THE TWELFTH NOUELLE.

THE TWELFTH NOUELLE.LETTERS OF THE EMPEROUR TRAIANE.Letters of the Philosopher Plutarch to the noble and vertuous Emperour Traiane, and from the sayd Emperour to Plutarch: the lyke also from the sayd Emperour to the Senate of Rome. In all which be conteyned godly rules for gouernment of Princes, obedience of Subiects, and their duties to common wealth.Bicausethese Letters ensuinge (proceeding from the infallible Schoole of Wisedome, and practised by an apt Scholler of the same, by a noble Emperor that was well trained vp by a famous Philosopher) in myne opinion deserue a place of Recorde amonge our Englishe Volumes, and for the wholsome errudition, ought to Englishmen in english shape to bee described, I haue thought good in this place to introduce the same. And although to some it shal not peraduenture seeme fit and conuenient to mingle holy with prophane, (accordinge to the prouerbe) to intermedle amongs pleasaunt histories, ernest epistles, amid amorous Nouels, learned Letters, yet not to care for report or thought of sutch findefaults, I iudge them not vnseemely, the course of those histories. For amid the diuine works of Philosophers and Oratours, amongs the pleasaunt paynes of auncient Poets, and the Nouell writers of our time, merry verses so well as morall matters be mingled, wanton bankets so wel as wise disputations celebrated, tauntinge and iocund Orations so well as effectuall declamations and persuasions pronounced. These letters contayne many graue and wholesom documents, sundry vertuous and chosen Institutions for Prynces and Noble men, yea and for sutch as beare offyce and preferment in commonwealth from highest title to meanest degree. Theese letters do vouch the reioyce of a Schoolemayster for bringinge vp a Scholler of capacity and aptnesse, to imbrace and Fix in Memory sutch lessons as he taught him. These Letters do gratulate and remembre the ioy of the disciple for hauinge sutch a maister. These letters do pronounce the minde of a vertuous Prince towardeshys subiects for choyse of him to the empire, and for that they had respect rather to the vertue and condition, than to the nobility or other extreme accident. To be short, these letters speake and pronounce the very humblenesse and fealty that ought to rest in subiectes’ hearts: with a thousand other excellent sentences of duties. So that if the Emperour Nerua had bin aliue agayne to peruse these letters and Epistles of congratulation betweene the Schoolemayster and Scholler, he would no lesse haue reioysed in Plutarch than king Philip of Macedon did of Aristotle, when hee affirmed himself to be happy, not so much for hauinge sutch a sonne as Alexander was, as for that he was borne in sutch a time, as had brought Aristotle to be his maister. That good Emperor Nerua, shewed a patern to his successor by his good vertuous lyfe and godly gouernment, which made a successor and a people of no lesse consequence than they were trayned, accordingly as Herodian voucheth, that for the most part the people be wont to imitate the Life of their Prince and soueraygne Lord. If Philip deemed hymselfe happy and blessed for hauing sutch a sonne and mayster, then might Nerua terme himselfe threefolde more happy for sutch a Nephew and sutch a notable Schoolemayster as Plutarch was, who not only by doctrine but by practise proued a passing good Scholler. Alexander was a good Scholer and for the time wel practised his maister’s Lessons, but afterwards as glory and good hap accompanied his noble disposition, so did he degenerate from former life, and had quite forgotten what he had learned, as the second Nouell of this Booke more at large declareth. But Traiane of a toward Scholler, proued sutch an Emperour and victor ouer himselfe, as schoolinge and rulinge were in him miraculous, and surmounting Paragon of piety and vertue: wherefore not to stay thee from the perusinge of those Letters, the right image of himselfe: thus beginneth Plutarch to write vnto his famous Scholler Traiane.A Letter of the Philosopher Plutarch to the Emperor Traiane, wherein is touched how Gouerners of Common wealths ought to be prodigal in deedes and spare in words.Mymost dread soueraygne Lorde, albeit of longe tyme I haue known the modesty of your mynde, yet neyther I nor other liuing man did euer know that you aspired to that, which many men desire, which is to be Emperour of Rome. That man should withdrawe himselfe from honour, it were cleane without the boundes of wysedome: but not to lycence the heart to desire the same, that truely is a worke diuine, and not proceedinge of humayne nature. For he doeth indifferently well, that represseth the works which his handes be able to do, without staying upon his owne desires, and for good consideration wee may terme thine Empire to be very happy, sith thou hast so nobly demeaned thy selfe to deserue the same without search and seekinge industrious pollicy to attayne thereunto. I haue known within the city of Rome many great personages, which were not so mutch honored for the offices whych they bare, as they were for the meanes and deuises whereby they sought to be aduaunced to the same. May it please you to vnderstand (most excellent Prince) that the honor of a vertuous man doth not consist in the office, which he presently hath, but rather in the merites that preferred him thereunto: In such wise, as it is the office that honoreth the partye, and to the officer there resteth but a painful charge. By meanes wherof, when I remember that I was your gouerner from your youth, and instructed your vertuous mind in letters, I can not chose but very much reioyce, so well for your soueraigne vertue, as for your maiestie’s good fortune, deming it to be a great happinesse vnto me that in my time Rome hath inioyed him to be their souraigne lord, whom I had in tymes past to be my scholler. The principalities of kyngdomes some winne by force, and maintayne them by armes, which ought not so to be in you, nor yet conceiue opinion of your selfe, but rather to thinke that the empire which you gounerne by vniuersall consent, yee ought to entertayne and rule with general iustice. And therfore if you loue and reuerence the Gods, if youbee pacient in trauels, warie in daungers, curteous to your people, gentle to straungers, and not couetous of treasure, nor louer of your owne desires: you shall make your fame immortall, and gouern the common wealth in soueraign peace: that you be not a louer of your own desires, I speake it not withoute cause, for there is no worse gouernement than that which is ruled by selfe wyll and priuate opinion. For as he that gouerneth a common wealth ought to lyue in feare of al men, euen so mutch more in feare of him selfe, in so mutch as he may commit greater errour by doinge that which his owne luste commaundeth, than if he were ruled by the counsell of other. Assure you sir, that you can not hurt your selfe, and mutch lesse preiudice vs your subiects, if you do correct your selfe before you chastise others, esteemyng that to bee a ryght good gouernment when you be prodigal in workes, and spare of speache. Assay then to be such a one now, that you do commaunde, as you were when you were commaunded. For otherwise it would lyttle auaile to do things for deseruing of the empyre, if afterwards your dedes be contrary to former deserts. To com to honour it is a humane worke, but to conserue honour it is a thing diuine. Take hede then (most excellent Traiane) that you do remembre and still reuolue in minde, that as you be a Prince supreme, so to apply your self to be a passing ruler. For there is no authority amongs men so high, but that the Gods aboue be iudges of their thoughts, and men beneth beholders of their deedes. Wherfore sith presentlye you are a mighty Prince, your duety is the greater to be good, and leisure lesse to be wycked, than when you were a pryuate Man. For hauing gotten authority to commaund, your lyberty is the lesse to bee idle: so that if you bee not sutch a one as the common people haue opinion of you, and such againe as your maister Plutarch desireth, you shall put your selfe in greate Daunger, and myne Ennymyes wyll seeke meanes to bee reuenged on mee, knowynge wel that for the Scholler’s faulte the Mayster Dayly suffreth wronge by slaunderous checke imputed vnto hym (although withoute cause.) And for so much as I haue ben thy maister, and thou my scholer, thou must indeuour by well doyng, to render me some honour. And lykewyse if thou do euyll, great infamy shall lyght on me, euen asit did to Seneca for Nero his cause, whose cruelties don in Rome were imputed to his mayster Seneca. The like wronge was done to the Philosopher Chilo, by beyng burdened with the neglygent nouriture of his Scholler Leander. They truely were famous personages and greate learned men, in whom the gouernemente of myghty Princes was reposed: notwithstandyng, for not correcting them in their youth, nor teachying them with carefull dylygence, they blotted for euermore theyr renoume, as the cause of the destruction of many common wealthes. And forsomuch as my pen spared none in times paste, bee well assured Traiane, that the same will pardon neither thee or mee in tyme to come: for as wee bee confederate in the fault, euen so we shal be heires of the pain. Thou knowest well what lessons I haue taught thee in thy youth, what counsell I haue gyuen thee, beeying come to the state of man, and what I haue written to thee, sithens thou hast ben Prince, and thou thy selfe art recorde of the wordes which I haue spoken to thee in secrete: in all whych I neuer persuaded thyng but that intended to the seruice of the gods, profite of the common wealthe and increase of thy renoume: wherfore, I am right sure, that for anye thing which I haue written, sayd, or persuaded there is no cause I should feare the punishment of the gods, and much lesse the reprochful shame of men, verily beleuing that al which I coulde say in secrete, might without reproch be openly published in Rome. Nowe before I toke my pen in hand to write this Letter, I examined my lyfe, to know, if (during the time that I had charge of thee) I dyd or sayd in thy presence any thing that might prouoke thee to euill example. And truely (vnmete for me to say it) vpon that searche of my forepassed life, I neuer found my selfe guilty of facte vnmeete a Roman Cytyzen, nor euer spoke woorde vnseemelye for a Phylosoper: by meanes whereof I doe ryght heartely wyshe, thou wouldest remember the good educatyon and instructyon whych thou dyddest learne of mee. I speake not thys, that thou shouldest gratifie me againe with any Benefite, but to the ende thou myghtest serue thy selfe, esteemynge that no greater pleasure there is that can redounde to me, than to heare a good report of thee. Be then well assured that if an Empyre bee bestowed vpon thee, it was not for that thou wer a Citizen ofRome or a couragious person descended of noble house, rich and mighty, but only bicause vertues did plentifully abounde in thee. I dedicated vnto thee certaine bookes of old and auncient common wealth, which if it please thee to vse, and as at other times I haue sayd vnto thee, thou shalte finde mee to be a proclaimer of thy famous workes, and a chronicler of all thy noble facts of armes: but if perchaunce thou follow thine owne aduise, and chaunge thy selfe to bee other than hitherto thou hast ben, presently I inuocate and cry out vpon the immortall Gods, and this Letter shall be wytnesse, that if any hurt do chaunce to thee, or to thine Empire, it is not through the counsell or meanes of thy maister Plutarch. And so farewell most Noble Prynce.The aunswere of the Emperour Traiane to hys mayster Plutarch.CocceiusTraiane Emperour of Rome, to the Philosopher Plutarch, sometimes my mayster: salutation and consolation in the Gods of comfort. In Agrippina was deliuered vnto me a letter from thee, whych so soone as I opened, I knew to be written wyth thine owne hand, and endited with thy wysedom. So flowing was the same with goodly woordes and accompanied with graue sentences, an occasion that made mee reade the same twice or thrice, thinking that I saw thee write and heard thee speak, and so welcome was the same to me, as at that very instant I caused it to be red at my table, yea and made the same to be fixed at my bed’s heade, that thy well meanyng vnto me might be generally knowen, how mutch I am bound vnto thee. I esteemed for a good presage the congratulation that the Consul Rutulus did vnto me from thee, touchinge my commyng to the empire: I hope through thy merites, that I shall be a good Emperoure. Thou sayest in thy letter, that thou canste by no meanes beleue that I haue giuen bribes, and vsed meanes to buye myne Empire, as other haue done. For aunswere thereunto I say, that as a man I haue desired it, but neuer by solicitation or other meanes attempted it: for I neuer saw wythin the City of Rome any man to bribe for honour, but for the same, some notable infamy chaunced vnto hym, as forexample wee may learne of the Good old man Menander, my friende and thy neyghbour, who to be Consul, procured the same by vnlawful meanes, and therfore in the end was banished and died desperately. The greate Caius Cæsar, and Tiberius, Caligula, Cladius, Nero, Galba, Otho Vitelius, and Domitian, some for usurpyng the Empire, some for tyranny, some for gettyng it by bribes, and some by other meanes procuryng the same, lost (by the sufferance of the righteous gods) not onely their honour and goodes, but also they died miserably. When thou dydst reade in thy schole, and I that time an hearer of thy doctrine, many times I hearde thee say, that we ought to trauel to deserue honour, rather than procure the same, esteemynge it vnlawfull to get honour by meanes vnlawfull. He that is without credite, ought to assay to procure credite. Hee that is with out honour, ought to seeke honour. But the vertuous man hathe no neede of noblenesse, ne hee himselfe, ne yet any other person can berieue him of due honour. Thou knowest wel Plutarch, that the yere past, the office of Consul was gyuen to Torquatus, and the Dictatorship to Fabritius, who were so vertuous and so little ambitious as not desyrous to receyue such charges, absented themselues, although that in Rome, they might have ben in great estimation, by reason of those offices, and yet neuerthelesse without them they bee presently esteemed, loued and honoured: and therefore I conceiue greater delight in Quintius Lincinatus, in Scipio Affricanus, and good Marcus Portius, for contemning of theyr offices, than for the victories which they atchieued: for victories many times consist in fortune, and the not caryng for honorable charge in onely wisedome. Semblably, thou thy selfe art witnesse, that when myn vncle Cocceius Nerua was exiled to Capua, he was more visited, and better serued, than when he was at Rome: whereby may bee inferred, that a vertuous man may bee exyled or banished, but honour he shall neuer want. The Emperour Domitian (if you do remember) at the departure of Nerua, made me many offers, and thee many fayre promises to entertain thee in his house, and to send mee into Almayne, which thou couldest not abyde, and much lesse consent, deeming it to be greater honour with Nerua to be exiled, than of Domitian to be fauored. I sweare bythe Gods immortall, that when the good olde man Nerua sent me the ensigne of the Empyre, I was vtterly ignorant thereof, and voyd of hope to atteyne the same: for I was aduertised from the Senate, that Fuluius sued for it, and that Pamphilius went about to buy it. I knew also that the Consul Dolobella attempted to enioy it: then sith the gods did permit, that I should be Emperour, and that myne vncle Nerua did commaund the same, the Senate approued it, and the common wealth would haue it to be so: and sith it was the generall consent of all men, and specially your aduyse, I haue greate hope that the Gods will be fauorable vnto me, and Fortune no ennimie at all: assuring you, that like ioy whych you do saye you had by teachyng me, and seing me now to be Emperour, the lyke I haue to thynke that I was your Scholler: and sith that you wyll not call mee from henceforth any other but Soueraygne Lord, I wyll terme you by none other name, than Louyng father. And albeit that I haue ben visited and counselled by many men since my commyng to the Empyre, and by thee aboue the rest, whom before all other I wyll beleue, consideryng that the intent of those which counsell me, is to draw my mynd to theyrs, your letters purportyng nothyng else but mine aduauntage. I doe remember amongs other woordes, which once you spake to Maxentius the Secretary of Domitian, this saying: that they which doe presume to gyue counsell vnto Prynces, oughte to bee free from all passions and affections: for in counsell, where the wyll is moste enclined, the mynde is more prompte and ready: that a Prince in all thyngs doe his wyll I prayse not: that he take aduise and counsell of euery man I lesse allowe. That which he ought to doe (as me thinke) is to doe by counsel, forseeing for al that to what counsel he applieth his mynd: for counsel ought not to be taken of hym whom I doe well loue, but of hym of whom I am well beloued. All this I have wrytten (my mayster Plutarch) to aduertise you that from henceforthe I desire nothyng else at your handes, but to be holpen wyth your aduise in myne affayres, and that you tell me of my committed faults: for if Rome do thinke me to be a defender of their common wealth I make accompte of you to bee an ouerseer of my life: and therefore if you thinke that I am not thankfull ynough for the good aduyse, andholsom warenings that you gyue me: I am to intreate you (myne owne good mayster) not to take it in ill part, for in such cases, the griefe that I conceiue, is not for the good lessons you gyue me, but for the shame that I fayle in followyng them. The bryngyng of me vp in thy house, the hearyng of thy lectures, the folowyng of thy doctryne, and liuing vnder thy disciplyne, haue ben truly the pryncipal causes that I am commen to this Empyre. This mutch I say (mayster) for that it were an vnnatural parte in thee not to assist me to beare that thing, which thou haste holpen me to gayne and winne: and although that Vespasian was of nature a very good man, yet his greatest profite redounded to him by entertayning of the Philosopher Appolonius. For truelye it is a greater felicity for a Prince to chaunce vpon a good and faythfull man, to be neare about him, than to atchieue a large realme and kingdome. Thou sayest (Plutarch) that thou shalt receiue great contentation, from henceforth, if I be such a one now as I was before, or at lestwise if I be no worse. I belieue that which thou doest say, bicause the Emperour Nero, was the first fiue yeares of hys empyre good, and the other nine yeares exceedyng euill, in sutch wyse as he grew to be greater in wickednesse, than in dygnity. Notwithstanding, if thou thinke that as it chaunced vnto Nero, so may happen vnto Traiane, I besech the immortall Gods rather to depriue me of life, than to suffer me to raigne in Rome: for tyrantes bee they, whych procure dygnytyes and promotyons, to vse them for delighte and filthye luste: and good Rulers bee they which seeke them for profite of Common wealthe: and therfore to them whych before they came to those degrees were good, and afterwardes waxed Wycked, greater pity than enuye ought to be attributed, consideryng specyally, that Fortune did not aduaunce them to honour, but to shame and villany: beleue me then (good maister) that sith hitherto I haue ben reputed vertuous, I wyl assay by God’s assistance to aspire to be better, rather than to be worsse. And so the Gods preserue thee.The Letter of the Emperour Traiane to the Senate of Rome, wherein is conteined, that honour ought rather to be deserued than procured.CocceiusTraiane Emperour of the Romanes, euer Augustus, to our sacred Senate health and consolation in the gods of comfort. We beinge aduertised here at Agrippina of the Deathe of the Emperour Nerua, your soueraigne Lord and my predecessour, and knowing it to be true, that you haue wept and bewailed the losse of a Prince so noble and ryghteous, we likewise haue felt like sorow, for the death of so notable a father. When children lose a good father, and subiects a good Prynce, eyther they muste dye wyth them, or else by teares they must rayse them vp again, for so much as a good Prince in a common wealth is so rare, as the Phœnix in Arabia. My lord Nerua broughte me out of Spayne to Rome, nourished me vp in youth, caused mee to bee trained in letters and adopted me for his sonne in mine olde age: which graces and benefits truly I can not forget, knowyng that the ingrate man prouoketh the Gods to anger, and men to hatred. The death of a vertuous man is to be lamented of all men, but the death of a good Prince, ought to be extremely mourned: for if a common person die, there is but one dead, but if a god Prynce die, together with him dieth a whole Realme. I speake this (O ye Fathers) for the rare vertues abounding in myne vncle Nerua: for if the gods were disposed to sell vs the liues of good Prynces already departed, it were but a small ransome to redeeme them with teares: for what gold or syluer may be sufficient to buie the lyfe of a vertuous man. Truely there woulde be a greate masse of money gyuen by the Greekes for Alexander, by the Lacedemonians for Lycurgus, by the Romanes for Augustus, and by the Carthaginians for Annibal. But as you knewe the gods hauing made all thynges mortall, so haue they reserued onely themselues to bee immortall. How eminent and passing the vertue of the good is, and what priuiledge the godly haue, it may easily bee knowne: for so mutch, as honour is carried euen to the very graues of the dead, but so it is not to the greate Palaces of thewycked. The good and vertuous man, without sighte or knowledge we loue, serue, and aunswer for him: wherein the wycked we cannot beleue what he sayeth, and lesse accepte in good part the thyng whych he doeth for vs. Touchynge the electyon of the Empyre, it was done by Nerua, it was demaunded by the people, approued by you, and accepted by me. Wherefore I prayt the immortall Goddes that it may bee lyked of theyr godheades: for to small purpose auayleth the election of Prynces, if the gods doe not confyrme it: and therefore a man maye knowe hym whych is chosen by the Gods, from him that is elected by men, for the one shal declyne and fal, the other shalbe vpholden and preserued: the choyse of man so vaynely exalted doth bowe and abase, but that which is planted by the gods, although it bee tossed to and fro wyth seuerall Wynds, and receiueth greate aduersitye, and boweth a lyttle, yet the same shall neuer fal. Ye know right wel (most honorable Fathers) that I neuer demaunded the Empyre of Nerua my Soueraigne Lorde, although he broughte me vp and was his Nephew, hauing heard and wel remembring of my Mayster Plutarch, that honour ought rather to bee deserued than procured. Notwithstanding I wyll not deny but ioyfull I was when my Lord Nerua sent me the ensigne of that greate and hygh dignity: and yet I wyll confesse that hauing begon to tast the trauailes and cares which that imperiall state bringeth, I did repent more then a Thousand times for taking vppon mee a charge so great: for Empire and gouernement is of sutch quality that although the honor be mighty, yet the gouernour sustaineth manifold paines and miserable trauailes. O how greatly doth he bind himself, which by gouernment bindeth other! for if hee bee iuste they call hym cruell, if hee bee Pitifull, he is contempned, if liberall, he is esteemed Prodigall, if he keepe or gather together he is counted couetous, if hee be peaceable and quiet, they deeme him for a coward, if he be couragious, he is reputed a quareller, if graue, they will say he is proude, if he be easie to be spoken to, hee is thought to be light or simple, if solitary, they will esteeme him to be an hypocrite, and if he be ioyfull, they will terme hym dissolute: In sutch wise as they wil be contented, and vse better termes to al others what so euer, than towardes him, which gouernetha common wealth: for to sutch a one they recken the morsels which he eateth, they measure his pases, they note his words, they take heede to his companies, and iudge of his works (many times wrongfully,) they examine and murmure of his pastimes, and attempt to Coniecture hys Thoughtes: consider then the trauayles which bee in gouernement, and the enuy which many times they beare vnto him that ruleth. We may say, that there is no state more sure than that which is furthest of from Enuy. And if a man cannot but wyth great payne gouerne the wyfe which hee hath chosen, the children which he hath begotten, nor the seruaunt which he hath brought vp, hauing them altogether in one house: how is it possible that he can still conserue in peace a whole commonwealth? I praye you tell mee, in whom shall a poore Prince repose his trust, syth that many times hee is most slaundered by theym whom he fauoureth best? Prynces and great Lordes cannot eate without a Garde, cannot sleepe without a watch, cannot speake without espiall, nor walke without some saufety, in sutch wise as they being Lords of al, they be as it were, Prisoners of their owne people. And if we wil beholde somewhat neerely, and consider the seruitude of Princes, and the liberty of Subiectes, we shall finde that he which hath most to doe in the Realme, or beareth greatest swinge, is most subiect to Thraldome. So that if Princes haue authority to geue liberty, they haue no meanes to be free themselues: the gods haue created vs so fre, and euery man desireth to haue hys liberty so mutch at wyll, that a man be he neuer so familiar a freende, or so neare of kin, we rather haue him to be our subiect, than our Lorde and mayster: one man alone commandeth all, and yet it seemeth to him but little: ought we then to marueile, if many be weary to obey one? Wee loue and esteeme our selues so mutch, as I neuer saw any which of his owne good wil would be subiect, ne yet agaynst his will was made a Lord, a Principle by dayly experience proued very true: for the quarrels and warres that be amongs men, are not so mutch for obedience sake, as for rule and commaundment. I say moreouer, that in drinking, eating, clothing, speaking, and louing, al men be of diuers qualities: but to get lyberty, they be all conformable. I haue spoken thus mutch (O Fathers conscript) vponoccasion of mine owne Empire, which I haue taken with good will, albeit afterwards I was sory for the great charge. For the waltering Seas and troublesome gournement be two things agreeable to beholde, and daungerous to proue. Notwithstanding sith it hath pleased the Gods that I should be youre Lord, and you my subiects, I beseech you hartely to vse your obedience, as to your soueraygne lord, in that which shall be right and iust, and to aduertise me like a father, in things that shall seeme vnreasonable. The Consul Rutulus hath sayed mutch vnto mee in your behalfe, and hath saluted me for the people, hee himselfe shall bring aunswere and shal salute you al in my name. The Allobrogians and the inhabitaunts about the riuer Rhene, be at controuersie for the limittes of their countrey, and haue prayed me to be their Arbitrator, which will stay me a little there. I require that this letter may be red within the Senate house, and manifested to the whole people. The Gods preserue you.An other Letter of the Emperour Traian to the Romayne Senate, contayning how gouerners of Common wealths ought to bee friendes rather to those whych vse traficke, than to them that gather and heape together.Cocceius TraianeEmperour of the Romaynes to our holy senate health and consolation in the Gods of comfort. The affayres be so manyfolde, and businesse so graue and weighty, which we haue to doe with diuers Countries, that scarce we haue tyme to eate, and space to take anye rest, the Romane Prynces hauing still by auncient custome both lacke of tyme, and commonly want of money. And bicause that they which haue charge of common wealths, to the vttermost of their power ought to be fryends to traficke of marchandise, and enimyes of heapynge treasure together, Prynces haue so many people to please, and so greate numbre of crauers, that if they keepe any thing for them, the same shall rather seeme a spice of theft than of prouidence. To take away an other man’s goodes, truly is a wycked part: but if it bee permittedto take Treasure, better it were to take it out of the Temples, than to defraude the people: for the one is consecrated to the immortall Gods, and the other to the pore commons. I speake this (right honorable fathers) to put you in remembraunce, and also to aduise you, that you take good heede to the goodes of the common wealth, howe they bee dyspended, howe gathered together, howe they bee kepte, and howe they be employed. For ye ought to vnderstand, that the goodes of the Common wealth be committed to you in trust, not to the ende yee shoulde enioy them, but rather by good gouernement to vse them. We do heare that the Walles be ready to fal, the Towers be in decay, and the Temples in great ruine, wherof we be not a lyttle offended, and you ought also to be ashamed, for so mutch as the damages and detryments of the Common wealth, we ought eyther to remedy, or else to lament. Ye haue wrytten vnto mee to know my pleasure, whether the censors, pretors, and ediles should be yearely chosen, and not perpetuall, as hitherto they haue bene: and specyally you say, that the state of the Dictators (which is the greatest and highest dignity in Rome) is onely but for sixe moneths. To that I aunswer, that we are wel contented wyth that aduyse: for not wythout cause and iust reason our predecessours dyd abolyshe the fyrst kynges of Rome, and ordayned, that the Consuls should yearely be chosen in the Common wealthe. Whych was done, in consyderation that hee whych had perpetuall gouernement, many tymes became insolente and proude. And therefore that the charges and offices of the Senate, should be yearely, to auoyde danger, which if they should be perpetual there myght ensue great hurt and damage to the common wealth: for if the Officers beyng yerely chosen, be good, they may be continued: and if they bee euyll, they may be chaunged. And truely the officer, whych knoweth that vpon the end of euery yeare he must be chaunged and examined of his charge, he wyll take good heede to that whych he speaketh, and first of all wil consider what he taketh in hand. The good Marcus Portius was the first that caused the Officers of the Romane Common Wealthe to bee thus visited and corrected. And bycause that these Almayne Warres doe styll increase, by reason that kyng Deceball wyll not as yet bee brought to obedience of theRomanes, but rather goeth about to occupy and winne the Kingdomes of Dacia and Polonia, I shall be forced through the businesse of the wars, (so long continuing) to deuyse and consult here vppon the affayres touchyng the gouernement of the common wealth of Rome. For a lesse euyll it is for a Prynce to be neglygent in matters of Warre, than in the gouernement of the Common Wealth. A Prynce also ought to think, that he is chosen, not to make wars, but to gouerne, not to kyll the Enimies, but to roote out vices, not that he goe in person to inuade or defend his foes, but that he reside and be in the Common Wealth, and not to take away other men’s goodes, but to do iustice in euery man, for so mutch as the Prynce in the warres can fight but for one, and in the publyke wealth he committeth faults against a numbre. Truly it liketh me wel, that from the degree of captaines men be aduaunced to bee emperors, but I think it not good, that emperours do descende to be captains, considering that, that realm shal neuer be in quyet, where the Prince is to gret a warrior. This haue I spoken (fathers conscript) to the intent ye may beleue, that I for my parte if these warres of Almayne were to begin, I being at Rome, it wer impossible that I should be brought vnto the same, for that my principal intent, is to be estemed rather a good gouerner of a common wealth, than a forward captain in the field: nowe then principally I commend vnto you the veneration of the temples, and honor of the gods, bicause kings neuer liue in surety, if the gods be not honored, and the temples serued. The last words which my good lord Nerua wrot vnto me were these: “Honour the Temples, feare the gods, maintein Iustice in thy commonwealth and defend the pore: in so doing thou shalt not be forgotten of thy friend, nor vanquished by thy foe.” I do greatly recommend vnto you the vertues of amity and fraternity, for that you know how in great common wealthes, more hurt and damage do ciuile and neighborly wars bryng vnto the same, than those attempted by the enimies. If parents against parents, and neighbours against neighbours had not begon mutuall hatred and contention, neuer had Demetrius ouerthrowen the Rhodes, neuer had Alexander conquered Thyr, Marcellus Syracusa, Scipio Numantia. I recommend vnto you also the poore people, loue the orphanesand fatherlesse children, support and help the widowes, beware of quarrels and debates amongs you, and the causes of the helplesse se that ye maintaine and defende: bicause the Gods dyd neuer wreake more cruell vengeance vpon any, than vpon those which dyd ill intreate and vse the poore and neady: and many times I haue heard my Lord Nerua say, that the gods neuer shewed themselues so rygorous, as agaynst a mercilesse and vnpitifull people. Semblably, we pray you to be modest of woords, pacient to suffer, and ware in your forme of lyfe. For a great fault it is, and no lesse shame to a Gouerner, that he prayse the people of his common wealth, and gyue them occasion to speake euill of him: and therefore they which haue charge of the common wealth, ought rather to repose trust in their workes, than in theyr woords, for so mutch as the Citizens or common people, do rather fixe theyr iudgement vpon that which they see, than on that which they heare. I would wysh that (touching the affayres appertinent to the Senate) they might not know in you any sparke of ambicion, malice, deceipte, or enuy, to the intent that the iust men might not so mutch complain of the commaunding of the common wealth, as vpon the entertainment and profite of the same. The Empire of the Greeks putting theyr felicity in eloquence, and we in well doing. I speake this (ryght honorable Fathers) to Counsell and Exhorte ye, that when ye be assembled in Senate, ye do not consume tyme in dysputing and holding opinions for the verification of any thynge. For if you will iudge wythout parciality and affection without great disputation, ye may come to reason. I do remember that being at a lesson of Appolonius Thianeus, I heard him say that it was not so expedient that Senators and Emperors should be skilful and wyse, as if they suffred themselues to bee gouerned by those that were of great experience and knowledg: and verely he said truth: for by that meanes he prohibited and forbad them, not to arrest and stand vpon their owne opinion, whereof they ought to be many times suspicious. Lykewyse we recommend vnto you the censores, who haue charge of Iudgement, and the Tribunes, whose office is to attende the affrayes of Common Wealthe, that they bee wyse and learned in the Lawes, expert in the Customes, prouident in Iudgementes, andware in theyr trade of lyfe: for I say vnto you, that a wyse man is more availeable in gouernement of a common wealth, than a man of ouermutch skyll and experyence. The forme then whych ye shal obserue in matters of Iudgement shall be thus: that in ciuile processe you keepe the law, and in criminall causes to moderate the same, bicause haynous, cruell, and rigorous lawes be rather made to amaze and feare, than to be obserued and kept. When you giue any sentence, ye ought to consider the age of the offendaunt, when, how, wherefore, with whome, in whose presence, in what time, and how longe ago, forsomutch as euery of these thyngs may eyther excuse or condempne: whych you ought to beare and vse towards them in lyke sort as the gods towards vs, who giue vs better helpe and succoure and correct vs lesse than we deserue. That consideration the Iudges ought to haue, bycause the offenders doe rather trespasse the Gods than men: if then they be forgiuen of the gods for offences whych they commit, reason it is that we pardon faultes don by those rather then by our selues. In like maner we commaund you, that if your enimies do you any anoiance or iniury, not incontinently to take reuenge, but rather to dissemble the same, bicause many wrongs be don in the world, which were better to be dissembled than reuenged. Wherin ye shal haue like regard, touching offices in the Senate and Common Wealth, that they be not giuen to ambicious or couetous persons: for there is no Beaste in the World so pestiferous and Venomous, to the Common Wealth, as the Ambicious in commaunding, and the couetous in gathering togither. Other things we let passe for this tyme, vntil we haue intelligence howe these our commaundements be fulfilled. This Letter shal be red in the chyefest place within the Senate, and afterwards pronounced to the people, that they may both know what yee commaunde, and see also what ye doe. The Gods keepe you, whome we pray to preserue our mother the City of Rome, and to send vs good successe in these our Warres.A notable Letter sent from the Romane Senate to the Emperour Traiane, where in is declared how sometimes the region of Spayne did furnish Rome wyth golde from their Mines, and now do adorne and garnish the same with Emperours to gouerne their Common wealth.Thesacred Romane Senate, to thee the great Cocceius Traiane new Emperour Augustus, health in thy gods and ours, graces euerlastyng wee render to the immortall Gods, for that thou art in health, which wee desyre and pray may be perpetual. We signified vnto thy maiesty the death of Nerua Cocceius, our soueraigne Lord, and thy predecessor, a man of sincere lyfe, a fryend of his Common Wealth, and a zealous louer of Iustice, wherein also we aduertised, that like as Rome did weepe for the cruell lyfe of Domitian, so mutch the more bitterly doth she bewayle the death of thine vncle Nerua, whose councel (although hee was very olde and diseased) which he gaue vs lyinge on his Bedde, we loued better, and imbraced with greater comforte, than all the enterpryses and deedes don by his predecessors, when they were in health and lusty: and besides the ordinary mourning vsed to bee done in Rome for Prynces, wee haue caused all recreation and pastime to cease, so wel in the common wealth as with euery of vs particularly. We haue shut vp the Temples and made the Senate vnderstand, how displeasantly we accept the death of good men. The good old gentleman Nerua dyed in hys house, and was buried in the fielde of Mars: he died in debte, and we haue payd hys debtes: he dyed callyng vppon the Gods, and we haue canonized him amongs theyr numbre, and that which is most to be noted, hee died commending vnto vs the common wealth, and the Common wealth recommending it self vnto him: and a little before his latter gaspe, to the principall of the holy Senate, and many other of the people, standing about his bedside, he sayde: “O ye fathers, I committe vnto you the common wealth and my selfe also vnto the Gods: vnto whom I render infinite thankes, bicause they haue taken from me my children, to bee mine heires and haue lefte mee Traiane to succede.” You do remembre (mostdread soueraign lord) that the good Empereour Nerua had other successours than your maiesty, of nearer alyance, of greater frendship more bound by seruice, and of greater proofe in warfare: notwithstandyng amongs other noble personages, vpon you alone he cast his eyes, reposinge in you such opinyon and confidence, as to reuiue the prowes and valyaunt facts of the good Emperor Augustus, he suppressed in oblivion the insolent facts of Domitian. When Nerua came vnto the Crowne, he found the treasure pilled, the Senate in dissentyon, the people in commotion, Iustice not obserued, and the Common wealth ouerthrowen: which you likewyse presentlye shall finde, although otherwyse quiet and wholy reformed: wherfore we shalbe right glad, that you conserue the Common wealth in the state wherin your vncle Nerua left it, consideryng specially that new Prynces vnder colour to introduce new customs, do ouerthrow their common Wealths: fourtene Prynces your predecessours in the Empyre were naturally borne in Rome, and you are the firste straunger Prynce. Wherefore we pray the immortall Gods, (sith that the stocke of our auncient Cæsars is dead) to send thee good Fortune. Out of the countrey of Spaine was wont to come to this our Romane city great abundance of gold, siluer, steele, leade, and tinne, from theyr mines: but now in place thereof, she giueth vs Emperours to gouern our common wealths: sith then that thou commest of so good a countrey as Spayne is, from so good a Prouince as is Vandolosia, and from so excellent a citty as Cales is, of so noble and fortunate a Linage as is Cocceius, and aduaunced to so noble an Empire, it is to be supposed that thou wilt proue good and not euil: for the Gods immortall many times do take away their graces from vngratefull men: moreouer (most excellent prince) sith you wrote vnto vs the maner and order what we ought to doe: reason it is that we write to you agayne what you ought to foresee: and sith you haue tolde vs, and taught vs to obey you, meete it is that we may know what your pleasure is to commaunde: for that (it may come to passe) that as you haue bene brought vp in Spayne, and of longe time bene absent from Rome, through followinge the Warres, that not knowing the lawes whereunto we are sworn, and the customes which we haue in Rome, yee commaunde some thingethat may redound to our damage, and to your dishonor: and therefore we accoumpt it reason that your Maiesty bee aduertised hereof, and the same preuented, for so much as Princes oftentimes be negligent of many things, not for that they wil not foresee the same, but rather for want of one that dare tell them what they ought to doe: and therefore we humbly beseech your most excellent maiesty, to extende and shewe forth your wisedome and prudence, for that the Romanes hearts bene drawen and made pliant rather by fauourable diligence, than by prouoked force. Touchinge the vertue, Iustice, may it please you to remembre the same: for your olde vncle Nerua was wont to say, that a Prince for all his magnanimity, valiaunce, and felicity, if he do not vse and maintayne Iustice, ought not for any other merite to be praysed and commended. Semblably we make our humble Petition, that those commaundements which you shal send and require to be put in execution, be thoroughly established and obserued: for the goodnesse of the lawe doth not consist in the ordinaunce, but in the fulfilling and acomplishement of the same: wee will not also omit to say vnto you (most famous Prince) that you must haue pacience to suffer the importunate, and to dissemble with the offenders: for that it is the deede of a Prince to chastise and punishe the wrongs done in a common wealth, and to pardon the disobedience done vnto him. You send vs word by your letters that you wil not come to Rome, vntyll you haue finished the Germaine Warres: whych seemeth vnto vs to be the determination of a vertuous and right noble Emperour, for so mutch as good Princes such as you be, oughte not to desire and chose places of delite and recreation, but rather to seke and win renowne and fame. You commaunde vs also to haue regarde to the veneration of the Temples, and to the seruice of the Gods: whych request is iuste, but very iuste it were and meete that your selfe should doe the same: for our seruice would little preuaile, if you should displease them. You wil vs also one to loue an other, whych is the counsel of a holy and peaceable Prince: but know ye that wee shal not be able to doe the same, if you wil not loue and intreat vs all in equall and indifferent sorte: for Prynces chearyshinge and louing some aboue the rest, do raise slandersand grudges amongs the people: you likewise recommend vnto vs, the poore and the widowes: wherin we thinke that you ought to commaund the Collecters of your Tributes, that they do not grieue, when they gather your ryghtes and customes: for greater sinne it is to spoyle and pill the needy sort, than meritorious to succour and relieue them. Likewise you do persuade vs to be quiet and circumspect in our affayres, which is a persuasion resembling the nature of a worthye Prynce and also of a pitifull father. In semblable maner you require vs not to be opinionatiue and wilfull in the Senate, ne affectionate to self wil whych shal be done accordingly as you commaund, and accept it as you say: but therwithall you ought to think that in graue and wayghty matters, the more depely things be debated, the better they shall be prouided and decreed: you bid vs also to beware, the Censores be honest of lyfe and rightful in doing iustice: to that we aunswere, that in the same we will haue good respect, but it is expedient that you take hede to them whom you shal name and appoint to those offices: for if you do chose such as they ought to be, no cause shal rise to reprehend them. Item wher you say, that we ought to take hede, that our children committe no offences to the people, wherein the aduise of the senate is, that you do draw them awaye from vs, and cal them to the Almayne warres, for as you do knowe (right souerain prince) that when the publike welth is exempt, and voyd of enimies, then the same wil begin to bee replenyshed wyth youthfull vices. Notwithstanding when the warres bee farre of from Rome, then the same to them is profitable, bicause there is nothing which better cleanseth common wealths from wicked people, than warres in straunge Countries. Concernyng other things which you write vnto vs nedefull it is not now to recite them, but onely to see them kept: for truely they seeme rather to be the lawes of God Apollo him selfe, than counsels of a Mortall man. The gods preserue your Maiesty, and graunt you good successe in those your warres.These Letters and Epistles, although besides the Scope and Nature of a Nouell, yet so worthy to be read and practysed, as no History or other mortall Precepte more: expressing the great care of a maistertowards his scholler, that he should proue no worse being an emperor, than he shewed hymselfe diligent when he was a Scholer: fearing that if he should gouerne contrary to his expectation, or degenerate from the good institution, whych in hys yong yeares hee imbraced, that the blame and slaunder should rest in hymselfe: that was his tutor and bringer vp. O careful Plutarch, O most happy maister, as well for thine owne industry, as for the good successe of such a Scholer: and O most fortunate and vertuous Emperor, that could so wel brooke and digest the blissed persuasions of sutch a maister, whose mind wyth the blast of promotion, was not so swolne and puffed, but that it vouchsafed to cal him father and maister, stil crauing for in instigation of reproofe, when he slid or slypped from the path of reason and duety. And happy Counsel and Senate that could so wel like and practyse the documents of such an Emperour.THE THIRTEENTH NOUELL.A notable History of three amorous Gentlewomen, called Lamia, Flora, and Lais: conteyning the sutes of noble Princes and other great Personages made vnto them, with their answeres to diuers demaundes: and the manner of their death and funerals.Leauyngenow our morall discourse of a carefull Mayster, of a prouydent Scholer, of a vertuous Emperoure, of a sacred Senate, and vniforme magistery, returne we to the setting forth and description of three arrant honest Women, which for lewdnesse wer famous, and for wicked Lyfe worthy to be noted with a blacke coale, or rather their memory raked in the Dust and Cinders of their Corpses vnpure. But as all histories be ful of lessons of vertue and vice, as Bookes, sacred and prophane, describe the liues of good and bad for example sake, to yelde meanes to the posterity, to ensue the one and eschue the other, so haue I thought to intermingle amongest these Nouels the seuerall sortes of either, that ech Sexe and Kinde may pike out like the Bee, of ech Floure, Honny, to store and furnishe with delightes their well disposed myndes. I purpose, then, to vnlace the dissolute lyues of three Amorouse Dames, that with their graces allured the greatest Princes that euer were: enticed the noble men, and sometimes procured the wisest and best learned to craue their acquaintance, as by the sequele hereof shall well appeare. These three famous Women, (as Writers do witnesse) were furnished with many goodly graces and giftes of nature: that is to say, great beautye of face, goodly proporcion of body, large and high foreheades, theyr breastes placed in comely order, smal wasted, fayre handes of passing cunning to play vpon Instruments, a heauenly voice to fayne and sing: briefly, their qualities and beauty were more famous than euer any that were born within the Countries of Asia and Europa. They were neuer beloued of Prince that did forsake them, nor yet they made request of any thing which was denied them: they neuer mocked or flowted man (a thing rare in women of theyr condition) ne yet were mocked of any: but theyr specyal propreties wer to allure men toloue them: Lamia wyth hir pleasaunt loke and eye, Flora with hir eloquent tongue, and Lais wyth the grace and sweetenesse of hir singing voyce: a straunge thinge that he which once was surprysed wyth the loue of any of those three, eyther to late or neuer was delyuered of the same. They were the richest courtizans that euer lyued in the worlde, so long as theyr life did last, and after theyr decease, great monumentes were erected for theyr remembraunce, in place where they died. The most auncient of these three Amorous dames was Lamia, who was in the tyme of King Antigonus, that warfared in the seruice of Alexander the Great, a valyant gentleman, although not fauored by Fortune. Thys kynge Antigonus left behynde hym a sonne and heyre called Demetrius, who was lesse valyaunt, but more fortunate than his father, and had bene a Prynce of greate estimation, if in hys youthe hee had acquyred frendes, and kept the same, and in hys age had not ben gyuen to so many vices. Thys King Demetrius was in loue with Lamia, and presented hir wyth rich giftes and rewardes, and loued hir so affectionately, and in sutch sort, as in the loue of his Lamia he semed rather a fole than a true louer: for, forgetting the grauity and authoritye of his person, hee dyd not onelye gyue hir all such things as she demaunded, but besides that hee vsed no more the company of his wyfe Euxonia. On a tyme Kyng Demetrius asking Lamia what was the thing wherewyth a woman was sonest wonne? “There is nothing,” answered shee, “whych sooner ouercommeth a Woman, than when she seeth a man to loue hir with al hys hart, and to susteyne for hir sake greate paynes and passyons wyth long continuance and entier affection, for to love men by collusion, causeth afterwards that they be mocked.” Agayn, Demetrius asked hir further: “Tell me, Lamia, why doe diuerse Women rather hate than loue men?” Whereunto she answered: “The greatest cause why a Woman doth hate a man, is, when the man doth vaunt and boast himselfe of that which he doth not, and performeth not the thing which he promiseth.” Demetrius demaunded of her: “Tell me, Lamia, what is the thing wherewith men doe content you best?”—“When wee see him,” sayde she, “to be dyscrete in wordes, and secrete in his dedes.” Demetrius asked hir further: “Tell me, Lamia, how chaunceth it that menbe ill matched?” “Bycause,” answered Lamia, “it is impossible that they be well maryed, when the wife is in neede, and the husbande vndiscrete.” Demetrius asked hir what was the cause that amitye betwenelwolouers was broken? “There is nothing,” answered she, “that soner maketh colde the loue betwene two louers, than when one of them doth straye in loue, and the Woman louer to importunate to craue.” He demaunded further: “Tell me, Lamia, what is the thinge that moste tormenteth the louing man?” “Not to attayne the thing which he desireth,” answered she, “and thinketh to lose the thing whych he hopeth to enioy.” Demetrius yet once agayne asked hir thys question: “What is that, Lamia, which most troubleth a Woman’s hart?” “There is nothing,” answered Lamia, “wherwith a woman is more grieued, and maketh hir more sad, than to be called ill fauored, or that she hath no good grace, or to vnderstand that she is dissolute of lyfe.” This lady Lamia was of iudgement delicate and subtyll, although il imployed in hir, and thereby made al the world in loue with hir, and drew al men to hir through hir fayre speach. Now, before she lost the heart of Kyng Demetrius, shee haunted of long time the vniuersities of Athenes, where she gayned great store of money, and brought to destructyon many young men. Plutarch, in the lyfe of Demetrius, saith, That the Atheniens hauing presented vnto himXII. C.talents of money for a subsidie to pay his men of warre, he gaue al that summe to his woman Lamia: by meanes whereof the Atheniens grudged, and were offended wyth the kyng, not for the losse of their gift, but for that it was so euil employed. When the King Demetrius would assure any thynge by oth, hee swore not by his gods, ne yet by his predecessors, but in this sort: “As I may be styll in the grace of my lady Lamia, and as hir lyfe and mine may ende together, so true is this which I say and do, in this and thys sort.” One yere and two Moneths before the Death of King Demetrius, his frend Lamia died, who sorowed so mutch hir death, as for the absence and death of hir, he caused the Phylosophers of Athens to entre in this Disputation, Whether the teares and sorow whiche he shed and toke for her sake, were more to be estemed than the riches which he spent in her obsequies and funerall pompes. This Amorous gentlewoman Lamia, was bornein Argos, a City of Peloponnesus, besides Athenes, of base parentage, who in hir first yeares haunted the countrey of Asia Maior, of very wyld and dissolute lyfe, and in the ende came into Phænicia. And when the Kyng Demetrius had caused hir to be buried beefore hys chamber-window, hys chiefest frendes asked him, wherefore hee had entoomed hir in that place? his aunswere was this: “I loued hir so wel, and she likewyse me so hartyly, as I know not which way to satisfie the loue which she bare me, and the duety I haue to loue her agayne, if not to put hir in such place as myne eyes maye wepe euery day and mine hart still lament.” Truely this loue was straung, which so mighty a Monarch as Demetrius was, did beare vnto such a notable curtizan, a woman vtterly void of grace, barren of good workes, and without any zeale or spark of vertue, as it should appeare. But sith we read and know that none are more giuen or bent to vnreasonable loue, than mighty Princes, what should it bee demed straung and maruellous, if Demetrius amongs the rest do come in place for the loue of that most famous woman, if Fame may stretch to eyther sorts, both good and euill? But let vs come to the second infamous gentlewoman, called Lais. She was of the isle of Bithritos, which is in the confines of Græcia, and was the daughter of the great Sacrificer of Apollo his temple at Delphos, a man greatly experienced in the magike art, wherby he prophecyed the perdition of his daughter. Now this amorous Lias was in triumph in the time of the renowmed King Pyrrhus, a Prince very ambitious to acquire honor, but not very happy to keepe it, who being yonge of sixteene or seuenteene yeares, came into Italy to make warres against the Romains: he was the first (as some say) that aranged a camp in ordre, and made the Phalanx, the mayne square and battell: for before hys time, when they came to entre battell, they assailed confusedly and out of array gaue the onset. This amorous Lias continued long time in the campe of Kynge Pyrrhus, and went wyth hym into Italy, and wyth him retourned from warre agayne, and yet hir nature was sutch, as shee woulde neuer bee mainteined wyth one man alone. The same Lias was so amorous in her conuersatyon, so excellent fayre, and of so comely grace, that if shee would haue kept hir selfe faythfull to one Lorde or gentleman, therewas no prynce in the world but if he would haue yelded himselfe and all that he had at hir commaundement. Lias, from hir retourne out of Italy into Greece, repayred to the citye of Corinth, to make hir abode there, where she was pursued by many kings, lordes, and prynces. Aulus Gellius saith (which I haue recited in my former part of the Pallace of pleasure, the fiftenth Noeuill,) that the good Philosopher, Demosthenes, went from Athens to Corinth, in disguised apparell, to see Lais, and to haue hir company, But before the dore was opened, she sent one to demaunde.XII.C. Sestercios of siluer: whereunto Demosthenes answered: “I buy not repentance so deere.” And I beleue that Demosthenes spake those wordes by folowyng the sentence of Diogenes, who sayeth, that euery beast after such acte is heauy and sad. Som wryters affirme of this Amorous Lais, that thing whych I neuer reade or hearde of Woman: whych is, that shee neuer shewed signe or token of loue to that man whych was desyrous to doe her seruice: nor was neuer hated of man that knew her. Whereby we may comprehend the happe and fortune of that amorous Woman. Shee neuer shewed semblance of great loue to any person, and yet shee was beloued of all. If the amorous Lamia had a good Spirite and mynde, Lais truely had no lesse. For in the art of loue she exceeded all other women of hir detestable Arte and Scyence, as well in Knowledge of Loue as to profite in the same. Vppon a Daye a Younge Man of Corinth demaundying of hir, what hee shoulde say to a Woman whome hee long tyme had loued, and made so greate sute, that thereby he was like to fal into dispayre. “Thou shalt say,” (sayd Lais) “vnto hir, that sith she wyl not graunt thy request, yet at least wyse it myght please hir to suffer thee to bee hir seruant, and that shee would take in good parte the Seruice that thou shalt doe vnto hir. Whych requeste if shee doe graunte, then hope to attayne the ende of thy attempte, bycause wee Women bee of such nature, as opening our mouthes to gyue some mylde and pleasant answere to the amorous person, it is to bee thoughte that wee haue gyuen our heart vnto hym.” An other Daye, in the presence of Lias, one praysed the Phylosophers of Athens, saying, that they were very honest personages, and of great learnynge. Whereunto Lais aunswered: “I can not tell what great knowledg they haue, nor what sciencethey studye, ne yet what bookes youre Philosophers doe reade, but thys I am sure, that to me beynge a woman and neuer was at Athenes, I see them repayre, and of Philosophers beecome amorous persons.” A Theban knighte demaunded of Lais, what he might doe to enioy a ladye wyth whose loue hee should bee surprised: Shee aunswered thus. “A man that is desirous of a woman, must folow his sute, serue hir, and suffer hir and somtymes to seeme as though he had forgotten hir. For after that a womans heart is moued to loue, she regardeth more the forgetfulnesse and negligence vsed towards hir, than she doth the seruice done before.” An other Gentleman of Achaia asked hir what he shoulde doe to a woman, whom he suspected that she had falsified hir fayth.Lais aunswered, “make hir beleue that thou thinkest she is very faythful and take from hir the occasions wherby shee hath good cause to be vnfaythful: For if she do perceiue that thou knowest it, and dissemblest the matter, she wyll sooner dye than amende.” A gentleman of Palestine at another time inquired of hir what hee should doe to a Woman whych he serued, and did not esteeme the seruyce done vnto hir, ne yet gaue him thankes for the loue which hee bare hir. Lais sayed vnto him: “If thou be disposed to serue hir no longer, let hir not perceiue that thou hast gyuen hir ouer. For naturally we women be tendre in loue, and hard in hatred.” Beyng demaunded by one of hir Neyghbours what shee shoulde doe to make hir Daughter very wyse. “Shee” (sayde Lais) “that wyll haue hir Daughter to bee good and honest, must from her youth learne hir to feare, and in going abrode to haunte litle company, and that she be shamefast and moderate in hir talke.” An other of hir neighbors inquyryng of hir what shee myght doe to hir daughter whych began to haue delyght to rome in the fieldes and wander abroade. “The remedy” (sayde Lais) “that I finde for your daughter disposed to that condition, is, not to suffer hir to be ydle, ne yet to be braue and sumptuous in apparel.” This amorous gentlewoman Lais, dyed in the Citye of Corinth, of the age of .lXXII.Yeares, whose death was of many matrones desired and of a great numbre of amorous persones lamented. The thyrd amorous gentlewoman was called Flora, which was not so auncient, ne yet of so greate renoume as Lamia and Laiswere, whose country also was not so famous,For she was of Italy, and the other two of Grecia, and although that Lamia and Lais exceded Flora in antiquity, yet Flora surmounted them in lineage and generositie. For Flora was of noble house, although in life lesse than chast. She was of the country of Nola in Campania, issued of certayne Romans, Knights very famous in facts of Armes and of great industrie and gouernement in the common wealth. When the Father and mother of this Flora deceased, she was of the age ofXV.yeares, indued with great riches and singular beauty, and the very orphane of all hir kynne. For shee had neyther brother lefte wyth whom shee myght soiourne, ne yet vncle to gyue her good counsell. In such wyse that lyke as this young maistres Flora had youthe, riches, lyberty and beauty, euen so there wanted neyther baudes nor Pandores to entyce hir to fal, and allure hir to folly. Flora seeing hir self beset in this wise, she determined to goe into the Affrick warres, where she hazarded both in hir person and hir honor. This dame florished and tryumphed in the tyme of the firste Punique warres, when the Consul Mamillus was sent to Carthage, who dispended more Money vpon the loue of Flora, than hee did vpon the chase and pursute of his enimies. This amorous lady Flora had a writyng and tytle fixed vpon hir gate, the effect wherof was this:King, Prince, Dictator, Consul, Censor, high Bishop, and Questor may knocke and come in.In that writyng Flora named neither emperor nor Cæsar, bycause those two most Noble names were long tyme after created by the Romanes. Thys Amorous Flora woulde neuer abandon hir Person, but wyth Gentlemen of Noble House, or of greate Dygnitye and Ryches. For shee was wonte to say that a Woman of passinge Beauty shoulde be so mutch esteemed as shee doth esteeme and sette by hir selfe. Lias and Flora were of contrary maners and conditions. For Lias would first bee payde, before shee yelded the vse of hir bodye: but Flora wythout any semblance of desire eyther of golde or siluer was contented to bee ruled by those with whom shee committed the facte. Wherof vppon a day being demaunded the question, she answered: “I gyue my body to prynces and noble Barons, that they may deale with mee lyke Gentlemen. For Isweare vnto you by the Goddesse Venus, that neuer man gaue me so little, but that I had more than I looked for, and the double of that which I could demaund.” This Amorous lady Flora was wont many times to saye, that a wise woman (or more aptly to terme her a subtyll Wench) oughte not to demaund reward of her louer for the acceptable pleasure which she doth hym but rather for the loue whych she beareth him, bycause that al thinges in the world haue a certayn pryce, except loue, which cannot bee payde or recompenced but wyth loue. All the Ambassadors of the worlde, whych had accesse into Italy, made so greate reporte of the Beauty and Generositie of Flora, as they dyd of the Romane common wealth, bycause it seemed to bee a Monstrous thynge to see the Ryches of hir house, hir trayne, hir beauty the princes and great lordes by whom she was required, and the presents and giftes that were gyuen vnto hir. This Amorous Flora had a continual regard to the noble house whereof shee came touchyng the magnyficence and state of her seruyce. For albeit that she was but a common woman, yet she was serued and honored lyke a great lady. That day wherein she rode about the city of Rome, she gaue occasion to be spoken of a whole month after, one inquirynge of an other what great Romaine lords they were that kepte her company? Whose men they were that waighted vpon her? And whose liuery they ware. What Ladies they wer that rode in her trayne. The brauery of hir apparell, hir great beauty and port, and the wordes spoken by the amorous gentlemen in that troupe were not vnremembred. When this maistres Flora waxed old, a yong and beautifull gentleman of Corinth, demaunded her to wyfe, to whom she answered: “I know well that thou wilt not marie, the three score yeares whych Flora hath, but rather thou desirest to haue the twelue hundred thousand Sestercios which she hath in hir Coffres. Content thy selfe therefore, my frende, and get thee home agayne to Corinth from whence thou comest. For to sutch as be of myne age great honor is borne, and reuerence done for the riches and wealth they haue, rather than for mariage.” There was neuer in the Romane Empyre, the lyke amorous woman that Flora was, indued wyth so many graces and Queenelykequalities, for shee was of noble house, of singuler beauty, of comely personage, discrete in hir affayres, and besides al other comly qualyties, very lyberall. This maistres Flora spent the most part of hir youth in Affrica, Almayne and Gallia Transalpina. And albeit that she would not suffre anye other but great lords to haue possession of hir body, yet she applyed hir selfe to the spoile of those that were in place, and to the praye of those that came from the warres. This amorous Flora died when she was of the age ofLXXV.yeares. She left for the principal heire of all hir goods and Iuells.the Romain people, which was estemed sufficient and able to make newe the Walles of Rome, and to raunsome and redeme the common Wealth of the same. And bycause that shee was a Romaine, and had made the state therefore hir heyre, the Romaines builded in hir honor a sumptuous Temple, whych in memorye ofForawas called Florianum: and euery yeare in the memorye of hir, they celebrated hir feast vppon the day of hir death: Suetonius Tranquillus sayeth, that the first feaste which the Emperour Galba the second celebrated wyth in Rome, was the feast of the amorous Flora, vpon whych daye it was lawful for men and women, to doe what kynd of dishonesty they could deuise. And she was estemed to be the greater saint which that day shewed her selfe moste dissolute and wanton. And bicause that the temple Florianum, was dedycated to amorous Flora, the Romanes had an opinion, that al women which vpon the same day repayred to the Temple in whorish apparell, should haue the graces and giftes that Flora had. These were the fond opinions and maners of the auncient, which after their owne makinge and deuises framed Gods and Goddesses, and bycause she proued vnshamefast and rich, a Temple must bee erected, and Sacrifices ordayned for hir Whorish triumphes. But that noble men and Kings haue bene rapt and transported with the lurements of sutch notorious strumpets, is and hath bene common in all ages. And commonly sutch infamous women be indewed with greatest gifts and graces, the rather to noosell and dandle their fauorers in the laps of their fadinge pleasures. But euery of them a most speciall grace, aboue the rest. As of a Kyng not lot long agoe we reade, that keptthree, one the holiest, another the craftiest, and the third the meriest. Two of which properties meete for honest Women: although the third so incident to that kinde as heat to a liuinge body. Cease wee then of this kynde, and let vs step forth to be acquaynted with a lady and a Queene the Godlyest and stoutest, that is remembred in any auncient Monument or Hystory.THE FOURTEENTH NOUELL.The lyfe and giftes of the most Famous Queene Zenobia with the letters of the Emperour Avrelianvs to the sayde Queene, and her stoute aunswere thereunto.ZenobiaQueene of Palmyres, was a right famous Gentlewoman, as diuerse Hystoriographers largely do report and write. Who although shee was no Christian Lady, yet so worthy of Imitation, as she was for hir vertues and heroycall facts of Immortall prayse. By hir wysedome and stoutnesse she subdued all the empire of the Orient, and resisted the inuincible Romans. And for that it is meete and requisite to alleage and aduouch reasons by weight, and words by measure, I wil orderly begin to recite the History of that most famous Queene. Wherefore I say, that about the .284. Olimpiade, no long tyme after the death of the vnhappy Emperour Decius, Valerian was chosen Emperour by the Senate, and (as Trebellius Pollio his Hystorian doth describe) he was a well learned prince, indued with manyfold vertues, that for his speciall prayse, these wordes be recorded of him.If all the World had bene assembled to chose a good Prince, they would not haue chosen any other but good Valerian.It is also written of hym, that in liberality he was noble, in words true, in talke wary, in promise constant, to his frends familiar, and to his enemies seuere, and which is more to be esteemed, he could not forget seruice, nor yet reuenge wronge. It came to passe that in theXIV.yeare of his raygne, there rose sutch cruell Warres in Asia, that forced he was to go thither in his owne person, to resist Sapor king of the Persians, a very valyaunt man of Warre and fortunate in his enterprises, which happinesse of hys not long time after the arryuall of Valerian into Asia, hee manifested and shewed. For beeyng betwene them such hot and cruell warres, in a skyrmish, throughe the greate faulte of the General, (which had the conduct of the armye) the Emperour Valerian was taken, and brought into the puissance of King Sapor hys ennimy, whych cursed tyrant so wickedlye vsed that victory, as hee woulde by no meanes put theEmperour to raunsome, towards whom hee vsed such cruelty, that so oft and so many tymes, as hee was disposed to gette vp on horsebacke hee vsed the body of olde Valerian to serue hym for aduauntage, setting his feete vppon the throate of that aged gentleman. In that myserable office and vnhappy captiuity serued and dyed the good Emperour Valerian, not wyth oute the greate sorrowe of them that knew him, and the rueful compassion of those that sawe him, which the Romans considering, and that neither by offre of gold, or siluer, or other meanes, they were able to redeeme Valerian, they determined to choose for Emperour his owne sonne called Galienus: which they did more for respect of the father, than for any minde or corage they knew to bee in the sonne. Who afterwardes shewed himselfe to bee farre different from the conditions of his father Valerian, being in his enterprises a cowarde, in his promisses a lyer, in correction cruell, towards them that serued him vnthanckfull, (and which is worse,) hee gaue himselfe to his desires, and yealded place to sensuality. By meanes wherof, in his tyme the Romain Empyre more than in any others raygne, lost most prouinces and receiued greatest shame. In factes of warre he was a cowarde, and in gouernement of common wealth, a very weake and feeble man. Galienus not caryng for the state of the Empire, became so myserable as the Gouernors of the same gaue ouer their obedience, and in the tyme of hys raygne, there rose vp thyrty tyrants, whych vsurped the same. Whose names doe followe, Cyriades, Posthumus the yonger, Lollius, Victorinus, Marius, Ingenuus, Regillianus, Aureolus, Macrianus, Machianus the younger, Quietus, Odenatus, Herodes, Mœnius Ballista, Valens, Piso Emilianus, Staturnius, Tetricus, Etricus the younger, Trebelianus, Heremianus, Timolaus, Celsus, Titus, Censorinus, Claudius, Aurelius, and Quintillus, of whomXVIII, were captaynes and seruiters vnder the good Emperour Valerian. Sutch delight had the Romanes, in that auncient world, to haue good Captaynes, as were able to bee preferred to be Emperours. Nowe in that tyme the Romanes had for their Captayne generall, a knight called Odenatus, the Prynce of Palmerines, a man truely of great vertue, and of passinge industry and hardinesse in facts of warre. This Captayne Odenatus maried awoman that descended of the auncient linage of the Ptolomes,tometymes Kinges of Ægypt, named Zenobia, which (if the historians do not deceiue vs) was one of the most famous Women of the Worlde. Shee had the heart of Alexander the great, shee possessed the riches of Cræsus, the diligence of Pyrrhus, the trauel of Haniball, the warie foresighte of Marcellus, and the Iustice of Traiane. When Zenobia was married to Odenatus, she had by hir other husband, a sonne called Herodes, and by Odenatus shee had two other, whereof the one was called Hyeronianus, and the other Ptolemus. And when the Emperour Valerian was vanquyshed and taken, Odenatus was not then in the Campe. For as all men thought, if he had ben there, they had not receyued so greate an ouerthrow. So sone as good Odenatus was aduertized of the defaict of Valerian, in great haste he marched to the Roman Campe, that then was in great disorder. Whych with greate diligence hee reassembled, and reduced the same to order, and (holpen by good Fortune,) wythin xxx. Dayes after hee recouered all that whych Valerian had loste, makynge the Persian kyng to flee, by meanes whereof, and for that Odenatus had taken charge of the army, hee wanne amonges the Romanes great reputation, and truely not with out cause: For if in that good time he had not receyued the charge the name and glory of the Romanes had taken ende in Asia. Duryng all thys tyme Galienus, lyued in hys delyghtes at Myllan, wythout care or thoughte of the Common wealth, consumynge in his wylfull vices, the Money that was leuied for the men of war. Whych was the cause that the gouernours of the prouinces, and Captens general, seing him to be so vicious and neglygent, vsurped the prouinces and armies which they had in charge. Galienus voyde of all obedience sauing of the Italians and Lombards, the first that rose vp against him were Posthumus in Fraunce, Lollians in Spayne, Victorinus in Affrica, Marius in Britane, Ingenuus in Germanie, Regillianus in Denmark, Aureolus in Hungarie, Macrianus in Mesopotamia, and Odenatus, in Syria. Before Odenatus rose against Valerian, Macrianus enioied Mesopotamia and the greatest part of Syria, whereof Odenatus hauing intelligence, he marched with his power agaynst him and killed him, and discomfited all his army. The death of the Tyran Macrian beingknowen, and that Galienus was so vicious, the armies in Asia assembled and chose Odenatus Emperour: which Election although the Senate publickly durst not agree vpon, yet secretly they allowed it, bycause they receyued dayly newes, of the great Exploytes and deedes of armes done by Odenatus, and saw on the other side the great continued follies of Galienus. Almost three yeares and a halfe was Odenatus Emperour and Lord of all the Orient, duringe which time he recouered all the Lands and Prouinces lost by Galienus, and payde the Romane army all the arrerages of their wages due vnto them. But Fortune ful of inconstancy, suffred not this good Prynce very long to raygne. For hauing in hys house a kinsman of hys, named Meonius, to whom he bare great good will, for that he sawe him to be a valiant man of warre, although Ignorant of his Enuy and couetousnesse: it chaunced vpon a day as they two rode on huntinge, and gallopinge after the pursute of a wylde Bore, with the very same Bore Speare which Meonius caried to strike the beast, he killed by treason his good Cousin Odenatus. But that murder was not long time vnreuenged. For the Borespeare wherewith he had so cruelly killed the Emperour his Cousin, was incontinently known by the hunters which folowed Odenatus: whervpon that day the head of Meonius was striken of. And Galienius vnderstandinge the death of Odenatus, gaue great rewardes and presents to them that brought him the newes, beinge so ioyfull as the Romans wer angry to vnderstand those pitiful tydings, bycause through the good ordre which Odenatus vsed in Asia, they had great tranquillity and peace throughout Europa. Now after the death of thys good Emperour Odenatus, the Armies chose one of his two Sonnes to be Emperour of the Orient: But for that he was younge, they chose Zenobia to be Protector of hir sonne, and gouerner ouer the sayd Orient Empyre. Who seeing that vpon the decease of Odenatus certayne of the East Countries began to reuolt, shee determined to open hir Treasure, ressemble hir men of Warre, and in hir owne person to march into the fielde: where she did sutch notable enterprises, as shee appalled hir enemies, and made the whole world to wonder. About the age of.XXXV.yeares Zenobia was widow, beinge the Tutrix of hir children, Regent of an Empyre, and Captaynegenerall of the army. In which weighty charge she vsed hir selfe so wisely and well, as shee acquired no lesse noble name in Asia, than Queene Semiramis did in India. Zenobia was constant in that whych she tooke in hand, true in words, liberall, mylde, and seuere where she ought to be, discrete, graue, and secrete in her enterprises, albeit she was ambicious. For, not content with hir title of Gouernesse, or Regent, she wrote and caused her selfe to be called Empresse, she loued not to ride vpon a Mule, or in a littor, but greatly esteemed to haue great horse in hir stable and to learne to handle and ryde them. When Zenobia went forth of hir Tent to see the order and gouernment of hir Campe, she continually did put on her Armure, and was well guarded with a band of men, so that of a woman, she cared but onely for the name, and in the facts of Armes shee craued the title of valiaunt. The Captaynes of hir Army, neuer gaue battell, or made assault, they neuer skyrmished or did other enterprise of warre, but she was present in her owne person, and attempted to shewe hirselfe more hardy than any of all the troupe, a thinge almost incredible in that weake and feeble kinde. The sayd noble Queene was of stature, bigge and well proporcioned, her eyes black and quicke, hir forehead large, hir stomak and Breastes fayre and vpright, her Face white, and ruddy, a little mouth, hir Teeth so whyte, as they seemed like a rancke of white pearles, but aboue all things she was of sutch excellent Spirit and courage, as shee was feared for hir stoutnesse, and beloued for her beauty. And although Zenobia was indued with so great beauty, liberality, riches, and puissaunce, yet she was neuer stayned with the blemish of vnchaste lyfe, or wyth other vanity: and as hir husband Odenatus was wont to say, that after shee felt hir selfe wyth chylde, shee neuer suffred hym to come neare her, (sutch was hir great Chastity) sayinge that Women ought to marry rather for children than for pleasure. She was also excellently well learned in the Greke and Latine tongue. Shee did neuer eate but one Meale a Day. Hir talke was verye lyttle and rare. The Meate which shee vsed for hir repaste, was either the hanch of a Wylde Bore, or else the syde of a Deere. Shee could drinke no Wyne, nor abyde the sent thereof. But shee was so curyous in good and perfect Waters, as shee would gyue so greata Pryce for that, as is ordinaryly gyuen for Wyne bee it neuer so excellent. So soone as the Kinges of Ægypte of Persia, and the Greekes, were aduertized of the death of Odenatus, they sent theyr Ambassadours to Zenobia, aswell to visite and comfort hir, as to bee her confederats and frendes. So much was she feared and redoubted for her rare vertues. The affayres of Zenobia beinge in sutch estate in Asia, the Emperor Galienus died in Lombardie, and the Romanes chose Aurelianus to bee Emperour, who although he was of a base and obscure lineage, yet hee was of a great valiance in factes of Armes. When Aurelianus was chosen Emperour, he made great preparacion into Asia, to inferre warres vpon Queene Zenobia, and in all hys tyme hee neuer attempted greater enterprise for the Romanes. When hee was arryued in Asia, the Emperour proceded agaynst the Queene, and shee as valiantly defended hir selfe, continually being betwene them great Alarams and skirmishes. But as Zenobia and hir people were of lesse trauell and of better skyl in knowledge of the Country, so they did greater harme and more anoiance vnto theyr Enimy, and thereof receiued lesser damage. The Emperour seing that hee should haue mutch adoe to vanquishe Zenobia by armes, determined to ouercome hir by gentle wordes and fayre promisses: for which cause he wrote vnto hir a letter, the tenor whereof ensueth.

Letters of the Philosopher Plutarch to the noble and vertuous Emperour Traiane, and from the sayd Emperour to Plutarch: the lyke also from the sayd Emperour to the Senate of Rome. In all which be conteyned godly rules for gouernment of Princes, obedience of Subiects, and their duties to common wealth.

Bicausethese Letters ensuinge (proceeding from the infallible Schoole of Wisedome, and practised by an apt Scholler of the same, by a noble Emperor that was well trained vp by a famous Philosopher) in myne opinion deserue a place of Recorde amonge our Englishe Volumes, and for the wholsome errudition, ought to Englishmen in english shape to bee described, I haue thought good in this place to introduce the same. And although to some it shal not peraduenture seeme fit and conuenient to mingle holy with prophane, (accordinge to the prouerbe) to intermedle amongs pleasaunt histories, ernest epistles, amid amorous Nouels, learned Letters, yet not to care for report or thought of sutch findefaults, I iudge them not vnseemely, the course of those histories. For amid the diuine works of Philosophers and Oratours, amongs the pleasaunt paynes of auncient Poets, and the Nouell writers of our time, merry verses so well as morall matters be mingled, wanton bankets so wel as wise disputations celebrated, tauntinge and iocund Orations so well as effectuall declamations and persuasions pronounced. These letters contayne many graue and wholesom documents, sundry vertuous and chosen Institutions for Prynces and Noble men, yea and for sutch as beare offyce and preferment in commonwealth from highest title to meanest degree. Theese letters do vouch the reioyce of a Schoolemayster for bringinge vp a Scholler of capacity and aptnesse, to imbrace and Fix in Memory sutch lessons as he taught him. These Letters do gratulate and remembre the ioy of the disciple for hauinge sutch a maister. These letters do pronounce the minde of a vertuous Prince towardeshys subiects for choyse of him to the empire, and for that they had respect rather to the vertue and condition, than to the nobility or other extreme accident. To be short, these letters speake and pronounce the very humblenesse and fealty that ought to rest in subiectes’ hearts: with a thousand other excellent sentences of duties. So that if the Emperour Nerua had bin aliue agayne to peruse these letters and Epistles of congratulation betweene the Schoolemayster and Scholler, he would no lesse haue reioysed in Plutarch than king Philip of Macedon did of Aristotle, when hee affirmed himself to be happy, not so much for hauinge sutch a sonne as Alexander was, as for that he was borne in sutch a time, as had brought Aristotle to be his maister. That good Emperor Nerua, shewed a patern to his successor by his good vertuous lyfe and godly gouernment, which made a successor and a people of no lesse consequence than they were trayned, accordingly as Herodian voucheth, that for the most part the people be wont to imitate the Life of their Prince and soueraygne Lord. If Philip deemed hymselfe happy and blessed for hauing sutch a sonne and mayster, then might Nerua terme himselfe threefolde more happy for sutch a Nephew and sutch a notable Schoolemayster as Plutarch was, who not only by doctrine but by practise proued a passing good Scholler. Alexander was a good Scholer and for the time wel practised his maister’s Lessons, but afterwards as glory and good hap accompanied his noble disposition, so did he degenerate from former life, and had quite forgotten what he had learned, as the second Nouell of this Booke more at large declareth. But Traiane of a toward Scholler, proued sutch an Emperour and victor ouer himselfe, as schoolinge and rulinge were in him miraculous, and surmounting Paragon of piety and vertue: wherefore not to stay thee from the perusinge of those Letters, the right image of himselfe: thus beginneth Plutarch to write vnto his famous Scholler Traiane.

A Letter of the Philosopher Plutarch to the Emperor Traiane, wherein is touched how Gouerners of Common wealths ought to be prodigal in deedes and spare in words.

Mymost dread soueraygne Lorde, albeit of longe tyme I haue known the modesty of your mynde, yet neyther I nor other liuing man did euer know that you aspired to that, which many men desire, which is to be Emperour of Rome. That man should withdrawe himselfe from honour, it were cleane without the boundes of wysedome: but not to lycence the heart to desire the same, that truely is a worke diuine, and not proceedinge of humayne nature. For he doeth indifferently well, that represseth the works which his handes be able to do, without staying upon his owne desires, and for good consideration wee may terme thine Empire to be very happy, sith thou hast so nobly demeaned thy selfe to deserue the same without search and seekinge industrious pollicy to attayne thereunto. I haue known within the city of Rome many great personages, which were not so mutch honored for the offices whych they bare, as they were for the meanes and deuises whereby they sought to be aduaunced to the same. May it please you to vnderstand (most excellent Prince) that the honor of a vertuous man doth not consist in the office, which he presently hath, but rather in the merites that preferred him thereunto: In such wise, as it is the office that honoreth the partye, and to the officer there resteth but a painful charge. By meanes wherof, when I remember that I was your gouerner from your youth, and instructed your vertuous mind in letters, I can not chose but very much reioyce, so well for your soueraigne vertue, as for your maiestie’s good fortune, deming it to be a great happinesse vnto me that in my time Rome hath inioyed him to be their souraigne lord, whom I had in tymes past to be my scholler. The principalities of kyngdomes some winne by force, and maintayne them by armes, which ought not so to be in you, nor yet conceiue opinion of your selfe, but rather to thinke that the empire which you gounerne by vniuersall consent, yee ought to entertayne and rule with general iustice. And therfore if you loue and reuerence the Gods, if youbee pacient in trauels, warie in daungers, curteous to your people, gentle to straungers, and not couetous of treasure, nor louer of your owne desires: you shall make your fame immortall, and gouern the common wealth in soueraign peace: that you be not a louer of your own desires, I speake it not withoute cause, for there is no worse gouernement than that which is ruled by selfe wyll and priuate opinion. For as he that gouerneth a common wealth ought to lyue in feare of al men, euen so mutch more in feare of him selfe, in so mutch as he may commit greater errour by doinge that which his owne luste commaundeth, than if he were ruled by the counsell of other. Assure you sir, that you can not hurt your selfe, and mutch lesse preiudice vs your subiects, if you do correct your selfe before you chastise others, esteemyng that to bee a ryght good gouernment when you be prodigal in workes, and spare of speache. Assay then to be such a one now, that you do commaunde, as you were when you were commaunded. For otherwise it would lyttle auaile to do things for deseruing of the empyre, if afterwards your dedes be contrary to former deserts. To com to honour it is a humane worke, but to conserue honour it is a thing diuine. Take hede then (most excellent Traiane) that you do remembre and still reuolue in minde, that as you be a Prince supreme, so to apply your self to be a passing ruler. For there is no authority amongs men so high, but that the Gods aboue be iudges of their thoughts, and men beneth beholders of their deedes. Wherfore sith presentlye you are a mighty Prince, your duety is the greater to be good, and leisure lesse to be wycked, than when you were a pryuate Man. For hauing gotten authority to commaund, your lyberty is the lesse to bee idle: so that if you bee not sutch a one as the common people haue opinion of you, and such againe as your maister Plutarch desireth, you shall put your selfe in greate Daunger, and myne Ennymyes wyll seeke meanes to bee reuenged on mee, knowynge wel that for the Scholler’s faulte the Mayster Dayly suffreth wronge by slaunderous checke imputed vnto hym (although withoute cause.) And for so much as I haue ben thy maister, and thou my scholer, thou must indeuour by well doyng, to render me some honour. And lykewyse if thou do euyll, great infamy shall lyght on me, euen asit did to Seneca for Nero his cause, whose cruelties don in Rome were imputed to his mayster Seneca. The like wronge was done to the Philosopher Chilo, by beyng burdened with the neglygent nouriture of his Scholler Leander. They truely were famous personages and greate learned men, in whom the gouernemente of myghty Princes was reposed: notwithstandyng, for not correcting them in their youth, nor teachying them with carefull dylygence, they blotted for euermore theyr renoume, as the cause of the destruction of many common wealthes. And forsomuch as my pen spared none in times paste, bee well assured Traiane, that the same will pardon neither thee or mee in tyme to come: for as wee bee confederate in the fault, euen so we shal be heires of the pain. Thou knowest well what lessons I haue taught thee in thy youth, what counsell I haue gyuen thee, beeying come to the state of man, and what I haue written to thee, sithens thou hast ben Prince, and thou thy selfe art recorde of the wordes which I haue spoken to thee in secrete: in all whych I neuer persuaded thyng but that intended to the seruice of the gods, profite of the common wealthe and increase of thy renoume: wherfore, I am right sure, that for anye thing which I haue written, sayd, or persuaded there is no cause I should feare the punishment of the gods, and much lesse the reprochful shame of men, verily beleuing that al which I coulde say in secrete, might without reproch be openly published in Rome. Nowe before I toke my pen in hand to write this Letter, I examined my lyfe, to know, if (during the time that I had charge of thee) I dyd or sayd in thy presence any thing that might prouoke thee to euill example. And truely (vnmete for me to say it) vpon that searche of my forepassed life, I neuer found my selfe guilty of facte vnmeete a Roman Cytyzen, nor euer spoke woorde vnseemelye for a Phylosoper: by meanes whereof I doe ryght heartely wyshe, thou wouldest remember the good educatyon and instructyon whych thou dyddest learne of mee. I speake not thys, that thou shouldest gratifie me againe with any Benefite, but to the ende thou myghtest serue thy selfe, esteemynge that no greater pleasure there is that can redounde to me, than to heare a good report of thee. Be then well assured that if an Empyre bee bestowed vpon thee, it was not for that thou wer a Citizen ofRome or a couragious person descended of noble house, rich and mighty, but only bicause vertues did plentifully abounde in thee. I dedicated vnto thee certaine bookes of old and auncient common wealth, which if it please thee to vse, and as at other times I haue sayd vnto thee, thou shalte finde mee to be a proclaimer of thy famous workes, and a chronicler of all thy noble facts of armes: but if perchaunce thou follow thine owne aduise, and chaunge thy selfe to bee other than hitherto thou hast ben, presently I inuocate and cry out vpon the immortall Gods, and this Letter shall be wytnesse, that if any hurt do chaunce to thee, or to thine Empire, it is not through the counsell or meanes of thy maister Plutarch. And so farewell most Noble Prynce.

The aunswere of the Emperour Traiane to hys mayster Plutarch.

CocceiusTraiane Emperour of Rome, to the Philosopher Plutarch, sometimes my mayster: salutation and consolation in the Gods of comfort. In Agrippina was deliuered vnto me a letter from thee, whych so soone as I opened, I knew to be written wyth thine owne hand, and endited with thy wysedom. So flowing was the same with goodly woordes and accompanied with graue sentences, an occasion that made mee reade the same twice or thrice, thinking that I saw thee write and heard thee speak, and so welcome was the same to me, as at that very instant I caused it to be red at my table, yea and made the same to be fixed at my bed’s heade, that thy well meanyng vnto me might be generally knowen, how mutch I am bound vnto thee. I esteemed for a good presage the congratulation that the Consul Rutulus did vnto me from thee, touchinge my commyng to the empire: I hope through thy merites, that I shall be a good Emperoure. Thou sayest in thy letter, that thou canste by no meanes beleue that I haue giuen bribes, and vsed meanes to buye myne Empire, as other haue done. For aunswere thereunto I say, that as a man I haue desired it, but neuer by solicitation or other meanes attempted it: for I neuer saw wythin the City of Rome any man to bribe for honour, but for the same, some notable infamy chaunced vnto hym, as forexample wee may learne of the Good old man Menander, my friende and thy neyghbour, who to be Consul, procured the same by vnlawful meanes, and therfore in the end was banished and died desperately. The greate Caius Cæsar, and Tiberius, Caligula, Cladius, Nero, Galba, Otho Vitelius, and Domitian, some for usurpyng the Empire, some for tyranny, some for gettyng it by bribes, and some by other meanes procuryng the same, lost (by the sufferance of the righteous gods) not onely their honour and goodes, but also they died miserably. When thou dydst reade in thy schole, and I that time an hearer of thy doctrine, many times I hearde thee say, that we ought to trauel to deserue honour, rather than procure the same, esteemynge it vnlawfull to get honour by meanes vnlawfull. He that is without credite, ought to assay to procure credite. Hee that is with out honour, ought to seeke honour. But the vertuous man hathe no neede of noblenesse, ne hee himselfe, ne yet any other person can berieue him of due honour. Thou knowest wel Plutarch, that the yere past, the office of Consul was gyuen to Torquatus, and the Dictatorship to Fabritius, who were so vertuous and so little ambitious as not desyrous to receyue such charges, absented themselues, although that in Rome, they might have ben in great estimation, by reason of those offices, and yet neuerthelesse without them they bee presently esteemed, loued and honoured: and therefore I conceiue greater delight in Quintius Lincinatus, in Scipio Affricanus, and good Marcus Portius, for contemning of theyr offices, than for the victories which they atchieued: for victories many times consist in fortune, and the not caryng for honorable charge in onely wisedome. Semblably, thou thy selfe art witnesse, that when myn vncle Cocceius Nerua was exiled to Capua, he was more visited, and better serued, than when he was at Rome: whereby may bee inferred, that a vertuous man may bee exyled or banished, but honour he shall neuer want. The Emperour Domitian (if you do remember) at the departure of Nerua, made me many offers, and thee many fayre promises to entertain thee in his house, and to send mee into Almayne, which thou couldest not abyde, and much lesse consent, deeming it to be greater honour with Nerua to be exiled, than of Domitian to be fauored. I sweare bythe Gods immortall, that when the good olde man Nerua sent me the ensigne of the Empyre, I was vtterly ignorant thereof, and voyd of hope to atteyne the same: for I was aduertised from the Senate, that Fuluius sued for it, and that Pamphilius went about to buy it. I knew also that the Consul Dolobella attempted to enioy it: then sith the gods did permit, that I should be Emperour, and that myne vncle Nerua did commaund the same, the Senate approued it, and the common wealth would haue it to be so: and sith it was the generall consent of all men, and specially your aduyse, I haue greate hope that the Gods will be fauorable vnto me, and Fortune no ennimie at all: assuring you, that like ioy whych you do saye you had by teachyng me, and seing me now to be Emperour, the lyke I haue to thynke that I was your Scholler: and sith that you wyll not call mee from henceforth any other but Soueraygne Lord, I wyll terme you by none other name, than Louyng father. And albeit that I haue ben visited and counselled by many men since my commyng to the Empyre, and by thee aboue the rest, whom before all other I wyll beleue, consideryng that the intent of those which counsell me, is to draw my mynd to theyrs, your letters purportyng nothyng else but mine aduauntage. I doe remember amongs other woordes, which once you spake to Maxentius the Secretary of Domitian, this saying: that they which doe presume to gyue counsell vnto Prynces, oughte to bee free from all passions and affections: for in counsell, where the wyll is moste enclined, the mynde is more prompte and ready: that a Prince in all thyngs doe his wyll I prayse not: that he take aduise and counsell of euery man I lesse allowe. That which he ought to doe (as me thinke) is to doe by counsel, forseeing for al that to what counsel he applieth his mynd: for counsel ought not to be taken of hym whom I doe well loue, but of hym of whom I am well beloued. All this I have wrytten (my mayster Plutarch) to aduertise you that from henceforthe I desire nothyng else at your handes, but to be holpen wyth your aduise in myne affayres, and that you tell me of my committed faults: for if Rome do thinke me to be a defender of their common wealth I make accompte of you to bee an ouerseer of my life: and therefore if you thinke that I am not thankfull ynough for the good aduyse, andholsom warenings that you gyue me: I am to intreate you (myne owne good mayster) not to take it in ill part, for in such cases, the griefe that I conceiue, is not for the good lessons you gyue me, but for the shame that I fayle in followyng them. The bryngyng of me vp in thy house, the hearyng of thy lectures, the folowyng of thy doctryne, and liuing vnder thy disciplyne, haue ben truly the pryncipal causes that I am commen to this Empyre. This mutch I say (mayster) for that it were an vnnatural parte in thee not to assist me to beare that thing, which thou haste holpen me to gayne and winne: and although that Vespasian was of nature a very good man, yet his greatest profite redounded to him by entertayning of the Philosopher Appolonius. For truelye it is a greater felicity for a Prince to chaunce vpon a good and faythfull man, to be neare about him, than to atchieue a large realme and kingdome. Thou sayest (Plutarch) that thou shalt receiue great contentation, from henceforth, if I be such a one now as I was before, or at lestwise if I be no worse. I belieue that which thou doest say, bicause the Emperour Nero, was the first fiue yeares of hys empyre good, and the other nine yeares exceedyng euill, in sutch wyse as he grew to be greater in wickednesse, than in dygnity. Notwithstanding, if thou thinke that as it chaunced vnto Nero, so may happen vnto Traiane, I besech the immortall Gods rather to depriue me of life, than to suffer me to raigne in Rome: for tyrantes bee they, whych procure dygnytyes and promotyons, to vse them for delighte and filthye luste: and good Rulers bee they which seeke them for profite of Common wealthe: and therfore to them whych before they came to those degrees were good, and afterwardes waxed Wycked, greater pity than enuye ought to be attributed, consideryng specyally, that Fortune did not aduaunce them to honour, but to shame and villany: beleue me then (good maister) that sith hitherto I haue ben reputed vertuous, I wyl assay by God’s assistance to aspire to be better, rather than to be worsse. And so the Gods preserue thee.

The Letter of the Emperour Traiane to the Senate of Rome, wherein is conteined, that honour ought rather to be deserued than procured.

CocceiusTraiane Emperour of the Romanes, euer Augustus, to our sacred Senate health and consolation in the gods of comfort. We beinge aduertised here at Agrippina of the Deathe of the Emperour Nerua, your soueraigne Lord and my predecessour, and knowing it to be true, that you haue wept and bewailed the losse of a Prince so noble and ryghteous, we likewise haue felt like sorow, for the death of so notable a father. When children lose a good father, and subiects a good Prynce, eyther they muste dye wyth them, or else by teares they must rayse them vp again, for so much as a good Prince in a common wealth is so rare, as the Phœnix in Arabia. My lord Nerua broughte me out of Spayne to Rome, nourished me vp in youth, caused mee to bee trained in letters and adopted me for his sonne in mine olde age: which graces and benefits truly I can not forget, knowyng that the ingrate man prouoketh the Gods to anger, and men to hatred. The death of a vertuous man is to be lamented of all men, but the death of a good Prince, ought to be extremely mourned: for if a common person die, there is but one dead, but if a god Prynce die, together with him dieth a whole Realme. I speake this (O ye Fathers) for the rare vertues abounding in myne vncle Nerua: for if the gods were disposed to sell vs the liues of good Prynces already departed, it were but a small ransome to redeeme them with teares: for what gold or syluer may be sufficient to buie the lyfe of a vertuous man. Truely there woulde be a greate masse of money gyuen by the Greekes for Alexander, by the Lacedemonians for Lycurgus, by the Romanes for Augustus, and by the Carthaginians for Annibal. But as you knewe the gods hauing made all thynges mortall, so haue they reserued onely themselues to bee immortall. How eminent and passing the vertue of the good is, and what priuiledge the godly haue, it may easily bee knowne: for so mutch, as honour is carried euen to the very graues of the dead, but so it is not to the greate Palaces of thewycked. The good and vertuous man, without sighte or knowledge we loue, serue, and aunswer for him: wherein the wycked we cannot beleue what he sayeth, and lesse accepte in good part the thyng whych he doeth for vs. Touchynge the electyon of the Empyre, it was done by Nerua, it was demaunded by the people, approued by you, and accepted by me. Wherefore I prayt the immortall Goddes that it may bee lyked of theyr godheades: for to small purpose auayleth the election of Prynces, if the gods doe not confyrme it: and therefore a man maye knowe hym whych is chosen by the Gods, from him that is elected by men, for the one shal declyne and fal, the other shalbe vpholden and preserued: the choyse of man so vaynely exalted doth bowe and abase, but that which is planted by the gods, although it bee tossed to and fro wyth seuerall Wynds, and receiueth greate aduersitye, and boweth a lyttle, yet the same shall neuer fal. Ye know right wel (most honorable Fathers) that I neuer demaunded the Empyre of Nerua my Soueraigne Lorde, although he broughte me vp and was his Nephew, hauing heard and wel remembring of my Mayster Plutarch, that honour ought rather to bee deserued than procured. Notwithstanding I wyll not deny but ioyfull I was when my Lord Nerua sent me the ensigne of that greate and hygh dignity: and yet I wyll confesse that hauing begon to tast the trauailes and cares which that imperiall state bringeth, I did repent more then a Thousand times for taking vppon mee a charge so great: for Empire and gouernement is of sutch quality that although the honor be mighty, yet the gouernour sustaineth manifold paines and miserable trauailes. O how greatly doth he bind himself, which by gouernment bindeth other! for if hee bee iuste they call hym cruell, if hee bee Pitifull, he is contempned, if liberall, he is esteemed Prodigall, if he keepe or gather together he is counted couetous, if hee be peaceable and quiet, they deeme him for a coward, if he be couragious, he is reputed a quareller, if graue, they will say he is proude, if he be easie to be spoken to, hee is thought to be light or simple, if solitary, they will esteeme him to be an hypocrite, and if he be ioyfull, they will terme hym dissolute: In sutch wise as they wil be contented, and vse better termes to al others what so euer, than towardes him, which gouernetha common wealth: for to sutch a one they recken the morsels which he eateth, they measure his pases, they note his words, they take heede to his companies, and iudge of his works (many times wrongfully,) they examine and murmure of his pastimes, and attempt to Coniecture hys Thoughtes: consider then the trauayles which bee in gouernement, and the enuy which many times they beare vnto him that ruleth. We may say, that there is no state more sure than that which is furthest of from Enuy. And if a man cannot but wyth great payne gouerne the wyfe which hee hath chosen, the children which he hath begotten, nor the seruaunt which he hath brought vp, hauing them altogether in one house: how is it possible that he can still conserue in peace a whole commonwealth? I praye you tell mee, in whom shall a poore Prince repose his trust, syth that many times hee is most slaundered by theym whom he fauoureth best? Prynces and great Lordes cannot eate without a Garde, cannot sleepe without a watch, cannot speake without espiall, nor walke without some saufety, in sutch wise as they being Lords of al, they be as it were, Prisoners of their owne people. And if we wil beholde somewhat neerely, and consider the seruitude of Princes, and the liberty of Subiectes, we shall finde that he which hath most to doe in the Realme, or beareth greatest swinge, is most subiect to Thraldome. So that if Princes haue authority to geue liberty, they haue no meanes to be free themselues: the gods haue created vs so fre, and euery man desireth to haue hys liberty so mutch at wyll, that a man be he neuer so familiar a freende, or so neare of kin, we rather haue him to be our subiect, than our Lorde and mayster: one man alone commandeth all, and yet it seemeth to him but little: ought we then to marueile, if many be weary to obey one? Wee loue and esteeme our selues so mutch, as I neuer saw any which of his owne good wil would be subiect, ne yet agaynst his will was made a Lord, a Principle by dayly experience proued very true: for the quarrels and warres that be amongs men, are not so mutch for obedience sake, as for rule and commaundment. I say moreouer, that in drinking, eating, clothing, speaking, and louing, al men be of diuers qualities: but to get lyberty, they be all conformable. I haue spoken thus mutch (O Fathers conscript) vponoccasion of mine owne Empire, which I haue taken with good will, albeit afterwards I was sory for the great charge. For the waltering Seas and troublesome gournement be two things agreeable to beholde, and daungerous to proue. Notwithstanding sith it hath pleased the Gods that I should be youre Lord, and you my subiects, I beseech you hartely to vse your obedience, as to your soueraygne lord, in that which shall be right and iust, and to aduertise me like a father, in things that shall seeme vnreasonable. The Consul Rutulus hath sayed mutch vnto mee in your behalfe, and hath saluted me for the people, hee himselfe shall bring aunswere and shal salute you al in my name. The Allobrogians and the inhabitaunts about the riuer Rhene, be at controuersie for the limittes of their countrey, and haue prayed me to be their Arbitrator, which will stay me a little there. I require that this letter may be red within the Senate house, and manifested to the whole people. The Gods preserue you.

An other Letter of the Emperour Traian to the Romayne Senate, contayning how gouerners of Common wealths ought to bee friendes rather to those whych vse traficke, than to them that gather and heape together.

Cocceius TraianeEmperour of the Romaynes to our holy senate health and consolation in the Gods of comfort. The affayres be so manyfolde, and businesse so graue and weighty, which we haue to doe with diuers Countries, that scarce we haue tyme to eate, and space to take anye rest, the Romane Prynces hauing still by auncient custome both lacke of tyme, and commonly want of money. And bicause that they which haue charge of common wealths, to the vttermost of their power ought to be fryends to traficke of marchandise, and enimyes of heapynge treasure together, Prynces haue so many people to please, and so greate numbre of crauers, that if they keepe any thing for them, the same shall rather seeme a spice of theft than of prouidence. To take away an other man’s goodes, truly is a wycked part: but if it bee permittedto take Treasure, better it were to take it out of the Temples, than to defraude the people: for the one is consecrated to the immortall Gods, and the other to the pore commons. I speake this (right honorable fathers) to put you in remembraunce, and also to aduise you, that you take good heede to the goodes of the common wealth, howe they bee dyspended, howe gathered together, howe they bee kepte, and howe they be employed. For ye ought to vnderstand, that the goodes of the Common wealth be committed to you in trust, not to the ende yee shoulde enioy them, but rather by good gouernement to vse them. We do heare that the Walles be ready to fal, the Towers be in decay, and the Temples in great ruine, wherof we be not a lyttle offended, and you ought also to be ashamed, for so mutch as the damages and detryments of the Common wealth, we ought eyther to remedy, or else to lament. Ye haue wrytten vnto mee to know my pleasure, whether the censors, pretors, and ediles should be yearely chosen, and not perpetuall, as hitherto they haue bene: and specyally you say, that the state of the Dictators (which is the greatest and highest dignity in Rome) is onely but for sixe moneths. To that I aunswer, that we are wel contented wyth that aduyse: for not wythout cause and iust reason our predecessours dyd abolyshe the fyrst kynges of Rome, and ordayned, that the Consuls should yearely be chosen in the Common wealthe. Whych was done, in consyderation that hee whych had perpetuall gouernement, many tymes became insolente and proude. And therefore that the charges and offices of the Senate, should be yearely, to auoyde danger, which if they should be perpetual there myght ensue great hurt and damage to the common wealth: for if the Officers beyng yerely chosen, be good, they may be continued: and if they bee euyll, they may be chaunged. And truely the officer, whych knoweth that vpon the end of euery yeare he must be chaunged and examined of his charge, he wyll take good heede to that whych he speaketh, and first of all wil consider what he taketh in hand. The good Marcus Portius was the first that caused the Officers of the Romane Common Wealthe to bee thus visited and corrected. And bycause that these Almayne Warres doe styll increase, by reason that kyng Deceball wyll not as yet bee brought to obedience of theRomanes, but rather goeth about to occupy and winne the Kingdomes of Dacia and Polonia, I shall be forced through the businesse of the wars, (so long continuing) to deuyse and consult here vppon the affayres touchyng the gouernement of the common wealth of Rome. For a lesse euyll it is for a Prynce to be neglygent in matters of Warre, than in the gouernement of the Common Wealth. A Prynce also ought to think, that he is chosen, not to make wars, but to gouerne, not to kyll the Enimies, but to roote out vices, not that he goe in person to inuade or defend his foes, but that he reside and be in the Common Wealth, and not to take away other men’s goodes, but to do iustice in euery man, for so mutch as the Prynce in the warres can fight but for one, and in the publyke wealth he committeth faults against a numbre. Truly it liketh me wel, that from the degree of captaines men be aduaunced to bee emperors, but I think it not good, that emperours do descende to be captains, considering that, that realm shal neuer be in quyet, where the Prince is to gret a warrior. This haue I spoken (fathers conscript) to the intent ye may beleue, that I for my parte if these warres of Almayne were to begin, I being at Rome, it wer impossible that I should be brought vnto the same, for that my principal intent, is to be estemed rather a good gouerner of a common wealth, than a forward captain in the field: nowe then principally I commend vnto you the veneration of the temples, and honor of the gods, bicause kings neuer liue in surety, if the gods be not honored, and the temples serued. The last words which my good lord Nerua wrot vnto me were these: “Honour the Temples, feare the gods, maintein Iustice in thy commonwealth and defend the pore: in so doing thou shalt not be forgotten of thy friend, nor vanquished by thy foe.” I do greatly recommend vnto you the vertues of amity and fraternity, for that you know how in great common wealthes, more hurt and damage do ciuile and neighborly wars bryng vnto the same, than those attempted by the enimies. If parents against parents, and neighbours against neighbours had not begon mutuall hatred and contention, neuer had Demetrius ouerthrowen the Rhodes, neuer had Alexander conquered Thyr, Marcellus Syracusa, Scipio Numantia. I recommend vnto you also the poore people, loue the orphanesand fatherlesse children, support and help the widowes, beware of quarrels and debates amongs you, and the causes of the helplesse se that ye maintaine and defende: bicause the Gods dyd neuer wreake more cruell vengeance vpon any, than vpon those which dyd ill intreate and vse the poore and neady: and many times I haue heard my Lord Nerua say, that the gods neuer shewed themselues so rygorous, as agaynst a mercilesse and vnpitifull people. Semblably, we pray you to be modest of woords, pacient to suffer, and ware in your forme of lyfe. For a great fault it is, and no lesse shame to a Gouerner, that he prayse the people of his common wealth, and gyue them occasion to speake euill of him: and therefore they which haue charge of the common wealth, ought rather to repose trust in their workes, than in theyr woords, for so mutch as the Citizens or common people, do rather fixe theyr iudgement vpon that which they see, than on that which they heare. I would wysh that (touching the affayres appertinent to the Senate) they might not know in you any sparke of ambicion, malice, deceipte, or enuy, to the intent that the iust men might not so mutch complain of the commaunding of the common wealth, as vpon the entertainment and profite of the same. The Empire of the Greeks putting theyr felicity in eloquence, and we in well doing. I speake this (ryght honorable Fathers) to Counsell and Exhorte ye, that when ye be assembled in Senate, ye do not consume tyme in dysputing and holding opinions for the verification of any thynge. For if you will iudge wythout parciality and affection without great disputation, ye may come to reason. I do remember that being at a lesson of Appolonius Thianeus, I heard him say that it was not so expedient that Senators and Emperors should be skilful and wyse, as if they suffred themselues to bee gouerned by those that were of great experience and knowledg: and verely he said truth: for by that meanes he prohibited and forbad them, not to arrest and stand vpon their owne opinion, whereof they ought to be many times suspicious. Lykewyse we recommend vnto you the censores, who haue charge of Iudgement, and the Tribunes, whose office is to attende the affrayes of Common Wealthe, that they bee wyse and learned in the Lawes, expert in the Customes, prouident in Iudgementes, andware in theyr trade of lyfe: for I say vnto you, that a wyse man is more availeable in gouernement of a common wealth, than a man of ouermutch skyll and experyence. The forme then whych ye shal obserue in matters of Iudgement shall be thus: that in ciuile processe you keepe the law, and in criminall causes to moderate the same, bicause haynous, cruell, and rigorous lawes be rather made to amaze and feare, than to be obserued and kept. When you giue any sentence, ye ought to consider the age of the offendaunt, when, how, wherefore, with whome, in whose presence, in what time, and how longe ago, forsomutch as euery of these thyngs may eyther excuse or condempne: whych you ought to beare and vse towards them in lyke sort as the gods towards vs, who giue vs better helpe and succoure and correct vs lesse than we deserue. That consideration the Iudges ought to haue, bycause the offenders doe rather trespasse the Gods than men: if then they be forgiuen of the gods for offences whych they commit, reason it is that we pardon faultes don by those rather then by our selues. In like maner we commaund you, that if your enimies do you any anoiance or iniury, not incontinently to take reuenge, but rather to dissemble the same, bicause many wrongs be don in the world, which were better to be dissembled than reuenged. Wherin ye shal haue like regard, touching offices in the Senate and Common Wealth, that they be not giuen to ambicious or couetous persons: for there is no Beaste in the World so pestiferous and Venomous, to the Common Wealth, as the Ambicious in commaunding, and the couetous in gathering togither. Other things we let passe for this tyme, vntil we haue intelligence howe these our commaundements be fulfilled. This Letter shal be red in the chyefest place within the Senate, and afterwards pronounced to the people, that they may both know what yee commaunde, and see also what ye doe. The Gods keepe you, whome we pray to preserue our mother the City of Rome, and to send vs good successe in these our Warres.

A notable Letter sent from the Romane Senate to the Emperour Traiane, where in is declared how sometimes the region of Spayne did furnish Rome wyth golde from their Mines, and now do adorne and garnish the same with Emperours to gouerne their Common wealth.

Thesacred Romane Senate, to thee the great Cocceius Traiane new Emperour Augustus, health in thy gods and ours, graces euerlastyng wee render to the immortall Gods, for that thou art in health, which wee desyre and pray may be perpetual. We signified vnto thy maiesty the death of Nerua Cocceius, our soueraigne Lord, and thy predecessor, a man of sincere lyfe, a fryend of his Common Wealth, and a zealous louer of Iustice, wherein also we aduertised, that like as Rome did weepe for the cruell lyfe of Domitian, so mutch the more bitterly doth she bewayle the death of thine vncle Nerua, whose councel (although hee was very olde and diseased) which he gaue vs lyinge on his Bedde, we loued better, and imbraced with greater comforte, than all the enterpryses and deedes don by his predecessors, when they were in health and lusty: and besides the ordinary mourning vsed to bee done in Rome for Prynces, wee haue caused all recreation and pastime to cease, so wel in the common wealth as with euery of vs particularly. We haue shut vp the Temples and made the Senate vnderstand, how displeasantly we accept the death of good men. The good old gentleman Nerua dyed in hys house, and was buried in the fielde of Mars: he died in debte, and we haue payd hys debtes: he dyed callyng vppon the Gods, and we haue canonized him amongs theyr numbre, and that which is most to be noted, hee died commending vnto vs the common wealth, and the Common wealth recommending it self vnto him: and a little before his latter gaspe, to the principall of the holy Senate, and many other of the people, standing about his bedside, he sayde: “O ye fathers, I committe vnto you the common wealth and my selfe also vnto the Gods: vnto whom I render infinite thankes, bicause they haue taken from me my children, to bee mine heires and haue lefte mee Traiane to succede.” You do remembre (mostdread soueraign lord) that the good Empereour Nerua had other successours than your maiesty, of nearer alyance, of greater frendship more bound by seruice, and of greater proofe in warfare: notwithstandyng amongs other noble personages, vpon you alone he cast his eyes, reposinge in you such opinyon and confidence, as to reuiue the prowes and valyaunt facts of the good Emperor Augustus, he suppressed in oblivion the insolent facts of Domitian. When Nerua came vnto the Crowne, he found the treasure pilled, the Senate in dissentyon, the people in commotion, Iustice not obserued, and the Common wealth ouerthrowen: which you likewyse presentlye shall finde, although otherwyse quiet and wholy reformed: wherfore we shalbe right glad, that you conserue the Common wealth in the state wherin your vncle Nerua left it, consideryng specially that new Prynces vnder colour to introduce new customs, do ouerthrow their common Wealths: fourtene Prynces your predecessours in the Empyre were naturally borne in Rome, and you are the firste straunger Prynce. Wherefore we pray the immortall Gods, (sith that the stocke of our auncient Cæsars is dead) to send thee good Fortune. Out of the countrey of Spaine was wont to come to this our Romane city great abundance of gold, siluer, steele, leade, and tinne, from theyr mines: but now in place thereof, she giueth vs Emperours to gouern our common wealths: sith then that thou commest of so good a countrey as Spayne is, from so good a Prouince as is Vandolosia, and from so excellent a citty as Cales is, of so noble and fortunate a Linage as is Cocceius, and aduaunced to so noble an Empire, it is to be supposed that thou wilt proue good and not euil: for the Gods immortall many times do take away their graces from vngratefull men: moreouer (most excellent prince) sith you wrote vnto vs the maner and order what we ought to doe: reason it is that we write to you agayne what you ought to foresee: and sith you haue tolde vs, and taught vs to obey you, meete it is that we may know what your pleasure is to commaunde: for that (it may come to passe) that as you haue bene brought vp in Spayne, and of longe time bene absent from Rome, through followinge the Warres, that not knowing the lawes whereunto we are sworn, and the customes which we haue in Rome, yee commaunde some thingethat may redound to our damage, and to your dishonor: and therefore we accoumpt it reason that your Maiesty bee aduertised hereof, and the same preuented, for so much as Princes oftentimes be negligent of many things, not for that they wil not foresee the same, but rather for want of one that dare tell them what they ought to doe: and therefore we humbly beseech your most excellent maiesty, to extende and shewe forth your wisedome and prudence, for that the Romanes hearts bene drawen and made pliant rather by fauourable diligence, than by prouoked force. Touchinge the vertue, Iustice, may it please you to remembre the same: for your olde vncle Nerua was wont to say, that a Prince for all his magnanimity, valiaunce, and felicity, if he do not vse and maintayne Iustice, ought not for any other merite to be praysed and commended. Semblably we make our humble Petition, that those commaundements which you shal send and require to be put in execution, be thoroughly established and obserued: for the goodnesse of the lawe doth not consist in the ordinaunce, but in the fulfilling and acomplishement of the same: wee will not also omit to say vnto you (most famous Prince) that you must haue pacience to suffer the importunate, and to dissemble with the offenders: for that it is the deede of a Prince to chastise and punishe the wrongs done in a common wealth, and to pardon the disobedience done vnto him. You send vs word by your letters that you wil not come to Rome, vntyll you haue finished the Germaine Warres: whych seemeth vnto vs to be the determination of a vertuous and right noble Emperour, for so mutch as good Princes such as you be, oughte not to desire and chose places of delite and recreation, but rather to seke and win renowne and fame. You commaunde vs also to haue regarde to the veneration of the Temples, and to the seruice of the Gods: whych request is iuste, but very iuste it were and meete that your selfe should doe the same: for our seruice would little preuaile, if you should displease them. You wil vs also one to loue an other, whych is the counsel of a holy and peaceable Prince: but know ye that wee shal not be able to doe the same, if you wil not loue and intreat vs all in equall and indifferent sorte: for Prynces chearyshinge and louing some aboue the rest, do raise slandersand grudges amongs the people: you likewise recommend vnto vs, the poore and the widowes: wherin we thinke that you ought to commaund the Collecters of your Tributes, that they do not grieue, when they gather your ryghtes and customes: for greater sinne it is to spoyle and pill the needy sort, than meritorious to succour and relieue them. Likewise you do persuade vs to be quiet and circumspect in our affayres, which is a persuasion resembling the nature of a worthye Prynce and also of a pitifull father. In semblable maner you require vs not to be opinionatiue and wilfull in the Senate, ne affectionate to self wil whych shal be done accordingly as you commaund, and accept it as you say: but therwithall you ought to think that in graue and wayghty matters, the more depely things be debated, the better they shall be prouided and decreed: you bid vs also to beware, the Censores be honest of lyfe and rightful in doing iustice: to that we aunswere, that in the same we will haue good respect, but it is expedient that you take hede to them whom you shal name and appoint to those offices: for if you do chose such as they ought to be, no cause shal rise to reprehend them. Item wher you say, that we ought to take hede, that our children committe no offences to the people, wherein the aduise of the senate is, that you do draw them awaye from vs, and cal them to the Almayne warres, for as you do knowe (right souerain prince) that when the publike welth is exempt, and voyd of enimies, then the same wil begin to bee replenyshed wyth youthfull vices. Notwithstanding when the warres bee farre of from Rome, then the same to them is profitable, bicause there is nothing which better cleanseth common wealths from wicked people, than warres in straunge Countries. Concernyng other things which you write vnto vs nedefull it is not now to recite them, but onely to see them kept: for truely they seeme rather to be the lawes of God Apollo him selfe, than counsels of a Mortall man. The gods preserue your Maiesty, and graunt you good successe in those your warres.

These Letters and Epistles, although besides the Scope and Nature of a Nouell, yet so worthy to be read and practysed, as no History or other mortall Precepte more: expressing the great care of a maistertowards his scholler, that he should proue no worse being an emperor, than he shewed hymselfe diligent when he was a Scholer: fearing that if he should gouerne contrary to his expectation, or degenerate from the good institution, whych in hys yong yeares hee imbraced, that the blame and slaunder should rest in hymselfe: that was his tutor and bringer vp. O careful Plutarch, O most happy maister, as well for thine owne industry, as for the good successe of such a Scholer: and O most fortunate and vertuous Emperor, that could so wel brooke and digest the blissed persuasions of sutch a maister, whose mind wyth the blast of promotion, was not so swolne and puffed, but that it vouchsafed to cal him father and maister, stil crauing for in instigation of reproofe, when he slid or slypped from the path of reason and duety. And happy Counsel and Senate that could so wel like and practyse the documents of such an Emperour.

A notable History of three amorous Gentlewomen, called Lamia, Flora, and Lais: conteyning the sutes of noble Princes and other great Personages made vnto them, with their answeres to diuers demaundes: and the manner of their death and funerals.

Leauyngenow our morall discourse of a carefull Mayster, of a prouydent Scholer, of a vertuous Emperoure, of a sacred Senate, and vniforme magistery, returne we to the setting forth and description of three arrant honest Women, which for lewdnesse wer famous, and for wicked Lyfe worthy to be noted with a blacke coale, or rather their memory raked in the Dust and Cinders of their Corpses vnpure. But as all histories be ful of lessons of vertue and vice, as Bookes, sacred and prophane, describe the liues of good and bad for example sake, to yelde meanes to the posterity, to ensue the one and eschue the other, so haue I thought to intermingle amongest these Nouels the seuerall sortes of either, that ech Sexe and Kinde may pike out like the Bee, of ech Floure, Honny, to store and furnishe with delightes their well disposed myndes. I purpose, then, to vnlace the dissolute lyues of three Amorouse Dames, that with their graces allured the greatest Princes that euer were: enticed the noble men, and sometimes procured the wisest and best learned to craue their acquaintance, as by the sequele hereof shall well appeare. These three famous Women, (as Writers do witnesse) were furnished with many goodly graces and giftes of nature: that is to say, great beautye of face, goodly proporcion of body, large and high foreheades, theyr breastes placed in comely order, smal wasted, fayre handes of passing cunning to play vpon Instruments, a heauenly voice to fayne and sing: briefly, their qualities and beauty were more famous than euer any that were born within the Countries of Asia and Europa. They were neuer beloued of Prince that did forsake them, nor yet they made request of any thing which was denied them: they neuer mocked or flowted man (a thing rare in women of theyr condition) ne yet were mocked of any: but theyr specyal propreties wer to allure men toloue them: Lamia wyth hir pleasaunt loke and eye, Flora with hir eloquent tongue, and Lais wyth the grace and sweetenesse of hir singing voyce: a straunge thinge that he which once was surprysed wyth the loue of any of those three, eyther to late or neuer was delyuered of the same. They were the richest courtizans that euer lyued in the worlde, so long as theyr life did last, and after theyr decease, great monumentes were erected for theyr remembraunce, in place where they died. The most auncient of these three Amorous dames was Lamia, who was in the tyme of King Antigonus, that warfared in the seruice of Alexander the Great, a valyant gentleman, although not fauored by Fortune. Thys kynge Antigonus left behynde hym a sonne and heyre called Demetrius, who was lesse valyaunt, but more fortunate than his father, and had bene a Prynce of greate estimation, if in hys youthe hee had acquyred frendes, and kept the same, and in hys age had not ben gyuen to so many vices. Thys King Demetrius was in loue with Lamia, and presented hir wyth rich giftes and rewardes, and loued hir so affectionately, and in sutch sort, as in the loue of his Lamia he semed rather a fole than a true louer: for, forgetting the grauity and authoritye of his person, hee dyd not onelye gyue hir all such things as she demaunded, but besides that hee vsed no more the company of his wyfe Euxonia. On a tyme Kyng Demetrius asking Lamia what was the thing wherewyth a woman was sonest wonne? “There is nothing,” answered shee, “whych sooner ouercommeth a Woman, than when she seeth a man to loue hir with al hys hart, and to susteyne for hir sake greate paynes and passyons wyth long continuance and entier affection, for to love men by collusion, causeth afterwards that they be mocked.” Agayn, Demetrius asked hir further: “Tell me, Lamia, why doe diuerse Women rather hate than loue men?” Whereunto she answered: “The greatest cause why a Woman doth hate a man, is, when the man doth vaunt and boast himselfe of that which he doth not, and performeth not the thing which he promiseth.” Demetrius demaunded of her: “Tell me, Lamia, what is the thing wherewith men doe content you best?”—“When wee see him,” sayde she, “to be dyscrete in wordes, and secrete in his dedes.” Demetrius asked hir further: “Tell me, Lamia, how chaunceth it that menbe ill matched?” “Bycause,” answered Lamia, “it is impossible that they be well maryed, when the wife is in neede, and the husbande vndiscrete.” Demetrius asked hir what was the cause that amitye betwenelwolouers was broken? “There is nothing,” answered she, “that soner maketh colde the loue betwene two louers, than when one of them doth straye in loue, and the Woman louer to importunate to craue.” He demaunded further: “Tell me, Lamia, what is the thinge that moste tormenteth the louing man?” “Not to attayne the thing which he desireth,” answered she, “and thinketh to lose the thing whych he hopeth to enioy.” Demetrius yet once agayne asked hir thys question: “What is that, Lamia, which most troubleth a Woman’s hart?” “There is nothing,” answered Lamia, “wherwith a woman is more grieued, and maketh hir more sad, than to be called ill fauored, or that she hath no good grace, or to vnderstand that she is dissolute of lyfe.” This lady Lamia was of iudgement delicate and subtyll, although il imployed in hir, and thereby made al the world in loue with hir, and drew al men to hir through hir fayre speach. Now, before she lost the heart of Kyng Demetrius, shee haunted of long time the vniuersities of Athenes, where she gayned great store of money, and brought to destructyon many young men. Plutarch, in the lyfe of Demetrius, saith, That the Atheniens hauing presented vnto himXII. C.talents of money for a subsidie to pay his men of warre, he gaue al that summe to his woman Lamia: by meanes whereof the Atheniens grudged, and were offended wyth the kyng, not for the losse of their gift, but for that it was so euil employed. When the King Demetrius would assure any thynge by oth, hee swore not by his gods, ne yet by his predecessors, but in this sort: “As I may be styll in the grace of my lady Lamia, and as hir lyfe and mine may ende together, so true is this which I say and do, in this and thys sort.” One yere and two Moneths before the Death of King Demetrius, his frend Lamia died, who sorowed so mutch hir death, as for the absence and death of hir, he caused the Phylosophers of Athens to entre in this Disputation, Whether the teares and sorow whiche he shed and toke for her sake, were more to be estemed than the riches which he spent in her obsequies and funerall pompes. This Amorous gentlewoman Lamia, was bornein Argos, a City of Peloponnesus, besides Athenes, of base parentage, who in hir first yeares haunted the countrey of Asia Maior, of very wyld and dissolute lyfe, and in the ende came into Phænicia. And when the Kyng Demetrius had caused hir to be buried beefore hys chamber-window, hys chiefest frendes asked him, wherefore hee had entoomed hir in that place? his aunswere was this: “I loued hir so wel, and she likewyse me so hartyly, as I know not which way to satisfie the loue which she bare me, and the duety I haue to loue her agayne, if not to put hir in such place as myne eyes maye wepe euery day and mine hart still lament.” Truely this loue was straung, which so mighty a Monarch as Demetrius was, did beare vnto such a notable curtizan, a woman vtterly void of grace, barren of good workes, and without any zeale or spark of vertue, as it should appeare. But sith we read and know that none are more giuen or bent to vnreasonable loue, than mighty Princes, what should it bee demed straung and maruellous, if Demetrius amongs the rest do come in place for the loue of that most famous woman, if Fame may stretch to eyther sorts, both good and euill? But let vs come to the second infamous gentlewoman, called Lais. She was of the isle of Bithritos, which is in the confines of Græcia, and was the daughter of the great Sacrificer of Apollo his temple at Delphos, a man greatly experienced in the magike art, wherby he prophecyed the perdition of his daughter. Now this amorous Lias was in triumph in the time of the renowmed King Pyrrhus, a Prince very ambitious to acquire honor, but not very happy to keepe it, who being yonge of sixteene or seuenteene yeares, came into Italy to make warres against the Romains: he was the first (as some say) that aranged a camp in ordre, and made the Phalanx, the mayne square and battell: for before hys time, when they came to entre battell, they assailed confusedly and out of array gaue the onset. This amorous Lias continued long time in the campe of Kynge Pyrrhus, and went wyth hym into Italy, and wyth him retourned from warre agayne, and yet hir nature was sutch, as shee woulde neuer bee mainteined wyth one man alone. The same Lias was so amorous in her conuersatyon, so excellent fayre, and of so comely grace, that if shee would haue kept hir selfe faythfull to one Lorde or gentleman, therewas no prynce in the world but if he would haue yelded himselfe and all that he had at hir commaundement. Lias, from hir retourne out of Italy into Greece, repayred to the citye of Corinth, to make hir abode there, where she was pursued by many kings, lordes, and prynces. Aulus Gellius saith (which I haue recited in my former part of the Pallace of pleasure, the fiftenth Noeuill,) that the good Philosopher, Demosthenes, went from Athens to Corinth, in disguised apparell, to see Lais, and to haue hir company, But before the dore was opened, she sent one to demaunde.XII.C. Sestercios of siluer: whereunto Demosthenes answered: “I buy not repentance so deere.” And I beleue that Demosthenes spake those wordes by folowyng the sentence of Diogenes, who sayeth, that euery beast after such acte is heauy and sad. Som wryters affirme of this Amorous Lais, that thing whych I neuer reade or hearde of Woman: whych is, that shee neuer shewed signe or token of loue to that man whych was desyrous to doe her seruice: nor was neuer hated of man that knew her. Whereby we may comprehend the happe and fortune of that amorous Woman. Shee neuer shewed semblance of great loue to any person, and yet shee was beloued of all. If the amorous Lamia had a good Spirite and mynde, Lais truely had no lesse. For in the art of loue she exceeded all other women of hir detestable Arte and Scyence, as well in Knowledge of Loue as to profite in the same. Vppon a Daye a Younge Man of Corinth demaundying of hir, what hee shoulde say to a Woman whome hee long tyme had loued, and made so greate sute, that thereby he was like to fal into dispayre. “Thou shalt say,” (sayd Lais) “vnto hir, that sith she wyl not graunt thy request, yet at least wyse it myght please hir to suffer thee to bee hir seruant, and that shee would take in good parte the Seruice that thou shalt doe vnto hir. Whych requeste if shee doe graunte, then hope to attayne the ende of thy attempte, bycause wee Women bee of such nature, as opening our mouthes to gyue some mylde and pleasant answere to the amorous person, it is to bee thoughte that wee haue gyuen our heart vnto hym.” An other Daye, in the presence of Lias, one praysed the Phylosophers of Athens, saying, that they were very honest personages, and of great learnynge. Whereunto Lais aunswered: “I can not tell what great knowledg they haue, nor what sciencethey studye, ne yet what bookes youre Philosophers doe reade, but thys I am sure, that to me beynge a woman and neuer was at Athenes, I see them repayre, and of Philosophers beecome amorous persons.” A Theban knighte demaunded of Lais, what he might doe to enioy a ladye wyth whose loue hee should bee surprised: Shee aunswered thus. “A man that is desirous of a woman, must folow his sute, serue hir, and suffer hir and somtymes to seeme as though he had forgotten hir. For after that a womans heart is moued to loue, she regardeth more the forgetfulnesse and negligence vsed towards hir, than she doth the seruice done before.” An other Gentleman of Achaia asked hir what he shoulde doe to a woman, whom he suspected that she had falsified hir fayth.Lais aunswered, “make hir beleue that thou thinkest she is very faythful and take from hir the occasions wherby shee hath good cause to be vnfaythful: For if she do perceiue that thou knowest it, and dissemblest the matter, she wyll sooner dye than amende.” A gentleman of Palestine at another time inquired of hir what hee should doe to a Woman whych he serued, and did not esteeme the seruyce done vnto hir, ne yet gaue him thankes for the loue which hee bare hir. Lais sayed vnto him: “If thou be disposed to serue hir no longer, let hir not perceiue that thou hast gyuen hir ouer. For naturally we women be tendre in loue, and hard in hatred.” Beyng demaunded by one of hir Neyghbours what shee shoulde doe to make hir Daughter very wyse. “Shee” (sayde Lais) “that wyll haue hir Daughter to bee good and honest, must from her youth learne hir to feare, and in going abrode to haunte litle company, and that she be shamefast and moderate in hir talke.” An other of hir neighbors inquyryng of hir what shee myght doe to hir daughter whych began to haue delyght to rome in the fieldes and wander abroade. “The remedy” (sayde Lais) “that I finde for your daughter disposed to that condition, is, not to suffer hir to be ydle, ne yet to be braue and sumptuous in apparel.” This amorous gentlewoman Lais, dyed in the Citye of Corinth, of the age of .lXXII.Yeares, whose death was of many matrones desired and of a great numbre of amorous persones lamented. The thyrd amorous gentlewoman was called Flora, which was not so auncient, ne yet of so greate renoume as Lamia and Laiswere, whose country also was not so famous,For she was of Italy, and the other two of Grecia, and although that Lamia and Lais exceded Flora in antiquity, yet Flora surmounted them in lineage and generositie. For Flora was of noble house, although in life lesse than chast. She was of the country of Nola in Campania, issued of certayne Romans, Knights very famous in facts of Armes and of great industrie and gouernement in the common wealth. When the Father and mother of this Flora deceased, she was of the age ofXV.yeares, indued with great riches and singular beauty, and the very orphane of all hir kynne. For shee had neyther brother lefte wyth whom shee myght soiourne, ne yet vncle to gyue her good counsell. In such wyse that lyke as this young maistres Flora had youthe, riches, lyberty and beauty, euen so there wanted neyther baudes nor Pandores to entyce hir to fal, and allure hir to folly. Flora seeing hir self beset in this wise, she determined to goe into the Affrick warres, where she hazarded both in hir person and hir honor. This dame florished and tryumphed in the tyme of the firste Punique warres, when the Consul Mamillus was sent to Carthage, who dispended more Money vpon the loue of Flora, than hee did vpon the chase and pursute of his enimies. This amorous lady Flora had a writyng and tytle fixed vpon hir gate, the effect wherof was this:King, Prince, Dictator, Consul, Censor, high Bishop, and Questor may knocke and come in.In that writyng Flora named neither emperor nor Cæsar, bycause those two most Noble names were long tyme after created by the Romanes. Thys Amorous Flora woulde neuer abandon hir Person, but wyth Gentlemen of Noble House, or of greate Dygnitye and Ryches. For shee was wonte to say that a Woman of passinge Beauty shoulde be so mutch esteemed as shee doth esteeme and sette by hir selfe. Lias and Flora were of contrary maners and conditions. For Lias would first bee payde, before shee yelded the vse of hir bodye: but Flora wythout any semblance of desire eyther of golde or siluer was contented to bee ruled by those with whom shee committed the facte. Wherof vppon a day being demaunded the question, she answered: “I gyue my body to prynces and noble Barons, that they may deale with mee lyke Gentlemen. For Isweare vnto you by the Goddesse Venus, that neuer man gaue me so little, but that I had more than I looked for, and the double of that which I could demaund.” This Amorous lady Flora was wont many times to saye, that a wise woman (or more aptly to terme her a subtyll Wench) oughte not to demaund reward of her louer for the acceptable pleasure which she doth hym but rather for the loue whych she beareth him, bycause that al thinges in the world haue a certayn pryce, except loue, which cannot bee payde or recompenced but wyth loue. All the Ambassadors of the worlde, whych had accesse into Italy, made so greate reporte of the Beauty and Generositie of Flora, as they dyd of the Romane common wealth, bycause it seemed to bee a Monstrous thynge to see the Ryches of hir house, hir trayne, hir beauty the princes and great lordes by whom she was required, and the presents and giftes that were gyuen vnto hir. This Amorous Flora had a continual regard to the noble house whereof shee came touchyng the magnyficence and state of her seruyce. For albeit that she was but a common woman, yet she was serued and honored lyke a great lady. That day wherein she rode about the city of Rome, she gaue occasion to be spoken of a whole month after, one inquirynge of an other what great Romaine lords they were that kepte her company? Whose men they were that waighted vpon her? And whose liuery they ware. What Ladies they wer that rode in her trayne. The brauery of hir apparell, hir great beauty and port, and the wordes spoken by the amorous gentlemen in that troupe were not vnremembred. When this maistres Flora waxed old, a yong and beautifull gentleman of Corinth, demaunded her to wyfe, to whom she answered: “I know well that thou wilt not marie, the three score yeares whych Flora hath, but rather thou desirest to haue the twelue hundred thousand Sestercios which she hath in hir Coffres. Content thy selfe therefore, my frende, and get thee home agayne to Corinth from whence thou comest. For to sutch as be of myne age great honor is borne, and reuerence done for the riches and wealth they haue, rather than for mariage.” There was neuer in the Romane Empyre, the lyke amorous woman that Flora was, indued wyth so many graces and Queenelykequalities, for shee was of noble house, of singuler beauty, of comely personage, discrete in hir affayres, and besides al other comly qualyties, very lyberall. This maistres Flora spent the most part of hir youth in Affrica, Almayne and Gallia Transalpina. And albeit that she would not suffre anye other but great lords to haue possession of hir body, yet she applyed hir selfe to the spoile of those that were in place, and to the praye of those that came from the warres. This amorous Flora died when she was of the age ofLXXV.yeares. She left for the principal heire of all hir goods and Iuells.the Romain people, which was estemed sufficient and able to make newe the Walles of Rome, and to raunsome and redeme the common Wealth of the same. And bycause that shee was a Romaine, and had made the state therefore hir heyre, the Romaines builded in hir honor a sumptuous Temple, whych in memorye ofForawas called Florianum: and euery yeare in the memorye of hir, they celebrated hir feast vppon the day of hir death: Suetonius Tranquillus sayeth, that the first feaste which the Emperour Galba the second celebrated wyth in Rome, was the feast of the amorous Flora, vpon whych daye it was lawful for men and women, to doe what kynd of dishonesty they could deuise. And she was estemed to be the greater saint which that day shewed her selfe moste dissolute and wanton. And bicause that the temple Florianum, was dedycated to amorous Flora, the Romanes had an opinion, that al women which vpon the same day repayred to the Temple in whorish apparell, should haue the graces and giftes that Flora had. These were the fond opinions and maners of the auncient, which after their owne makinge and deuises framed Gods and Goddesses, and bycause she proued vnshamefast and rich, a Temple must bee erected, and Sacrifices ordayned for hir Whorish triumphes. But that noble men and Kings haue bene rapt and transported with the lurements of sutch notorious strumpets, is and hath bene common in all ages. And commonly sutch infamous women be indewed with greatest gifts and graces, the rather to noosell and dandle their fauorers in the laps of their fadinge pleasures. But euery of them a most speciall grace, aboue the rest. As of a Kyng not lot long agoe we reade, that keptthree, one the holiest, another the craftiest, and the third the meriest. Two of which properties meete for honest Women: although the third so incident to that kinde as heat to a liuinge body. Cease wee then of this kynde, and let vs step forth to be acquaynted with a lady and a Queene the Godlyest and stoutest, that is remembred in any auncient Monument or Hystory.

The lyfe and giftes of the most Famous Queene Zenobia with the letters of the Emperour Avrelianvs to the sayde Queene, and her stoute aunswere thereunto.

ZenobiaQueene of Palmyres, was a right famous Gentlewoman, as diuerse Hystoriographers largely do report and write. Who although shee was no Christian Lady, yet so worthy of Imitation, as she was for hir vertues and heroycall facts of Immortall prayse. By hir wysedome and stoutnesse she subdued all the empire of the Orient, and resisted the inuincible Romans. And for that it is meete and requisite to alleage and aduouch reasons by weight, and words by measure, I wil orderly begin to recite the History of that most famous Queene. Wherefore I say, that about the .284. Olimpiade, no long tyme after the death of the vnhappy Emperour Decius, Valerian was chosen Emperour by the Senate, and (as Trebellius Pollio his Hystorian doth describe) he was a well learned prince, indued with manyfold vertues, that for his speciall prayse, these wordes be recorded of him.If all the World had bene assembled to chose a good Prince, they would not haue chosen any other but good Valerian.It is also written of hym, that in liberality he was noble, in words true, in talke wary, in promise constant, to his frends familiar, and to his enemies seuere, and which is more to be esteemed, he could not forget seruice, nor yet reuenge wronge. It came to passe that in theXIV.yeare of his raygne, there rose sutch cruell Warres in Asia, that forced he was to go thither in his owne person, to resist Sapor king of the Persians, a very valyaunt man of Warre and fortunate in his enterprises, which happinesse of hys not long time after the arryuall of Valerian into Asia, hee manifested and shewed. For beeyng betwene them such hot and cruell warres, in a skyrmish, throughe the greate faulte of the General, (which had the conduct of the armye) the Emperour Valerian was taken, and brought into the puissance of King Sapor hys ennimy, whych cursed tyrant so wickedlye vsed that victory, as hee woulde by no meanes put theEmperour to raunsome, towards whom hee vsed such cruelty, that so oft and so many tymes, as hee was disposed to gette vp on horsebacke hee vsed the body of olde Valerian to serue hym for aduauntage, setting his feete vppon the throate of that aged gentleman. In that myserable office and vnhappy captiuity serued and dyed the good Emperour Valerian, not wyth oute the greate sorrowe of them that knew him, and the rueful compassion of those that sawe him, which the Romans considering, and that neither by offre of gold, or siluer, or other meanes, they were able to redeeme Valerian, they determined to choose for Emperour his owne sonne called Galienus: which they did more for respect of the father, than for any minde or corage they knew to bee in the sonne. Who afterwardes shewed himselfe to bee farre different from the conditions of his father Valerian, being in his enterprises a cowarde, in his promisses a lyer, in correction cruell, towards them that serued him vnthanckfull, (and which is worse,) hee gaue himselfe to his desires, and yealded place to sensuality. By meanes wherof, in his tyme the Romain Empyre more than in any others raygne, lost most prouinces and receiued greatest shame. In factes of warre he was a cowarde, and in gouernement of common wealth, a very weake and feeble man. Galienus not caryng for the state of the Empire, became so myserable as the Gouernors of the same gaue ouer their obedience, and in the tyme of hys raygne, there rose vp thyrty tyrants, whych vsurped the same. Whose names doe followe, Cyriades, Posthumus the yonger, Lollius, Victorinus, Marius, Ingenuus, Regillianus, Aureolus, Macrianus, Machianus the younger, Quietus, Odenatus, Herodes, Mœnius Ballista, Valens, Piso Emilianus, Staturnius, Tetricus, Etricus the younger, Trebelianus, Heremianus, Timolaus, Celsus, Titus, Censorinus, Claudius, Aurelius, and Quintillus, of whomXVIII, were captaynes and seruiters vnder the good Emperour Valerian. Sutch delight had the Romanes, in that auncient world, to haue good Captaynes, as were able to bee preferred to be Emperours. Nowe in that tyme the Romanes had for their Captayne generall, a knight called Odenatus, the Prynce of Palmerines, a man truely of great vertue, and of passinge industry and hardinesse in facts of warre. This Captayne Odenatus maried awoman that descended of the auncient linage of the Ptolomes,tometymes Kinges of Ægypt, named Zenobia, which (if the historians do not deceiue vs) was one of the most famous Women of the Worlde. Shee had the heart of Alexander the great, shee possessed the riches of Cræsus, the diligence of Pyrrhus, the trauel of Haniball, the warie foresighte of Marcellus, and the Iustice of Traiane. When Zenobia was married to Odenatus, she had by hir other husband, a sonne called Herodes, and by Odenatus shee had two other, whereof the one was called Hyeronianus, and the other Ptolemus. And when the Emperour Valerian was vanquyshed and taken, Odenatus was not then in the Campe. For as all men thought, if he had ben there, they had not receyued so greate an ouerthrow. So sone as good Odenatus was aduertized of the defaict of Valerian, in great haste he marched to the Roman Campe, that then was in great disorder. Whych with greate diligence hee reassembled, and reduced the same to order, and (holpen by good Fortune,) wythin xxx. Dayes after hee recouered all that whych Valerian had loste, makynge the Persian kyng to flee, by meanes whereof, and for that Odenatus had taken charge of the army, hee wanne amonges the Romanes great reputation, and truely not with out cause: For if in that good time he had not receyued the charge the name and glory of the Romanes had taken ende in Asia. Duryng all thys tyme Galienus, lyued in hys delyghtes at Myllan, wythout care or thoughte of the Common wealth, consumynge in his wylfull vices, the Money that was leuied for the men of war. Whych was the cause that the gouernours of the prouinces, and Captens general, seing him to be so vicious and neglygent, vsurped the prouinces and armies which they had in charge. Galienus voyde of all obedience sauing of the Italians and Lombards, the first that rose vp against him were Posthumus in Fraunce, Lollians in Spayne, Victorinus in Affrica, Marius in Britane, Ingenuus in Germanie, Regillianus in Denmark, Aureolus in Hungarie, Macrianus in Mesopotamia, and Odenatus, in Syria. Before Odenatus rose against Valerian, Macrianus enioied Mesopotamia and the greatest part of Syria, whereof Odenatus hauing intelligence, he marched with his power agaynst him and killed him, and discomfited all his army. The death of the Tyran Macrian beingknowen, and that Galienus was so vicious, the armies in Asia assembled and chose Odenatus Emperour: which Election although the Senate publickly durst not agree vpon, yet secretly they allowed it, bycause they receyued dayly newes, of the great Exploytes and deedes of armes done by Odenatus, and saw on the other side the great continued follies of Galienus. Almost three yeares and a halfe was Odenatus Emperour and Lord of all the Orient, duringe which time he recouered all the Lands and Prouinces lost by Galienus, and payde the Romane army all the arrerages of their wages due vnto them. But Fortune ful of inconstancy, suffred not this good Prynce very long to raygne. For hauing in hys house a kinsman of hys, named Meonius, to whom he bare great good will, for that he sawe him to be a valiant man of warre, although Ignorant of his Enuy and couetousnesse: it chaunced vpon a day as they two rode on huntinge, and gallopinge after the pursute of a wylde Bore, with the very same Bore Speare which Meonius caried to strike the beast, he killed by treason his good Cousin Odenatus. But that murder was not long time vnreuenged. For the Borespeare wherewith he had so cruelly killed the Emperour his Cousin, was incontinently known by the hunters which folowed Odenatus: whervpon that day the head of Meonius was striken of. And Galienius vnderstandinge the death of Odenatus, gaue great rewardes and presents to them that brought him the newes, beinge so ioyfull as the Romans wer angry to vnderstand those pitiful tydings, bycause through the good ordre which Odenatus vsed in Asia, they had great tranquillity and peace throughout Europa. Now after the death of thys good Emperour Odenatus, the Armies chose one of his two Sonnes to be Emperour of the Orient: But for that he was younge, they chose Zenobia to be Protector of hir sonne, and gouerner ouer the sayd Orient Empyre. Who seeing that vpon the decease of Odenatus certayne of the East Countries began to reuolt, shee determined to open hir Treasure, ressemble hir men of Warre, and in hir owne person to march into the fielde: where she did sutch notable enterprises, as shee appalled hir enemies, and made the whole world to wonder. About the age of.XXXV.yeares Zenobia was widow, beinge the Tutrix of hir children, Regent of an Empyre, and Captaynegenerall of the army. In which weighty charge she vsed hir selfe so wisely and well, as shee acquired no lesse noble name in Asia, than Queene Semiramis did in India. Zenobia was constant in that whych she tooke in hand, true in words, liberall, mylde, and seuere where she ought to be, discrete, graue, and secrete in her enterprises, albeit she was ambicious. For, not content with hir title of Gouernesse, or Regent, she wrote and caused her selfe to be called Empresse, she loued not to ride vpon a Mule, or in a littor, but greatly esteemed to haue great horse in hir stable and to learne to handle and ryde them. When Zenobia went forth of hir Tent to see the order and gouernment of hir Campe, she continually did put on her Armure, and was well guarded with a band of men, so that of a woman, she cared but onely for the name, and in the facts of Armes shee craued the title of valiaunt. The Captaynes of hir Army, neuer gaue battell, or made assault, they neuer skyrmished or did other enterprise of warre, but she was present in her owne person, and attempted to shewe hirselfe more hardy than any of all the troupe, a thinge almost incredible in that weake and feeble kinde. The sayd noble Queene was of stature, bigge and well proporcioned, her eyes black and quicke, hir forehead large, hir stomak and Breastes fayre and vpright, her Face white, and ruddy, a little mouth, hir Teeth so whyte, as they seemed like a rancke of white pearles, but aboue all things she was of sutch excellent Spirit and courage, as shee was feared for hir stoutnesse, and beloued for her beauty. And although Zenobia was indued with so great beauty, liberality, riches, and puissaunce, yet she was neuer stayned with the blemish of vnchaste lyfe, or wyth other vanity: and as hir husband Odenatus was wont to say, that after shee felt hir selfe wyth chylde, shee neuer suffred hym to come neare her, (sutch was hir great Chastity) sayinge that Women ought to marry rather for children than for pleasure. She was also excellently well learned in the Greke and Latine tongue. Shee did neuer eate but one Meale a Day. Hir talke was verye lyttle and rare. The Meate which shee vsed for hir repaste, was either the hanch of a Wylde Bore, or else the syde of a Deere. Shee could drinke no Wyne, nor abyde the sent thereof. But shee was so curyous in good and perfect Waters, as shee would gyue so greata Pryce for that, as is ordinaryly gyuen for Wyne bee it neuer so excellent. So soone as the Kinges of Ægypte of Persia, and the Greekes, were aduertized of the death of Odenatus, they sent theyr Ambassadours to Zenobia, aswell to visite and comfort hir, as to bee her confederats and frendes. So much was she feared and redoubted for her rare vertues. The affayres of Zenobia beinge in sutch estate in Asia, the Emperor Galienus died in Lombardie, and the Romanes chose Aurelianus to bee Emperour, who although he was of a base and obscure lineage, yet hee was of a great valiance in factes of Armes. When Aurelianus was chosen Emperour, he made great preparacion into Asia, to inferre warres vpon Queene Zenobia, and in all hys tyme hee neuer attempted greater enterprise for the Romanes. When hee was arryued in Asia, the Emperour proceded agaynst the Queene, and shee as valiantly defended hir selfe, continually being betwene them great Alarams and skirmishes. But as Zenobia and hir people were of lesse trauell and of better skyl in knowledge of the Country, so they did greater harme and more anoiance vnto theyr Enimy, and thereof receiued lesser damage. The Emperour seing that hee should haue mutch adoe to vanquishe Zenobia by armes, determined to ouercome hir by gentle wordes and fayre promisses: for which cause he wrote vnto hir a letter, the tenor whereof ensueth.

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