The work so generously begun should be extended. Not only in the British Isles but in North America, in South Africa, and in Australasia young Pan-Angles should be brought in touch with the other portions of our race, and should see at first hand what problems require solving by us throughout the world. Not a Pan-Angle university from McGill to Dunedin, from Ann Arbor to Stellenbosch, but would welcome some exchange of students similar to the growing system of exchange professors. Not one, if it could offer scholarships to the youth of the other nations, but would have enlarged the scope of its usefulness and have grown from local to inter-national importance. Patriotic Pan-Angles by endowing such scholarships could hasten the accomplishment of the Pan-Angle federation, and thus share in ensuring the safety of every Pan-Angle nation, and in securing our civilization for the benefit of ourselves and for the peace of the world.
Meanwhile no vision of future Pan-Angle safety should blind anyone of us to his country's present needs. In the interim before federation, we must so strengthen each of our respective nations as best to weather the storm of adversity should it {223} burst upon us before co-operation is secured. Simultaneously with the recession to home waters of the British Isles fleet, the younger Britannic nations are taking appropriate steps to ensure their separate interests. This is an evidence that each recognizes danger. Each assumes that these defensive efforts are not induced by the fear of other Pan-Angles. This is no place to discuss the compulsory military service already established in New Zealand, Australia, and South Africa, nor to suggest that it would not be needed were Pan-Angle federation already an accomplished fact. Nor is this a suitable occasion to discuss the policies, strengths, or weaknesses of separate Britannic or Pan-Angle navies. America must be equal to the emergency of defending all Pan-Angles who would seek its protection if the British Isles fleet were to suffer a serious setback. Wisely, America and Canada waste no Pan-Angle funds in fortifications on their long boundary or in war vessels on the Great Lakes. But they should both maintain on salt water navies, which they can use for the joint interests of Pan-Angles. Canada and America may soon need to co-operate with Australasia in solving the problems of the Pacific.[223-1] Pan-Angle nations may severally make alliances with foreign powers for the purpose of protecting us all. One of them has already done so.[223-2] But peoples who are strong enough make no foreign alliances.
As we work towards federation we must not be {224} discouraged at our slow rate of visible progress. For "slow thought is the ballast of a self-governing state."[224-1] The growth of the federal idea may be none the less vigorous because its fruitage appears long delayed. These pages abound with examples of the fact that we are slow to move politically. Were it otherwise, the autonomous nations of the Britannic world would long since have had representation in some common parliament, would have established a single final court of appeal, and a common citizenship; an overburdened British Parliament would no longer legislate on English municipal drainage, affairs of the dependencies, and questions of inter-Pan-Angle concern. As it is, the five younger Britannic nations, realizing tardily that the British navy no longer adequately protects them, have not as yet bestirred themselves to effect more cohesive and coherent political relations with each other, and between themselves and the British Isles. America, astride the Western Hemisphere, in her own estimation secure against invasion, is taken up with internal development, and but seldom, even since the last Pan-Angle war with Spain, looks out at the increasing pressure beyond her borders.
We move slowly. Pan-Angle federation is still a dream. But no one can foresee how rapidly external pressure may turn dreams into practical politics. The federation of the Pan-Angles may be forced upon us—ready or not. Or we may find some day that it is too late to federate.
Our method of combining, the distribution of powers between the existing governments and the {225} new government, it is not here necessary or appropriate to discuss, other than to acknowledge that our history confesses that federation is the present ideal of government of this civilization. In other instances of suggested closer union, "The advocates of national consolidation have been constantly subjected, as everyone familiar with current discussion knows, to two diametrically opposite forms of criticism. They are vigorously reproached . . . for not stating in detail the method by which their purposes are to be accomplished; they are ridiculed . . . as people who aim at binding together by means of a 'cut and dried plan' an Empire which has hitherto depended upon slow processes of growth for its constitutional development."[225-1] Enough that in our previous separate histories we have had constitutional conventions to draw up both national and state constitutions. Many men who have taken part in such conventions are now living. What we have acquired a habit of doing on a large scale, we can do again on a larger scale. Such representatives can construct, for submission to our voters, a framework of federal Pan-Angle government.
With the voters of the seven Pan-Angle nations rest the decisions of when and how our co-operation is to be accomplished. That it is to be accomplished many now earnestly believe. And of it many can now say, as did Washington in the American Constitutional Convention: "Let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair." Before that future constitutional convention can have been accomplished, men will have {226} gathered together the wisdom of the race, and will have drawn up a constitution better than any now in use. Voters from the ends of the earth will discuss what our governmental framework should be, and, although our statesmen will act the major parts, we may agree with Burke: "I have never yet seen any plan which has not been mended by the observations of those who were much inferior in understanding to the person who took the lead in the business."[226-1]
What is desirable in this federation to preserve ourselves from the menace of other civilizations? How shall we balance our powers to ensure freedom to the individual and freedom to local groups to follow their individual yearnings with safety to them and to us all? How shall we bind ourselves for that all-time, the indefinite future, so that we shall be gladly bound, and yet be freemen still? "If, . . . in the famous words of Lincoln, we as a body in our minds and hearts 'highly resolve' to work for the general recognition: by society of the binding character of international duties and rights as they arise within the Anglo-Saxon group, we shall not resolve in vain. A mere common desire may seem an intangible instrument, and yet, intangible as it is, it may be enough to form the beginning of what in the end can make the whole difference."[226-2]
[207-1] A. L. Burt,Imperial Architects, Oxford, 1913, p. 86.
[209-1] A. L. Burt,Imperial Architects, Oxford, 1913, p. 125.
[210-1] Richard Jebb,Colonial Nationalism, London, 1905, p. 336: "The imperial city shall lose her pride of place. In another seagirt isle, by the margin of the Pacific. . . . sleeps a fair city." According to Mrs. Henshaw, F.R.G.S., inUnited Empire, London, January 1914, p. 80, Vancouver Island was named by Sir Francis Drake, 1579, New Albion.
[210-2] Arésuméof projects for Britannic federation is given in A. L. Burt,Imperial Architects, Oxford, 1913, pp. 152-195; the necessity of, and possible transitional stages on the way towards, federation are discussed,ibid., pp. 196-225.
[210-3] Richard Jebb,Studies in Colonial Nationalism, London, 1905; andThe Britannic Question, London, 1913.
[210-4] A.L. Burt,Imperial Architects, Oxford, 1913, p. 147.
[211-1]Ibid., Introduction by H. E. Egerton, p. vi.
[212-1] Arthur Murphy,The Works of Cornelius Tacitus, London, 1793, vol. iv. p. 17.
[213-1] H. E. Egerton,Federations and Union within the British Empire, Oxford, 1911, p. 183.
[213-2] W. B. Worsfold,The Union of South Africa, London, 1912, p. 104.
[213-3]Ency. Brit., vol. xxv. p. 475.
[214-1]A Review of the Present Mutual Relations of the BritishSouth African Colonies, to which is appended a Memorandum onSouth African Railway Unification, "Printed by Authority"[Johannesburg, 1907], p. 5.
[215-1] Quoted in Woodrow Wilson,Mere Literature, Boston, 1900, p. 149.
[215-2] Cf.ante, p. 121.
[216-1] The growth of inter-cantonal arbitration in Switzerland, leading to present federal court, is alluded to in Woodrow Wilson,The State, 1898, rev. ed., Boston, 1911, p. 328.
[216-2]Ency. Brit., vol. xxvii. p. 685.
[216-3]Ibid., vol. xxv. p. 482.
[216-4]Britannica Year Book, London, 1913, p. 664.
[217-1]The TimesWeekly Edition, London, January 9, 1914.
[218-1]The TimesWeekly Edition, London, December 19, 1913. Account of Speech of American Ambassador at dinner of the Institute of Journalists, London, December 13, 1913.
[218-2]United Empire, London, January 1914, p. 13.
[219-1] Woodrow Wilson,The State, 1898, Boston, rev. ed., 191, p. 139.
[221-1] The French Government Proclamations posted in Paris (in 1909) concerning the 14th of July called on all good citizens to help the government celebrate the day.
[221-2] W.T. Stead,The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes, London, 1902, p. 28.
[221-3]Ibid., pp. 24-29.
[223-1]Cf. R.M. Johnston in theNew York Times, November 16, 1913, p. 5; andRound Table, London, June 1913, pp. 572-583.
[223-2] British-Japanese treaty and French understanding.
[224-1] Woodrow Wilson,Mere Literature, Boston, 1900, p. 98.
[225-1] G.R. Parkin,Imperial Federation, London, 1892, p. 296.
[226-1] Quoted in Woodrow Wilson,Mere Literature, Boston, 1900, p. 152.
[226-2] Rt. Hon. Richard Burdon Haldane, Lord High Chancellor ofGreat Britain, before the American Bar Association, Montreal,September 1, 1913,Report of Thirty-Sixth Meeting of theAssociation, Baltimore, 1913, p. 416.
{227}
THE English-speaking peoples who govern themselves are faced by the not remote possibility of the destruction of one or more of their seven nations, should these nations be unable to co-operate. The destruction of anyone would be a loss to all the others. The destruction of one or more of these nations might carry in its turn the destruction of others—or all. If one of the densely populated and wealthy nations were overpowered, the others would be exposed to the greater risk of attack. If one of the less densely populated and less wealthy nations were destroyed, the race would be deprived of homes for its growing numbers. The Britannic nations and America have identical interests in the safety of each and everyone of these seven nations. The belief is here expressed that no co-operation short of unity of government will form an effective means of safeguarding the Pan-Angle civilization.
The danger to the Britannic nations was expressed in May 1911: "The truth is that the safety of the Imperial system cannot be maintained much longer by the arrangements which exist at present. No one, in the face of the facts brought {228} forward in this article, can believe that the need for national strength is disappearing. The British naval budget and the creation of the Dominion navies alone disprove it. Yet it is quite clear that Great Britain alone cannot indefinitely guarantee the Empire from disruption by external attack. The further one looks ahead the more obvious does this become. A nation of 45,000,000 souls, occupying a small territory and losing much of the natural increase in its population by emigration, cannot hope to compete in the long run even against single powers of the first magnitude—with Russia, for instance, with its 150,000,000 inhabitants, with America with its 90,000,000, with Germany with its 65,000,000, increasing by nearly a million a year, to say nothing of China with its 430,000,000 souls. Far less can if hope to maintain the dominant position it has hitherto occupied in the world, with a dozen new powers entering upon the scene. Each of these powers, of small account by itself, is already an important factor in the scale which measures the balance of power. And as they are steadily increasing in wealth and population, it is only a question of time before some of them will become first-class powers in their turn. What will be the position of the Empire then, if it has to depend upon the navy of England alone? Obviously the day must come when, if the Empire is to continue, it must be defended by the joint efforts of all its self-governing peoples."[228-1]
In March 1913 another Britannic writer states: "The urgency of the situation does not diminish. {229} Already, without striking a blow, Germany has practically detached the British navy from every sea except the North Sea—a result which no Englishman a few years ago would have believed to be possible in any circumstances whatever."[229-1]
The Britannic nations are not united in any single foreign policy. Hence they offer many opportunities for fatal discord. "It is simply impossible for the Dominions to set up independent foreign policies and independent defensive systems of their own without destroying the Empire, even if foreign powers refrain from attack. Suppose the present tendency carried to its logical conclusion. Instead of there being one government responsible for the safety of the Empire, there will be five. Each of these governments will be free to pursue any policy it likes, and each will have military or naval strength with which to back its policy. Each of them, therefore, may involve itself in war. And if the policy of one government, or the use it makes of its navy, does lead to war, what is to be the position? Are the other governments to be involved? The Dominions, not unreasonably, do not admit their responsibility for the policy of Great Britain, because they have no share in framing it. Is Great Britain to be responsible for the policy of the Dominions? Australia, for instance, is committed to the policy of Asiatic exclusion—a policy which may lead to international complications of the gravest kind."[229-2] Again, "Obviously, the principle of complete local autonomy, admirably as it works for the {230} internal politics of the Empire, cannot be applied to foreign affairs. The Empire will infallibly disappear if anyone of five governments can involve it in war."[230-1]
TheRound Tablearticle does not even consider the chance of war between Britannic nations. Doubtless the thought is so abhorrent that the possibilities which the facts present are often overlooked. Yet such possibilities do exist, and are added reasons for Britannic unity of government.
Whatever dangers threaten the Britannic nations, threaten also America. In some cases these dangers are indirect or seemingly remote, in others, more immediately pressing. Injury to any part of the race would be an injury to America. If the Britannic nations receive any substantial damage, America must face the world as the head naval power of the English-speaking civilization. It would succeed to all the responsibilities and difficulties of that position, and its ability to discharge that duty would have been diminished by whatever damage the Britannic nations had sustained.
War between any of the Britannic nations and America would be as fratricidal as that between any of the six Britannic nations. But the possibility of such a war, however abhorrent, is not to be ignored. America's population among the Pan-Angle nations soon will be approximated only by that of Canada. Rivalry between America and Canada would weaken the civilization in its population and wealth centre—its heart. If such rivalry should involve the clash of the six Britannic nations against America, the struggle {231} would be more stupendous than any the race has yet experienced.
All that is written as argument for closer union among the Britannic nations applies with equal force to a project intended to check the intra-racial struggles and safeguard the inter-racial security of our whole Pan-Angle civilization. The Pan-Angles have had their civil wars, both in and out of England: the English Civil War, the American Revolution, and the American Civil War. The Pan-Angles have had their foreign wars. They have outrun the Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and French. These struggles warn us to co-operate to avoid further civil wars and to meet the foreign wars to come.
The race centre has moved, as Franklin foresaw, across the Atlantic. Canada, reaching to the two oceans, is the keystone of the Britannic arch. Its population will soon exceed that of the British Isles, whether compared with the present or any future British Isles population now imaginable. A proposal to establish the Britannic capital in Canada commends itself to some who are anxious for Britannic closer union. This, however, concerns the political unity of only the smaller portion of the race. The Pan-Angle house would still be divided. The future will be better secured to the race if the seven nations, taking counsel together, build a common capital on that unfortified boundary between the two Atlantic-Pacific nations.
Bound into one federal body politic, the seven Pan-Angle nations would ensure to each of their component groups as final a sense of political security as any people have ever experienced {232} within the knowledge of history. We should doubtless prefer to enjoy such a security without entering into any political combination. Each nation desires to go its own gait, yielding no iota of its independence. Since we cannot do that in safety, it is better to be bound into a co-operative unity with our fellow Pan-Angles, than to run any risk of suffering the bondage of an alien government. Most of us have already tried federation and found it effective. The British Isles appears about to adopt it. While it makes for strength, it permits and encourages individual freedom and local self-government, essentials to Pan-Angle existence.
The reasons for federation are many, and the obstacles are not as great as those we have met and overcome in previous instances of like nature in our local histories.
Only a few reasons for federation have been here given. They are based on some of the reiterative similar facts which in our various local histories emphasize the same Pan-Angle principles. Many other reasons drawn from Pan-Angle experience will occur to the reader. He who wishes to see these arguments supplemented in the stories of the downfall of other civilizations can find much in non-Pan-Angle history to verify the theme of this book. But he will fail to find any case of the rule of one people over areas so extensive and so populous; he will fail to find free men so equal in freedom—religious, political, and personal. There are to-day over one hundred and forty-one millions of white, English-speaking, self-governing people, who are living witnesses that government of the {233} people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
For the citizens, and subject to their presentative sanction, the practice of representative government exists. The citizens do not exist for the sake of the government. To enlarge the sphere of the individual with due regard to the preservation of the group, Pan-Angles have used and proved the federal idea of government.
England gave us the tenets of presentative and representative control manifested in unitary governments. New England, beginning in the days of "The United Collonyes" of 1643, added to our English heritage the tenet of the co-existence of a federal common government and partner unitary governments. England is now merged into the nationality of the British Isles, and New England is merely a small corner of America. But the ideas they gave to us live wherever Pan-Angles talk of the safety of our civilization.
The success of our former attempts at lesser "closer unions," is the best evidence of our co-operative ability in the face of obstacles. American, Canadian, Australian, and South African experiences show how difficulties are overcome when the need is understood. Rhode Island held back—the last to enter the new America; Nova Scotia held back—the last willingly to enter the new Canada; Queensland held back—the last to enter the constitutional convention for the new Australia; and Natal held back—the last to support the new South Africa. Obstacles have always been present. They will arise in any effort for similar co-operations. But the common danger and common need is {234} enough to dispel the obstacles in the path of Pan-Angle federation.
Only by the force of public opinion do we accomplish our common intentions. We are slow to act politically. The refusal seven times repeated of the British Government to acknowledge New Zealand as within the Britannic world, and the long delayed start by America to build an Atlantic-Pacific canal are typical of all of us. But when our public desires are once formed they find a way to realization.
While we Pan-Angles wait, our rivals are growing stronger.
If anyone searches here for unfriendly criticism or disparagement, or for an ulterior motive in advocating such a federation, he will be disappointed or self-deceived. If he be an American who thinks he sees here a suggestion that the United States should assert the hidden might of her eighty odd millions of resourceful people to compel by diplomacy or tariffs such joint action; if he be a Britisher who thinks he sees here another pushing American plan of wider world control; if he be from one of the five new Britannic nations and guards jealously his own worthy pride of nationhood from the numerical domination of both the British Isles and America, and fears that his own nation's autonomy is covertly attacked—in any such case the reader, whoever he be, is wrong.
These pages are to tell Pan-Angles that their efforts will be wasted in any work not based on mutual respect and—may the word be used between men of a race who hesitate to show it—affection; to tell the Pan-Angle who has not {235} before realized it that we are all of the same race, hard fighters and firm friends; and to tell the men of each Pan-Angle nation that their system of individual representation, with primary and final control in the voters of the nation, is the race system. To the Pan-Angle reader, wherever he be, just around the corner or at the other side of the globe (which ought to be the same in this, our world), these pages are addressed in hopes of helping each of us better to understand each other, and to remind us how much we need each other's help.
This attempt to express ourselves in terms of ourselves may seem a trite treatise to those familiar with our history. The reason for saying trite things is lest we forget.
The federation of the Pan-Angles is, perhaps to many of us, the vision that is to become a reality as a result of this "Era of English-speaking Good Feeling." We have inherited not only lands but ideals from the men who fought for them, regardless of whether it was they or we, their children, who should inherit and enjoy them. To defend these lands, these ideals of personal freedom, and this language we speak, we once had unquestioned supremacy over the seas of the world. By a federation of the English-speaking white people of these seven nations, the control of the world and the self-control of our own citizens will again be in the certain care of the Pan-Angles.
"We sailed wherever ship can sail,We founded many a noble state;Pray God our greatness may not failThrough craven fear of being great."
[228-1]Round Table, London, May 1911, pp. 251-252.
[229-1] Richard Jebb,The Britannic Question, London, 1913, p. 258.
[229-2]Round Table, London, May 1911, pp. 252-253.
[230-1]Round Table, London, May 1911, pp. 253-254.
{236}
{237}
Aborigines, the, of Pan-Angle lands, 27, 135.
Adams, John,cited, 107.
Administration, the, 118.
Administrative control, 94, 111.
Africa.SeeSouth Africa.
Albany Conference, 184, 186, 187, 191.
Aliens, assimilation of, 25, 26.
Alliance stage in Pan-Angle relations, 181.
America.SeeUnited States.
American:
Characteristics, 51.
National language, 39, 40.
Nationhood demonstrated in the issue of the Civil War, 168.
People, the, 23.
States, combination between, 53, 179, 180.See also underUnited States.
American Ambassador, the,quoted, 36-37.
American Bar Association, 172, 226n.2.
American Civil War, 150, 166-168, 173; effect of, on the attitudes of the British Isles and the United States, 169-170.
American colonies, the, 8, 10, 11; commercial friction in, in the eighteenth century, 121.
American colonization, 51n.1; women's share in, 51and n.2.
American Revolution, the, 15, 114and n., 122, 161, 164, 174, 180; migrations incident to, 161-162.
Americanisms, 29.
Americans, defined, 84n.
Angles, the, 4, 5, 6.
Anglican, the term, 18.
Anglo-Japanese treaty, 145, 223.
Anglo-Saxon: the term considered, 18; element in United States government, the, 37.
Appeal Court, 90.
Arbitration courts, 121, 122, 175n.2, 215.
Arbitration treaty between America and the British Isles, 182n.2.
Asiatic:
Immigration, 125, 138.
Indian, the, 138.
Races, problem of, 27.
Australia, 16, 27, 79, 158.
Asiatic immigration, 125, 143-146passim, 158, 229.
Constitution, the, 98, 110and n., 112.
Federation in, 121, 168, 180.
Government, 112-113and n., 193.
Upper House, election to, 109.
Australian, characteristics of the, 52.
Barbados, suggestion from, for closer union between England and colonies, 184.
Bible, English version of, 28.
Boer War, the, 123, 213.
Boone, Daniel, 50.
Botha, General,quoted, 80.
Britain, early history of, 2et seq.
Britannic nations, the, 88; an alliance existent among, 181-183, 210; federation of, 208, 209, 210, 224; attitude of, in foreign policy, 229-230; and America, 230.
{238}
Britannica Year Book, 109.
British-American friendship, 174-175and n.2, 182-183.
British Columbia and Oriental immigration, 125, 144-146.
British Isles:
Ascendency, 170.
Colonies and federation, 189. attitude to Colonial question in the Cobden era and during the era of Gladstone, 163.
Constitution, 96et seq.
Defined, 83n.
Federal model for, the, 197.
Government, 62, 95, 111-115passim, 193; weakness of unitary system in, 195, 224; executive office during the American Revolution, 114.
Naval defence, 157-159, 228; Big Fleet policy, 127, 128, 154.
Parliament.See below.
Privy Council, Judicial Committee, 90, 91, 124.
British-Japanese treaty, 145, 223.
British North America Act, 85, 168.
British Parliament, 95; and the constitution, 96-98, 102, 103; development of, 57-58; now in essence unicameral, 58, 104.
American representatives in, suggested, 184.
Cabinet, the, 115.
General Election, 112.
Relations with the Colonial Governments, 85et seq.
British South African Company, 49.
Britons, the, 2; under Roman administration, 2-3.
Brown, John, and the abolition of slavery, 50.
Bryce, Lord, 176; on British-American friendship,quoted, 176-177;cited, 32;quoted, 101.
Buller, Charles, 162.
Burke, E.,cited, 11, 61;quoted, 94, 214-216, 226.
Cabot, John and Sebastian, 7n.1.
Caldecott, H.,English Colonization and Empire, quoted, 59, 87, 91, 172n.2.
Canada, 13, 16, 23, 79, 110, 133, 158, 169, 172and n.2, 180, 191, 230, 231.
Government, 193, 194.
Immigration, 24-25n.
Loyalist migrations into, during the American Revolution, 161-162.
Separation, the question of, 162, 163-164.
Upper House, election to, 109, 110.
Canadian Constitution, the, 98, 168.
Canadian Rebellion (1837), 15.
Cape Colony, native franchise in, 67.
Cape Times, quoted; 120n.1.
Carnarvon, Lord,cited, 123.
Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. Joseph,quoted, 87, 175; reply to SirWilfrid Laurier at Colonial Conference (1902), 181.
Chatham, Lord, 134, 174and n.
China, 140-142, 143, 228; civilization of, as a danger forPan-Angles, 141.
Choate, Joseph H.,quoted,176,n.
Churchill, Mr Winston,quoted,197, 201-202.
Civil discord as a danger for Pan-Angles, 120.
Cobden,cited, 163.
Colonial Conference (1902), the, 79, 85, 181-182.
Colonial government, inauguration of modern, 162.
Colonial independence, 170.
Colonial Office, the, 89.
Colonial representation favoured by Pownall and Franklin, 184n., 185, 187-189, 192, 199.
Colonies and possessions, distinction between, not appreciated by the rulers of England, 9-10, 13.
Colonization, by the Pan-Angles, 8, 51.
Commerce, competitions of, between nations, 121.
Common law of England and of Scotland, 67-68, 96, 97.
Conference of Education Associations, 216-217.
{239}
Congress and the American Constitution, 102-103.
Constitutional:
Government, 95.
Law, 97-98.
Constitutions, 60; as restrictions on the power of the people's representatives, 60.
American, 99et seq.
Ancient and modern compared, 95n.2.
British, 96et seq.
Written, 100, 105.
Converging tendency, 170, 173, 174.
Co-operation for protection of lands and trade, 46.
Corfield, Richard C., 49.
Court of Arbitration, 121, 122, 215.
Court of Appeal, 90.
Crown colonies, the, 16n.
Danes, the, 4, 5, 6.
Dangers to the Pan-Angle civilization, 120et seq., 227.
Civil discord, 120, 231.
Frictions, 121et seq.
Sense of security as a danger, 135-137.
Subject populations as a source of, 156.
Defoe, Daniel,quoted, 6.
Delegation, 194n.1.
Democracy, 63.
Dependencies, distinguished from colonies, 9, 91-93.
Devolution, 194and n.1.
Dewey, Admiral, 54.
Dilke'sGreater Britain, cited, 168.
Downing Street, 88, 89, 90, 125.
Dunraven, Lord, on the principles of Home Rule, 198.
Durham, Lord, Governor of Canada, 162.
East India Company, 162.
Education, 76-78.
Egerton, H. E.,Federation and Unions, quoted, 205n.
Election of representatives, the right of, 59.
Emerson,English Traits, quoted, 35, 191.
Emigration from Great Britain and Ireland, 22and n.
Empire, the term, considered, 15-16and nn., 88, 93.
England, the term, considered, 19.
England, 5; the Norman invasion, 5-6; in the Age of Discovery, 7; the union with Scotland, 10.
England and the American Colonies, 8, 10, 11, 177-179;Franklin's plans for closer union between, 184et seq.
England, modern area of, 48and n.1
English Civil War and law reform, 68.
English common law, 67et seq., 96, 97.
English, the term, considered, 18-19.
English language: the tie between Pan-Angles, 31-32, 39, 40; characteristics of, 33; development of, 28, 30, 33; standards in, 29; differences of dialect and colonization, 29; local variations of speech, 29, 30, 31; the written language, 31; place of, as a world language, 35; Americanisms, 29.
English-speaking peoples: the seven nations, 16et seq., 79et seq., 189; number of, 33and n.1 232; the assumption of superiority in, 35et seq.
European migrations into Britain, 2.
Executive control, 94, 111.
Federal courts, 102-103.
Federalism, 200, 224.
Federated Malay States, the, 13, 14, 200n.1.
Federation, 200n.1, 232; evolution of, 205.
Federation of Pan-Angles, considered,93, 129-130, 203, 206et seq., 227et seq.; methods of, 208-209; plans for, 210et seq.; arbitration as leading to, 216; conferences as stepping-stones to, 216-217; educative influences as factors in, 218-220, 221-222; facilities for communication as a factor in promoting, 217; voluntary {240} associations for promotion of, 218-220; defensive efforts previous to, 222-223.
Forbes, W. C.,quoted, 92.
Foreign alliances, 223.
Foreign immigration and the Pan-Angle lands, 24, 25.
France, 131, effect of the Seven Years War on, 178; oversea possessions of, 132-133; regarded by British Isles as an effective ally, 133; holds no true colonies, 133.
Franklin, Benjamin, on colonial representation in the British Parliament, 184,n., 185, 192, 199; scheme of, for Pan-Angle union, 184-191passim; a hoax by, 187n.2;quoted, 34, 53;cited, 12, 61, 173, 210, 231.
French and British in North America, characteristics of, 51.
French language, the, 34.
Galloway, Pennsylvanian loyalist,cited, 11;quoted, 12.
Germanic tribes, early system of government in, 54-55.
Germany, 131, 138, 142, 143, 229; as a rival of the Pan-Angles, 152-156, 158, 228; rise of, 154; bureaucracy in, 155.
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E.,cited, 163.
Government, different significations of the word in England andUnited States, 118.
Government, ultimate control of, with the voters, 94, 95.
Non-unitary, 6, 193.
Unitary, 194. inadequacy of, 195.
Governmental practices, 94et seq.
Governments: complementary functions in, 170; presentative and representative, 61, 62, 63.
Governors, the British, 86, 87, 108-109n.; the power of veto of, 86, 87, 89.
Grant, President, 167, 169,
Grey, Sir Edward, 152.
Hague Tribunal, the, 121-122.
Haldane, Lord,quoted, 226and n.2.
Hamilton, Alexander, 117.
Hardinge, Lord,cited, 120n.1.
Hawaiian Islands, the, 143, 144.
Hay-Pauncefoote treaty, 128.
Hindus, 125n.1.
Holland, 131; oversea possessions of, 132and n.2.
Home Rule, 165and n.1, 198.
House of Commons, 57, 58, 95, 97, 104, 108.
House of Lords, 57and n.6, 58, 59, 90, 104, 108.
Howe, Joseph, 191.
Howe, Lord, 178and n.
Howe, Sir William, 178n.
Hudson's Bay Company, 49.
Hutchinson,quoted, 9.
Imperial Civil War, the.SeeAmerican Revolution.
Imperial Defence Committee, 90, 91.
Imperial Federation, 15-16.
Joseph Howe's statement, 191.
Imperial Parliament, 88. India, 8, 9, 13, 16n., 178.
Individualism of the Pan-Angles, 40, 47et seq., 154; and the gift for combining, 52; and territorial acquisition, 48; and personal liberty, 50; in religion, 73-75.
Initiative, 60.
International arbitration, 121, 122, 175n.2, 215.
International postal arrangements, 217.
Ireland and the Irish question, 13, 164and n.4, 165, 197, 198; union with Great Britain, 192.
Japan, 139, 142-143; rise of, as a world power, 142, 147, 149, 152; the increasing population and the search for land, 143-144.
Japanese migration and Pan-Angle lands, 144-146, 151; AdmiralMahan on, 147et seq.; the question of assimilation, 149-151.
Japanese treaty with Great Britain, 145, 223.
Jefferson, Thomas, 107, 126.
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Jenks, E.,The Future Of British Law, quoted, 68, 70,
Johnson, Dr.,quoted, 38.
Johnston, Sir H, H.,cited, 132n.1, 153.
Jutes, the, 4.
Land and the standard of living, 42et seq.; co-operation for protection of, 46.
Language of the Pan-Angles, growth of, 28.
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid,quoted, 80, 86, 181.
Law in the Pan-Angle nations, 67et seq.
Lee, Robert E., 167.
Legislative control, 94, 108.
Le Rossignol and Stewart,State Socialism In New Zealand, quoted, 53n.
Leroy-Beaulieu, P.,Les Etats-Unis au Vingtième Siècle, cited, 51n.
Lincoln, President, 27n.1, 150, 166-167, 168, 226.
Local autonomy, 161, 172, 200, 229.
Lodge, H. C.,One Hundred Years of Peace, cited, 123.
Louisiana, 133.
Lourenço Marques, 132n.1.
Magna Carta, 53, 63.
Mahan, Admiral, 32;quotedon Japan among the Nations, 146et seq.
Malay Peninsula, Federated States, the, 13, 14, 200n.1.
Marriage and divorce laws, 71-73; local laws, 72.
Maryland-Virginia, Conference (1785), 26.
Massachusetts: settlement of, 8; the Taunton liberty pole, 10, 11; during the Seven Years War, 134, 178, 179.
Mayflower, the, 29, 100.
Mill, J.S.,The Subjection of Women, quoted, 73.
Milner, Lord,quoted, 86; on the federation of the Empire,quoted, 188, 201.
Modyford, Colonel Thomas, 184.
Monroe doctrine, the, 125-128, 154.
Monroe, President, 126, 127.
Moore, W. H.,The Constitution of the Commonwealth ofAustralia, cited, 83n.1.
Natal, 233
Asiatic Indians in, 123-124.
Zulu rebellion in, 123.
National Church, 74.
Native franchise question in South Africa, 66.
Naval co-operation between the Pan-Angle countries, 158-159, 223.
Naval expansion, effect on Great Britain, 157-158.
Naval strength, importance of, to the Pan-Angles, 157, 158;Colonial efforts for, 158, 182.
Negro problem, 27.
Slavery and the War of Secession, 150, 166.
Suffrage, 66-67.
Nelson, 54.
New England, the town meeting in, 59-61; union of the Colonies in, 203-205, 233.
Newfoundland, 7, 16, 81, 161. Constitution of, 99, 110.
New Guinea, 48.
New Zealand, 13, 16, 48, 61, 81-82, 143-146passim, 158, 234.
Constitution of, 99, 110.
Government of, 193, 194.
House of Representatives, method of election to the UpperHouse, 60, 109, 110.
Resolutions against Judicial Committee of the Privy Council,124.
State Socialism in, 53and n.
Norman Conquest, the, 5-6, 56.
Norsemen, the, 4.
North America: the struggle for, 178, 179; the centre ofPan-Angle civilization, 191.
Nova Scotia, 233.
Oliver, F. S.,Alexander Hamilton, quoted, 86, 88, 89, 115n.
Otis, of Massachusetts,cited, 11.
Page, Ambassador,cited, 217, 218n.
Panama Canal tolls, 125, 128.
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Pan-Angle, Pan-Angles:
Alliances of, with former competitors, 133.
Characteristics of, 47.
gift for combining, 52.
Civilization, character of, 41.
Clamour for local autonomy, 200.
Communities, tendency to separation latent in, 164-165.
Converging tendency among, 173et seq.
Defined, 17-18, 28.
Equality of citizenship in, 11, 13.
Federation of, considered, 93, 129-130, 203, 206et seq., 227et seq.
Governments, 108, 193.
History, commencement of, 7.
Language of, 28.
Law among the, 67et seq.
Nations:
area of, 81n.1.
attitude to Japanese immigration, 144et seq.
dependencies of, 91-93.
friendship and alliance among, 183.
mutual criticism between, 32-33.
naval co-operation between, 158-159, 223.
population of, 81n.1.
similarity in forms of government, 94.
Origin of, 1et seq., 6.
People, the, 22et seq.
Pioneers, methods of, 48.
Standard of living, 40, 41, 42, 44.
Struggle for world domination, 133-135.
Struggles with other civilizations, 43, 44, 130et seq.
Territories:
acquisition of by, 43, 44.
area of, 48and n.1.
Women, 51and n.2.
Papua, 9.
Parliament, British.See underBritish.
Patriotism and federation, 206-208.
Peel, Sir Robert, 112.
Penington, Isaac, 57n.4.
People, the, similarity of, in the Pan-Angle nations, 21, 23.
Perry, Admiral, 142.
Philippines, the, 9, 143.
Pitt, William.SeeChatham.
Political combinations preservative of individualism, 54.
Political good feeling, 177.
Political status of the six nations, 84et seq.
Pollock and Maitland,History of English Law, cited, 63.
Popular election, 112.
Population of the Pan-Angle nations, 81n.1.
Portugal, 131, 153.
Oversea possessions of, 132 _and n._1.
Possessions as distinguished from colonies, 9.
Pownall, C. A. W.,Thomas Pownall, 134, 152,
Pownall, Governor Thomas, views of, on colonial representation, 187-188, 189;cited, 12, 61, 187, 190;quoted, 45, 51, 52, 178, 179.
Presentative element in British government, the, 58.
Presentative government in the Pan-Angle nations, 55, 56, 61; tendency towards an increase in, 62,
Privy Council, Judicial Committee of, 90-91, 124.
Queensland, 233.
Quoted passages, meaning of terms in, 19n.1
Recall, 60, 62.
Referendum, 60, 61.
Reform Bill (1832), 50, 112.
Religion and individualism, 73-75.
Representation: difficulties attendant upon, 60; not in itself enough for Pan-Angles, 200.
Representative government, development of, 54, 56-58; transplantation of, to the colonies, 58, 59.
Representative, a, not necessarily chosen by the people he represents, 59; chosen by elections and referenda, 95.
Rhode Island, 233.
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Rhodes, Cecil J., 149,172; interest in the Irish question, 202and n.2; views of, as to federation, 202, 203;quoted, on English-speaking reunion, 190; the Rhodes' Scholarships, 221, 222.
Roman administration of Britain, 2-3.
Roman Empire population, 17and n.
Roosevelt, President, 171and n.2.
Royal Colonial Institute, 168and n.
Rushworth,quoted, 40.
Russia, 138-139, 142; growth of, significance for Pan-Angle civilization, 139, 142, 228; checked by Japan, 139.
Saxons, the, 4, 5, 6.
Scotland, union with England, 10.
Scots, the, Goldwin Smithquotedon, 36.
Sea power, importance of, to the Pan-Angles, 157, 158.
Seeley, J. R.,Expansion of England, cited and quoted, 88, 92, 134, 160, 168.
Self-government, 8, 9, 120, 172, 201; effect of failure to distinguish between self-governing and non-self-governing areas, 13-16; and the right of the British Government, 85and n., 89et seq.; effect of improper check to, 161; principles of, violated in the British system, 196.
Sentiment and government, 183.
Separation, the tendency to, 160et seq., 173.
Seven English-speaking nations, the, 16et seq., 79et seq., 189.
Seven Years War, 134, 178.
Shakespeare,cited, 28, 29.
Shelburne, Lord, 174.
Shirley, Governor, 185, 199.
Silburn, P. A.,The Governance of Empire, quoted, 204,n.
Slavery, the abolition of, 50, 84, 150, 166.
Smith, Goldwin,quoted, 36, 150;cited, 164.
South Africa, 13, 16, 23, 80, 121, 172, 180.
South Africa:
Asiatic Indians in, 120and n., 123-124, 158.
British Government and the internal affairs of, 123, 213.
Chinese indentured labour in, 123.
Constitution of, 99, 110.
Emancipation of slaves in, 84.
Government, 193.
Law in, 69.
Natives and the franchise in, 66-67.
South African Provinces, convergences of, 168.
South African Railway Rates Conference (1908), 216.
South African War, 172, 174, 182.
Spain and her possessions, 131.
Spreading: the tendency to, in Pan-Angle history, 100-161, 172.
State Church, the, 74.
Stead, W. T.,cited, 190.
Suffrage, the, 63,et seq.
Local differences in, 64-65.
Local option, 65.
Negro, 66-67.
Sex disqualification, the, 64.
Switzerland, Inter-cantonal, arbitration in, 216.
Taft, W. H.,Popular Government, cited, 60n.3; quoted, 65.
Taunton liberty pole, the, 10, 11.
Taxation and representation, 12, 13, 209.
Tendencies, 160et seq.
Revealed in Pan-Angle history, 160.
Teutonic: invasion of Britain, 4; system of government, 113-114, 116, 117.
Texas, 49n.1, 82.
Thayer, J. B.,John Marshall, quoted, 102, 103.
Times, The, quoted, 120n.1.
Transvaal, 138.
Indian question, 125.
Transvaal Leader, cited, 132n.1.
Trusts or combinations, 52.
Unconstitutional: different meanings of the word in GreatBritain and in United States, 104-108.
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United Empire, 168n.2.
United States, the, 1, 9, 16, 45, 83n.2, 178, 179, 180, 228.See also underAmerican.
Administration, the.SeeGovernment.
Centralization, the demand for, in, 170.
Colonies, federal government of, 189.
Conference of Governors in, 171and n.2, 172.
Conservation in, 171.
Electoral College, 106, 111and n., 112.
Executive, the, 116.
Federal Constitution of, 99-103passim, 106, 107, 109andn.
Federal Government of, 90, 111-118passim, 170-172, 189,193, 200-201.
Immigration, 22, 23, 24n.1.
Law in, similar to the law of England, 70; appointment of thejudiciary, 114.
President, the, 62, 101,114, 116, 117; election of, 111; andadministrative subordinates, 117.
Secession movement in, 165; sacrifices to preserve the Union,168, 173; the War of Secession, 150, 166-168, 172, 174.
Senators, indirect election of, 60.
State governments in, 65, 114.
States rights, the demand for, 170.
United States:Upper House, election to, 109, 110.
United States and British Isles, effect of federation on sources of disagreement between, 125et seq.; treaties between, 182-183.
United States and the Britannic nations, 182, 230-231.
Vancouver Island, 210n.
Virginia, settlement of, 8.
The House of Assembly in, 9, 59.
Voltaire, treatise on Toleration,cited, 34.
Washington, George,cited, 107;quoted, 225.
Webster, Noah, 34.
William the Conqueror, 5, 55.
Willson, Beckles,The Great Company, cited, 49n.2.
Wilson, Governor (of Kentucky), 171n.2.
Wilson, Woodrow,Mere Literature, quoted, 95, 166-168;TheState, quoted, 107, 114n., 118n.
Witenagamot, the, 55, 57, 61.
Women's share in American colonization, 51and n.2.
Worsfold, W. B.,The Union of South Africa, quoted, 67, 69.
Yellow races, the, 140et seq.
[Illustration: Pan-Angles World Map]
[Transcriber's Notes:
All spellings have been preserved as printed. The appearance of [sic] is as printed in the source book.
Footnotes have been numbered as "ppp-nn", where "ppp" is the page number and "nn" is the footnote's number on that page. This matches the original Index entries.
Footnote 30-1 was not numbered in the source book, nor was there a referring footnote number in the source text on page 30. ]