, and in which it was for their interest to escape detection, they say they committed out of good will to you. You all know that it is least fitting for them to make such, a defense. For their interests and other men's are entirely different. They gain most when some disaster has befallen the city and they sell the corn for a high price. 14. Thus when they see your misfortunes they are glad, so that they often hear of some before other people, and others they make up themselves; either the ships in the Pontus have been destroyed, or have been captured by the Lacedaemonians setting out, or that the market is closed, or that the truces are about to be made void; and they have come to such a pitch of enmity (15) that in these times they plot against you as if they were your enemies. When you chance to be in the greatest need of corn they heap it up and refuse to sell that we may not dispute about the price, but may think ourselves lucky if we manage to buy from them at any price whatever. So although there is peace we are besieged by these men. 16. Long ago the city came to have such an opinion of their evil doings and wickedness, that while for all the other trades you appointed clerks as inspectors, for this traffic alone you appointed corn inspectors; and on many of these you have inflicted heavy punishment, although they were citizens, because they were not able to stop these practices. Ought not, then, those doing this wrong to receive punishment at your hands when you kill those not able to restrain it?
17. You ought to know that it is impossible to acquit them. For if you acquit those who confess to making a corner against the merchants you will seem to plot against the merchants. If they made some other excuse no one would censure those acquitting them; for in such cases it is at your discretion to believe either way. But now if you set free those who confess that they have broken the law, would you not seem to be doing a strange thing? 18. Remember, gentlemen of the jury, that you have already condemned many accused of this crime who brought forward witnesses, as you thought the assertion of the accusers more trustworthy. Would it not be strange if, judging about the same offenses, you were more desirous to take punishment from the guiltless? 19. I think, gentlemen of the jury, that it is plain to all, that cases against these men are of the most general interest to those in the city, so that they will learn what mind you have about them; for they will think if you condemn them that they must be more careful in future, whereas if you acquit them you will have voted them every opportunity of doing what they wish. 20. It is necessary to punish them, gentlemen of the jury, not only on account of the crimes which have been committed, but those that will be. For in that case (acquittal) they will scarcely be endurable. Remember that many in this business have been tried for their life. And so great are their profits from it that they prefer to run in danger of their life every day than to stop getting unlawful gain from you. 21. If they beseech you and entreat you, you should not justly pity them, but rather have compassion on the citizens who have been dying with hunger on account of their knavery, and the merchants against whom they combined. These you will please and make more zealous if you inflict punishment on the dealers. But if not, what opinion do you think they will have when they learn that you let off the retail dealers who themselves confess to plotting against the merchants?
22. I do not think I need say more. About other criminals you must be informed by the accuser, but about the knavery of these men you know everything. If you condemn them you will do what is just and make corn cheaper; if you acquit them you make it dearer.
1. I cannot say much, gentlemen of the jury, about this case in hand, nor does it seem to me to be necessary; but that I obtained leave to bring the suit against Pancleon, not of Plataea, this I will try to show you.
2. As he had continued for some time to injure me, I went to the fuller's shop where he worked, and summoned him before the polemarch, supposing him to be an alien. And when he said he was a Plataean, I asked from what deme he was, on the suggestion of a bystander that I should call him before the tribe to which he pretended to belong. And as he answered from Decelea, I summoned him before the judges of the tribe Hippothoontis; then I went to the barber's shop near the Hermae, (3) where the Deceleans congregate, and made inquiries, and whatever Deceleans I met I asked if they knew a man by the name of Pancleon from the deme Decelea. And when no one said he knew him, learning that he was defending some suits and had lost others before the polemarch, I too obtained suit against him there.
4. First then I will bring you as witnesses the Deceleans whom I inquired of, then those who have had suits against him before the polemarch, and convicted him, as many as are present. Now stop the water.
5. Following these, I obtained leave for the suit before the polemarch. But when he answered that the action was before the wrong court, wishing very much to seem to no one willing to act in a lawless manner rather than exact satisfaction for my wrongs, in the first place I asked Euthycritus, whom I knew to be the oldest of the Plataeans and supposed he would be most likely to know, if he was acquainted with a Plataean Pancleon, son of Hipparmodorus. 6. And then, when he answered that he knew Hipparmodorus, but he had no son, neither Pancleon nor any one else, I asked all the Plataeans I knew. None of these knew the name, but they said I should find out most accurately, if I should go into the new cheese market on the last day of the month, for on that day each month the Plataeans met there. 7. So going on that day to the cheese market, I asked them if they knew any citizen of theirs by the name of Pancleon. They all said they did not, except one, who said he knew of no citizen of this name, but said he had had a runaway slave, Pancleon, and the age and trade corresponded to this man's. 8. That this is the truth, I will bring in as witnesses Euthycritus; whom I asked first, and the rest of the Plataeans whom I approached, and the man who claims to be his master. Now shut off the water.
9. Not many days after this, I saw this Pancleon seized by Nicomedes, who had testified he was his master, and I went up to him, wishing to know what was to be done with him. Then after they ceased struggling, some of the witnesses said that he had a brother who would release him; then they gave securities to bring him to the market-place, and separated and went away. 10. The next day for the sake of his indictment (against me) and this suit, I thought I should be present (at court) with witnesses, in order to know who would release him and what he would say to get him off. Now as to the conditions on which he was released on bail, neither a brother nor any one else came, but a woman who claimed he was her slave, laying claim against Nicomedes, and she refused to let him take Pancleon. 11. It would be a long story to go through all which was said there; but his witnesses and this man himself reached such a pitch of violence that while Nicomedes and the woman were willing to give him up if any one should legally release him, or take him (into slavery) claiming to be his master, they did neither of these things, but seized him and left. That on the day before he had been bailed on these conditions and that they forcibly carried him off, I will furnish, evidence to you. Now shut off the water.
12. It is easy to see that not even Pancleon thinks himself a free man, to say nothing of being a Plataean. For one who wished by being released by force to render his friends liable to action for forcible seizure, rather than to take the penalty from those trying to drag him into slavery after his release according to laws, every one would plainly know that as he knew himself to be a slave he feared after getting bail to contend for his freedom.
13. That he is far from being a Plataean, I think you are fairly convinced by these facts. And that not even this man, who best knows his own affairs, thinks that you think him to be a Plataean, you will see easily from what he did. For in the investigation of the suit which this Aristodicus had against him, he objected to the suit being before the polemarch, and it was denied that he was a Plataean. 14. Then having brought suit against the witness, he did not carry it out, but allowed Aristodicus to defeat him. And when he was over time (in paying his fine), he discharged the debt at the best terms he could. And I will bring witnesses that this is true. Now shut off the water.
15. Before he had arranged with him, fearing Aristodicus, he left here and went to Thebes. And I think you know if he were a Plataean, he would probably have taken refuge anywhere else sooner than in Thebes. I will bring witnesses that he lived some time there. Now shut off the water.
16. I think I have said enough, gentlemen of the jury; for if you keep these things in mind, I am sure you will vote what is just and true, and what I beg of you.
1. I am almost obliged to the accuser, members of the Boule, because he has got up this suit. For I have not had any pretext on which to give an account of my life, but now I have seized this opportunity. And in my speech I will try to show that he is falsifying, and that up to this day I have lived rather to deserve praise than jealousy; for he seems to me to have trumped up this suit through nothing else than jealousy. 2. And from what kind of baseness do you think a man would abstain who grudges (giving to) those whom others pity? For not for money does he inform against me, nor seeks to punish me as a private enemy, for I never had any dealings with him as a friend or enemy. 3. Now then, members of the Boule, he is evidently jealous, because in spite of this misfortune I am a better citizen than he. For I think, members of the Boule, that necessarily misfortunes of the body are nobly remedied by pursuits of the mind. For if I have the disposition corresponding with this trouble, and conduct myself otherwise, how shall I differ from this man?
4. About these things let me speak as I have done, and about what it is my interest to speak, I will speak with as few words as possible. For the accuser says that it is not just for me to receive the pension from the state, for I am sound of body and am not helpless, and understand a trade so as to live without (the pension). 5. And as proofs of my bodily strength he instances the fact that I ride horseback, and of my skill in my trade that I can associate with men able to be extravagant. I believe all of you are acquainted with my success in my trade and the rest of my livelihood, what it may be; yet I will mention these in few words. 6. My father left me nothing, and only within three years I have ceased supporting my mother as she died. I have no children to care for me. But I have a trade which can assist me a little, which I myself work at with difficulty, as I am not able to buy a slave to relieve me at it. I have no other income than this, and if you take it from me, I shall run the risk of coming into the hands of a cruel fate. 7. As you can help me justly, members of the Boule, do not ruin unjustly. Do not take from me in my old age and weakness what you gave me when young and strong; do not receive harshly those who are pitied even by their enemies, when formerly you seemed to be most charitable to those that had no trouble. Do not have the heart to wrong me and so bring discouragement on others in like condition. 8. For it would be absurd, members of the Boule, that if when I merely had this misfortune, then it appeared I was receiving this pension, and that now when old age and disease and their consequences had come upon me, then I should be deprived of it. 9. It seems to me that the accusers more clearly than any one else shows my utter poverty. For I should be appointed as choragus for tragedies and should call on him to exchange with me, he would prefer to be choragus ten times rather than exchange once with me. And is it not strange for him to charge me now of being able through my success to associate on an equality with the wealthiest man, and to be so (poor) if anything of the sort should happen as I said? and even more wretched?
10. And about my horsemanship, which he dares mention to you, neither fearing fate nor ashamed before you, there is not much to say. For I knew, members of the Boule, that all men having such a calamity seek something like this, and study this problem, how to manage their deformities with the least pain to themselves. I am one of these, and I hit upon this relief for my infirmities for the long journeys I am obliged to take. 11. It is easy to learn, members of the Boule, what is the best proof that I ride on account of my infirmity and not from arrogance. For if I had wealth, I should ride on a cushioned saddle, and not on other people's horses; but now since I cannot buy such a one, I have to use other people's horses often. 12. Now is it not inconsistent, members of the Boule, that this very man if he had seen me on a cushioned saddle would have held his peace, (for what could he have said?) but because I ride borrowed horses that he tries to persuade you that I am sound? And that I use two crutches while others use but one, (why does he) not charge me that this is a mark of sound men? But that I ride he uses as a proof to you that I am sound. But both of these I employ for the same reason.
13. He surpasses all in shamelessness so much that he tries to persuade you, he alone against so many (of you), that I am not a cripple. If he persuades any of you, members of the Boule, what hinders my drawing lots for the nine archons, and your taking my obol from me as being sound, and giving it to him as a cripple? For surely you will not take away a gift from a man as being sound while they prevent his drawing lots as being unsound. 14. But really you do not have the same opinion as this man, nor does he (hold it) in his better moments. For he comes here to dispute as if my infirmity were an inheritance, and he tries to persuade you that I am not such as you all see (me to be); but you, as if right for reasonable men, trust the evidence of your own eyes rather than his words.
15. But he says I am insolent and violent and licentious in my disposition, just as if he were more likely to be speaking the truth if he calls dreadful names, but will not accomplish this if he speaks mildly and remains by the facts. But I think, members of the Boule, that you clearly know what sort of men are apt to be insolent and what not. 16. For it is not likely that the poor and needy should be insolent, but those who have much more than they need; nor those who are infirm in body, but those who rely on their own strength; nor those well advanced in years, but those who are yet young and have youthful minds. 17. For the rich buy off dangers with their wealth, but the poor are forced to prudence by their lack of resources; and the young expect pardon from their elders, and both blame the old equally for lapses; (18) and it is for the strong without any cause to be insolent to whomsoever they wish, but it is not possible for the weak if insulted to defend themselves against those who provoke them, nor if they wish to be violent can they overcome their victims. So that the accuser seems to me to speak about my violence as a joke, not in earnest, not really wishing to persuade you that I am such, but wishing to make fun of me, as if doing a fine thing.
19. And besides he says that many men gather about me who are of base character, who have lost their property and plan against those who wish to save their own (property). Remember all of you that in saying this he charges me no more than any who have trades, nor those who enter my shop more than those (who go into the shop) of other artisans. 20. For each of you has been in the habit of going, one to a perfume shop, another to the barber shop, one to a shoemaker's shop, others here and there, most of all to the shops set up near the market-place, and very few to those far from it. So if any of you charges those who come to my shop with bad conduct, evidently you charge those who frequent other men's shops, and if these, then all the Athenians; for you are all accustomed to go about and spend your time somewhere or other. 21. I do not know that I ought to weary you longer by accurately making my defense against each thing which has been said. For if I have spoken about the main points, why should I like him speak earnestly about trivial matters? But I beg you, members of the Boule, to have the same mind toward me now as formerly. 22. Do not for this man strip me of the only thing which fate has given me in exchange for civil rights. Let him not alone persuade you to take back what you all gave me in common. For since, members of the Boule, God has deprived us of the highest offices, the city voted this pension, thinking that the fortune should be alike for unfortunate and fortunate. 23. Should I not be most wretched if I should be deprived through this misfortune of the finest and best things, and through this accuser of what the city intended for those in this condition? Do not, members of the Boule, pass this vote. For why should I find you of such a disposition? 24. Because some one in a trial ever lost his property through me? But no one could prove that. Because I am meddlesome, and harsh and quarrelsome? But I do not chance to have such conditions of life for such actions. 25. But that I am violent and disorderly? But not even he would say that if he did not wish to lie about this as the other things. But that being in power in the reign of the Thirty I maltreated many of the citizens? But after the democracy I fled to Chalcis on the Euripus, and though I could have been a citizen among them without fear, I preferred to run my risk with you all. 26. And now, members of the Boule, having done no wrong, may I not find you such towards me as to those who have committed many offenses, but cast the same vote for me that the other councils (have cast), remembering that I am not giving account of money of the state which I have managed, nor that I am not rendering an account of any office which I have held, but I am making the argument for an obol only. 27. And so you will understand the justice of the matter, and I with justice from you will have this favor, and this man for the future will learn not to plot against those weaker than himself, but to get ahead of men like himself.
1. I can easily excuse your anger, gentlemen of the jury, as you hear such words and recall the past, towards all alike who remained in the town; but I wonder at the accusers who neglect their own interests to attend to other men's. And although clearly knowing who were guilty and who not, they try to persuade you to be angry at all of us. 2. If then they suppose they have made accusation about everything done by the Thirty to the state, I think they are unable to speak, for they have not told the smallest part of what they did. But if they make accusation about these as if it concerned me, I will prove that they are all wrong, and that I conducted myself as the best member of the Piraeus party would have done if he remained in the town. 3. I beg you, gentlemen of the jury, not to share the opinions of the informers. For it is their habit to charge men who are perfectly innocent, for they get the most from these, but it is your duty to give civil rights impartially to those who are upright; for so you would have the most adherents for the existing order of things. 4. And 1 beg you, gentlemen of the jury, if I shall prove I am the cause of no calamity, and have benefited the state in many ways, both, in person and by contributions, that I may obtain at your hands the favor which not only those who have done good work, but those who have done no wrong, should receive. 5. So I think it a great proof, that if the accusers could convict me of private wrong they would not accuse me of the crimes of the Thirty, and they would not think it necessary to accuse others of their deeds, but to provide the offenders themselves. But now they think the anger against them is sufficient to destroy even the innocent. 6. But I do not think it is just if persons have greatly aided the state, that others should gain honors and thanks from you, nor if any have injured (the state) that the innocent should be falsely accused and slandered on their account; for the present enemies of the state are sufficient and think it a great gain if men are unjustly slandered.
7. And I will try to show you what citizens I think are likely to favor an oligarchy and a democracy. For from this you too will know, and I shall make my defense by proving, that I have no reason to be ill- disposed to the state's interest, either on the ground of what I did under the oligarchy or the democracy. 8. Now in the first place, you must bear in mind that no one favors an oligarchical or a democratic form of government naturally, but whatever form of government is for a man's advantage, that one he wishes to establish. Hence it rests largely with you that as many as possible should be in favor of things as they now stand. And that this is so, is not difficult for you to see from the past. 9. For see, gentlemen of the jury, how often the leaders of both parties have changed. Did not Phrynichus and Peisander and the other demagogues of their party, after wronging you many times, in fear of the punishment resulting from their deeds, establish the first oligarchy, while many of the Four Hundred united with the Piraeus party, and some of those who exiled them became themselves members of the Thirty? And some of those who enlisted for Eleusis started out with you and besieged their own party. 10. It is very easy to see, gentlemen of the jury, that the differences between men are not at all dependent on the form of government, but due to personal advantages. So you should examine citizens with this in view, considering what their political relations were, and inquiring what they gained by a change in conditions. In this way you will judge most fairly about them. 11. So I believe that the men who were dishonored under the democracy after rendering their accounts, or were deprived of property or suffered some other misfortune, (that these) are likely to desire a revolution, in the hope that the change will result to their advantage. But about the men who did much good for the state and no evil, to whom your thanks were due rather than punishment, (about these) you should accept no accusations, even if every one says they incline to the oligarchy. 12. To me, gentlemen of the jury, neither in private or public affairs did any disadvantage come on account of which. I was anxious to exchange existing evils for a different form of government. For I have been trierarch five times, and four times I have been in naval engagements, and have paid many extra taxes in war, and have furnished the other contributions no less than other citizens. 13. Accordingly on this account I expended more than those appointed by the state, that I might stand better with you, and if any misfortune came to me that I could defend myself better. I was deprived of all advantages from these things under the oligarchy. For they did not think that those who had benefited the state should gain favor from themselves, but they honored those who had Injured you most, taking this as assurance from us. All should remember these things, and not trust the words of these men, but from the facts investigate what each, man did. 14. For I, gentlemen of the jury, was not of the party of the Four Hundred. Let any one who wishes step out and confute me; nor indeed will any one prove that while the Thirty were in power I either took part in the government nor held any office. So if I was unwilling when I could hold office, I should receive your honor, but if those then in power did not allow me to share in the government, is it not evident that I prove the falsehoods of my accusers?
15. Besides, gentlemen of the jury, you should also consider the other things I did. For I conducted myself in the misfortunes of the state in such a way that if all had held the same ideas as I, no one of you would have met with any misfortune. For under the oligarchy no one will be shown to have been arrested by me, nor did I punish one of my enemies, nor reward a friend. 16. It is not right to wonder at this. For to act uprightly at that time was difficult, and easy for one who wished to do wrong. Besides, I shall not be proved to have enrolled any Athenian on the list, nor to have decided against any, nor to have become more wealthy from your failures. Accordingly if you are angry against those who are responsible for what has happened, it is fitting that you should consider those as noble men who have done no wrong. 17. Now, gentlemen of the jury, I think I have given the greatest pledge to the democracy about, myself. For the man who made no slip when so great an opportunity offered is just the one who will be anxious to be of use, knowing well that if he (I) does wrong, he (I) will pay the penalty at once. But I am always so disposed as not to desire a revolution in time of the oligarchy, and in the democracy to spend all I have zealously for your interests.
18. But I think, gentlemen of the jury, that it would not be just for you to hate those who under the oligarchy were not unfortunate, when you had reason for anger towards those who did not flee as your enemies, but rather those who banished you, and not those who were anxious to save their property, but those who robbed others, not those who remained in the town for their own safety, but those who wished to destroy others and share in authority. But if you think it necessary to destroy those whom they (the oligarchy) passed by in their career of wrong, no one of the citizens will be left out.
19. And from these considerations, gentlemen of the jury, you should reason, for you all know that in the former democracy many of the leaders of the state stole public funds, some accepted bribes while the state was in a critical state, and some by giving information made the allies revolt. And if the Thirty punished these alone, you would think them good men; but now because I thought the people were suffering from the wrong these men committed, you are angry, believing it to be a terrible thing that the wrongs of a few should come upon all the state. 20. So it is not right to use those measures in which you see they are wrong, nor to consider those things just when you inflict them on others, which you believe you suffered unjustly. But you are to have the same opinion about these when you come back to authority that you had about yourselves when in exile. For under these conditions you will bring about the greatest harmony, and the state will be increased, and you will legislate to the greatest discomfiture of your enemies.
21. But you must remember, gentlemen of the jury, what happened in the time of the Thirty, that the mistakes of your enemies may make you legislate better for yourselves. For when you heard that the men in the town were of one opinion, you had small hope of returning, thinking that our harmony was the greatest hindrance in your exile; (22) but when you learned that three thousand were revolting, and the rest of the citizens had been banished from the town, and the Thirty were divided in opinion, more being anxious for you than acting against you, then you expected to return and punish your enemies. For you prayed the gods for just what you saw them doing, believing you would be saved through the baseness of the Thirty rather than return through the power of the exiles. 23. Therefore, gentlemen of the jury, you must in the light of previous experiences plan for the future, and believe those are most patriotic who wish to harmonize you, and abide by their oaths and pledges, thinking that this course of action is safest for the state, and the most unfortunate for their enemies. For nothing would be harder for them than this, to learn that we are sharing in authority, and to perceive that the citizens are on such terms that no accusation can be made among them. 24. But ft is right to know, gentlemen of the jury, that the exiles wish to slander and dishonor as many of the other citizens as they can, in the hope that those wronged by you will become their allies, and they expect that the informers will stand well with you and come to great influence in the state. For they believe that their baseness is safety for themselves.
25. It is worth, while to recall what was done after the Four Hundred. For you will understand that what they advised never was for your advantage, but what I advise is for the lasting advantage of both forms of government. For you know, Epigenes and Demophanes and Cleisthenes as private citizens enjoyed the privileges of the state, but in their political career were responsible for the gravest errors. 26. For they persuaded you to condemn to death some without a trial, to confiscate unjustly the property of many, and to banish citizens and deprive them of their civil rights. For they were such men as to let the guilty go for a bribe, and to ruin the innocent by bringing information to you. And they did not cease until they brought the state to a state of confusion and utter ruin, and had raised themselves from poverty to wealth. 27. But you were in such a condition that you received the exiles, restored civil rights and swore to keep the peace. And finally you would more willingly have aided the informer in the democracy than the leaders in the oligarchy. Naturally too, gentlemen of the jury. For it is evident to all that the democracy arose from the unjust conduct of men in the oligarchy, and that the oligarchy was twice established because of the informers in the democracy. So there is no use in taking these men as counselors, for their advice has never been an aid. 28. And It should be realized that those of the Piraeus party who have the greatest reputation, and risked the most and benefited you most, advised the people to be faithful to their oaths and agreements, considering that this was the safeguard of the democracy. For it will bring security to the city party for the past, and for the Piraeus party their form of government will remain the longest time. 29. These are the ones you should trust with much more reason than those who in exile were brought back through others and become informers on their return. But I think, gentlemen of the jury, that some of those who remained in the city evidently share my opinions, both under the democracy and the oligarchy, as many as are citizens. 30. And it is a matter for speculation what they would have done, had they been allowed to become members of the Thirty, as they now under a democracy do the same things as they (the Thirty), and suddenly became wealthy men, never giving any account of the many offices they hold, but they arouse, suspicion instead of harmony, have declared war and not peace, and through them we have lost the confidence of the Greeks. 31. They are responsible for such evils and many others, and differ from the Thirty only that those during the oligarchy desired what these do, while these men under the democracy desire what those do, and both parties think it a duty to wrong whomsoever they wish, as if all other men were guilty, while they themselves were the noblest men. 32. Yet they are not so much to be wondered at as you, because you know the democracy exists, while that happens which they wish, and the men are punished, not who are wronging the people, but are not giving up their property. 33. And they would rather have the city small than great through others, considering that because of the dangers of the Piraeus party they can do what they please, and if you are afterwards aided by others they will injure these, while the former will gain greater power. So by this very fear they stand in the way if any advantage comes to you through others. 34. It is not hard to understand if one wishes; and these are not anxious to escape notice, but they are ashamed not to seem base, while you yourselves see and hear from others.
But we, gentlemen of the jury, think it our duty to abide by our agreements and oaths, and likewise when we see the guilty paying the penalty we pity them, remembering what was done, but when you clearly punish the innocent as the guilty, you will bring suspicion upon us all by the same vote.