1In passing through Mexico Señor Corcuera found so much cloth from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese were greater and more exacting—not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies.” (La Concepción,Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).2Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of the Parián, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepción says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands—too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.3This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldía of La Lacuna, and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him—which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.4Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.5The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source.6Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan (the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.7A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pásig.8According to Diaz’s account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz attempted to seize Corcuera’s person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, “aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl.” Olaso was soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless—an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, “since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the Parián.”9Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.10Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives within the convent, “which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians.”11“In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them.” (Diaz, p. 413.)12Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; “they killed a great many Chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed.”13“By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city.” (Diaz, p. 412).14Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only.15“On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the Sangleys in them—although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed.” (Diaz, p. 412).16“They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons” (Diaz, p. 413).17See p. 156 and note 31,ante.18Diaz’s figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). “In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded 500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked.”19“The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess.” (Diaz, p. 412).20The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original MS.21“On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga with a large reënforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers.” (Diaz, p. 415.)22Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed.23“On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys—of whom they slew seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men.” (Diaz, p. 418).24Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese from their camp with his Indian archers—the Spanish troops seconding the attack of the Indians.25“Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching.” (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name asImperata arundinacea.26This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri—incorrectly made Esbín by Diaz’s editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.27The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of “mandarin,” which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i, p. 326): “The wordmandarin, derived from the Portuguesemandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere.” See his account of the Chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the Chinese people (pp. 322–352); also Winterbotham’s description of the “mandarins of arms,” or military officers, in hisChinese Empire, ii, pp. 8–10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, inVOL. XIXof this series, p. 44.28“For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh.” (Diaz, p. 427).29“Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day.” (Diaz, p. 423.)30In the MS. here and elsewhere, “S. Paloc”—evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.31In Diaz, “Tabuco, a visita of Quingua.”32Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards, and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.33In the MS.,guerra; probably a transcriber’s conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requiresfuerza—referring to the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pásig River.34According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.
1In passing through Mexico Señor Corcuera found so much cloth from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese were greater and more exacting—not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies.” (La Concepción,Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).2Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of the Parián, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepción says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands—too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.3This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldía of La Lacuna, and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him—which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.4Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.5The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source.6Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan (the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.7A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pásig.8According to Diaz’s account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz attempted to seize Corcuera’s person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, “aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl.” Olaso was soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless—an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, “since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the Parián.”9Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.10Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives within the convent, “which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians.”11“In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them.” (Diaz, p. 413.)12Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; “they killed a great many Chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed.”13“By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city.” (Diaz, p. 412).14Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only.15“On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the Sangleys in them—although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed.” (Diaz, p. 412).16“They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons” (Diaz, p. 413).17See p. 156 and note 31,ante.18Diaz’s figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). “In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded 500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked.”19“The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess.” (Diaz, p. 412).20The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original MS.21“On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga with a large reënforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers.” (Diaz, p. 415.)22Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed.23“On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys—of whom they slew seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men.” (Diaz, p. 418).24Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese from their camp with his Indian archers—the Spanish troops seconding the attack of the Indians.25“Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching.” (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name asImperata arundinacea.26This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri—incorrectly made Esbín by Diaz’s editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.27The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of “mandarin,” which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i, p. 326): “The wordmandarin, derived from the Portuguesemandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere.” See his account of the Chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the Chinese people (pp. 322–352); also Winterbotham’s description of the “mandarins of arms,” or military officers, in hisChinese Empire, ii, pp. 8–10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, inVOL. XIXof this series, p. 44.28“For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh.” (Diaz, p. 427).29“Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day.” (Diaz, p. 423.)30In the MS. here and elsewhere, “S. Paloc”—evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.31In Diaz, “Tabuco, a visita of Quingua.”32Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards, and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.33In the MS.,guerra; probably a transcriber’s conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requiresfuerza—referring to the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pásig River.34According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.
1In passing through Mexico Señor Corcuera found so much cloth from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese were greater and more exacting—not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies.” (La Concepción,Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).2Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of the Parián, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepción says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands—too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.3This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldía of La Lacuna, and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him—which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.4Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.5The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source.6Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan (the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.7A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pásig.8According to Diaz’s account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz attempted to seize Corcuera’s person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, “aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl.” Olaso was soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless—an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, “since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the Parián.”9Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.10Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives within the convent, “which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians.”11“In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them.” (Diaz, p. 413.)12Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; “they killed a great many Chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed.”13“By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city.” (Diaz, p. 412).14Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only.15“On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the Sangleys in them—although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed.” (Diaz, p. 412).16“They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons” (Diaz, p. 413).17See p. 156 and note 31,ante.18Diaz’s figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). “In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded 500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked.”19“The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess.” (Diaz, p. 412).20The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original MS.21“On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga with a large reënforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers.” (Diaz, p. 415.)22Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed.23“On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys—of whom they slew seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men.” (Diaz, p. 418).24Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese from their camp with his Indian archers—the Spanish troops seconding the attack of the Indians.25“Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching.” (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name asImperata arundinacea.26This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri—incorrectly made Esbín by Diaz’s editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.27The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of “mandarin,” which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i, p. 326): “The wordmandarin, derived from the Portuguesemandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere.” See his account of the Chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the Chinese people (pp. 322–352); also Winterbotham’s description of the “mandarins of arms,” or military officers, in hisChinese Empire, ii, pp. 8–10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, inVOL. XIXof this series, p. 44.28“For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh.” (Diaz, p. 427).29“Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day.” (Diaz, p. 423.)30In the MS. here and elsewhere, “S. Paloc”—evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.31In Diaz, “Tabuco, a visita of Quingua.”32Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards, and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.33In the MS.,guerra; probably a transcriber’s conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requiresfuerza—referring to the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pásig River.34According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.
1In passing through Mexico Señor Corcuera found so much cloth from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese were greater and more exacting—not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies.” (La Concepción,Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).2Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of the Parián, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepción says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands—too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.3This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldía of La Lacuna, and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him—which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.4Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.5The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source.6Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan (the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.7A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pásig.8According to Diaz’s account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz attempted to seize Corcuera’s person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, “aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl.” Olaso was soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless—an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, “since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the Parián.”9Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.10Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives within the convent, “which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians.”11“In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them.” (Diaz, p. 413.)12Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; “they killed a great many Chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed.”13“By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city.” (Diaz, p. 412).14Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only.15“On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the Sangleys in them—although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed.” (Diaz, p. 412).16“They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons” (Diaz, p. 413).17See p. 156 and note 31,ante.18Diaz’s figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). “In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded 500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked.”19“The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess.” (Diaz, p. 412).20The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original MS.21“On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga with a large reënforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers.” (Diaz, p. 415.)22Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed.23“On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys—of whom they slew seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men.” (Diaz, p. 418).24Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese from their camp with his Indian archers—the Spanish troops seconding the attack of the Indians.25“Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching.” (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name asImperata arundinacea.26This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri—incorrectly made Esbín by Diaz’s editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.27The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of “mandarin,” which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i, p. 326): “The wordmandarin, derived from the Portuguesemandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere.” See his account of the Chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the Chinese people (pp. 322–352); also Winterbotham’s description of the “mandarins of arms,” or military officers, in hisChinese Empire, ii, pp. 8–10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, inVOL. XIXof this series, p. 44.28“For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh.” (Diaz, p. 427).29“Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day.” (Diaz, p. 423.)30In the MS. here and elsewhere, “S. Paloc”—evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.31In Diaz, “Tabuco, a visita of Quingua.”32Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards, and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.33In the MS.,guerra; probably a transcriber’s conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requiresfuerza—referring to the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pásig River.34According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.
1In passing through Mexico Señor Corcuera found so much cloth from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese were greater and more exacting—not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies.” (La Concepción,Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).
2Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of the Parián, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepción says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands—too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.
3This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldía of La Lacuna, and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him—which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.
4Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.
5The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source.
6Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan (the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.
7A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pásig.
8According to Diaz’s account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz attempted to seize Corcuera’s person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, “aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl.” Olaso was soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless—an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, “since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the Parián.”
9Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.
10Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives within the convent, “which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians.”
11“In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them.” (Diaz, p. 413.)
12Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; “they killed a great many Chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed.”
13“By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city.” (Diaz, p. 412).
14Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only.
15“On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the Sangleys in them—although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed.” (Diaz, p. 412).
16“They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons” (Diaz, p. 413).
17See p. 156 and note 31,ante.
18Diaz’s figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). “In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded 500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked.”
19“The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess.” (Diaz, p. 412).
20The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original MS.
21“On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga with a large reënforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers.” (Diaz, p. 415.)
22Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed.
23“On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys—of whom they slew seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men.” (Diaz, p. 418).
24Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese from their camp with his Indian archers—the Spanish troops seconding the attack of the Indians.
25“Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching.” (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name asImperata arundinacea.
26This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri—incorrectly made Esbín by Diaz’s editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.
27The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of “mandarin,” which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i, p. 326): “The wordmandarin, derived from the Portuguesemandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere.” See his account of the Chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the Chinese people (pp. 322–352); also Winterbotham’s description of the “mandarins of arms,” or military officers, in hisChinese Empire, ii, pp. 8–10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, inVOL. XIXof this series, p. 44.
28“For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh.” (Diaz, p. 427).
29“Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day.” (Diaz, p. 423.)
30In the MS. here and elsewhere, “S. Paloc”—evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.
31In Diaz, “Tabuco, a visita of Quingua.”
32Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards, and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.
33In the MS.,guerra; probably a transcriber’s conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requiresfuerza—referring to the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pásig River.
34According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.