[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO][FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſtode Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo.Antonio Pigafeta,1patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],2to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,3renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.4Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmoet exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdomonsor.francochieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL epistodi aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mareocceanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comrede sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopavna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qide ſoto intendera v exasa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandolaquando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna gracami donno et recomando.Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,5with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),6and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,7who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship,I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.8Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,9a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”],10[who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure,11finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement,12you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, althoughyou are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.13Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno altofuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqiſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eLvento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa    Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi    Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj    Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la panel principio de la nocte    La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La tanel fine    tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli    el poera del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo todel maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capogenneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri.The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.14These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they callfarol.15He always carried thatfarolset at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and calledspartorope16which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together.If he showed two lights besides that of thefarol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall.17If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;18after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.19Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.20When he desired to alter his course, he showed two;21and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight,22and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master.23Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.24Luni a x d̃ agusto gode ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi    Poi venirono ad un altoq̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle    ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqiꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capiꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcunecoſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capogenneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto.On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,25(and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.26Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.27It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port.28From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.29Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish30[providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any31woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose    poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni    Sapera vr̃a IlLmasa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de altahabondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano.We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.32On the 26th33of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood.34We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso35to get pitch,36staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];37but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.38Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqiJnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão    quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqinoſtiq̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqichiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto.At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south,39and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus formany days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.40Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,41before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked,42all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious.43When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes calledtiburoni[i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,44although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night,45with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour46blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm.47Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo.    vn altra quando la femina vol far lioui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li altivcelli et nõ de altoSi como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad altivcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello    anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alticongregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola.I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the femalewishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.48Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Stoauguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne    ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati    ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini    ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate.    qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi    et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta luciaet in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li altiquãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle.After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west49until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin50which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of theanta,51which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.52For a king of diamonds [danari],53which is a playing card, they gave me 654fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day,and on that day had the sun on the zenith;55and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.56Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissaet piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme.    e deL re de portugalo    li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Laltoa legni groſſi    fanno foco infra eſſi in tera    in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore    anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra    queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere    ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte.    vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi    Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro.    fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua mortoSuo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deLſuofigliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala.    qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny    Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono:doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri    portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich    anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gatimaimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima    fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta.    hanno porci q̃ ſopaLa ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga    ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna    Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito    de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi    le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandissopiacere vederli    Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida    era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quandoajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia    queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ.That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,57put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,58and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years.59They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they callboii60and sleep in cotton hammocks calledamache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of thoseboii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,61and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,62hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.63Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,64who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed herson, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,65he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio,66who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are:doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,67have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,68while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots,and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful.69They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.70They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,71and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.72The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.73The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.74But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure75to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76It had been about two months since it had rained inthat land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.77Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno    Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ altoſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito    ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supala camera deL maiſtoet victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo.At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.78One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action.79Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin.AL miglio.MaizAlla farina.huiAL hamo.pindaAL cortellotacseAl petinechigapAlla forficepirameAL ſonaglioJtanmaraczBuono piu q̃ bonotum maragathumSome words of those people of Verzin80For Milletmaizfor Flourhuifor Fishhookpindafor Knifetacsefor Combchigapfor Scissorspiramefor BellitanmaracaGood, bettertum maragathumSteſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera    ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume deacqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li altisuoi    haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li altiportoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dentonella terra ꝓ paura de noi    Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno    fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi.    in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle.    ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de stamaria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui.We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees81toward the Antarctic Pole,where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends.82He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width.83A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.84Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue    Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale.    nõ volano et viueno de peſe    eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſicomo viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi    nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele.    le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie    Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et stachiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna.Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves.85Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf,with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.Partendone de qiariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe    quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capogñalle    Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello    Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqicapili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho.    era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme    el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, legambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui    ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn altapietra. Lo capogenneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quatode li noſtihomini ꝓ terra    da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſtiet mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati    Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſticorſe doue ſtauano li altiSe miſſeno in fila tuti nudi    ariuando li noſtia eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa    li noſtili feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto.    queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando levedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati    anno le tete longue mozo brazo.    ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre    menavano quatode qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino    poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze.    li noſtine canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj.Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.86We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,87singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same, actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet into the presence of the captain-general. When the giant was in the captain-general’s and our presence, he marveled greatly,88and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.89He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That animal has a head and ears as large as those of amule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.90His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.91In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,92and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.93The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink, and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four94of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were, who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them, they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made from the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had nothing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter arenot so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their husbands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. They led four of those young animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals.Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia    haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſtipima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſtiet dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capogñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li altiet tanto trata bile et gratioſo.    ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouanicomo nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima.    poi eL capogñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui    ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capogñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li altima piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy.Six days after the above, a giant painted95and clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,96and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When the captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. He was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths97and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni.He uttered [the words] “Jesu,” “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and “Jovani” [i.e., John97as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captain-general, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us.Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quatode queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente    JL capogenneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se altamente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta    ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqiſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capogñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li altiduy voleuano ajutarli    ma iL caponõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciualaſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi    Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capopur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli altidui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſtidoue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza    ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto    Laltotanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſtilo ferirono vn pocho ſopala teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li altiduy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora    ma ne lalba parloro ale donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece.    laltomenaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori    quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via    li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire    quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della.    li noſtiſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata    Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere.A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them—the youngest and best proportioned—by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.98Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us.99The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.100He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrappedabout them with their hands.101The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly forSetebos102to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured103was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women, and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.104The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman105that night, but determined to sleep there,for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,106but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke107to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.108Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives.Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano certi cardi    Quando li dole eL capo Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela nr̃a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua paſſione    anno li capeli tagliati cõ la quierega amodo de frati ma piu longui cõ vno cordonnedi bambaso intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le freze quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ lo grandiſsimo fredo.    Quando more vno de queſti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti    ne vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu grande gridando et facendo piu grã feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno    quiamano eL demonio magior ſetebos ali alticheleulle anchora coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto li demonj con dui corni in teſta et peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo    JL capogñale nomino queſti populi patagoni    tutti ſe veſtino de la pelle de qello animale gia deto    nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la quiamão chapae    ogni vno de li dui q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata mezo ſechio de hacqua et mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli.When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,109they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more110and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it isleft longer;111and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head, to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.112When one of those people die, x or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others, and he cries out and rejoices more.113They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,114and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.115They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no houses except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani116do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae.117Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them.Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃a IlLmasane ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le altre quatonaue ordinorono vno tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capogenneralle et queſti erano eL vehadorede Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL theſorero alouise de mendoſa eL contadore anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada et ſquartato eL veador de li homini fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento    de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada ꝓ voler fare vno altotradimẽto fo ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera patagonia.    eL Capogenerale nõ volſe far lo amazare perche Lo imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto capoVna naue chiamata ſancto Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la coſta Se perſe    tucti li homini Si ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ bagniandoſſe apenna    dui de queſti venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el tuto ꝓ il que eL capogñale ge mando alguni homini cõ ſacqipienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in machioni nõ trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon giaçio il que ne era grandisima fatiga.    Jn queſto porto era aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le chiamano missiglioni    haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le poteuano mangiare    ancho ſe trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri    Qui in cima deL piu alto monte drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte de xo.In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months.118Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of thefleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.119A ship called “Sancto Jacobo” was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,120or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.121There were very many long shellfish which are calledmissiglioni122in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,123foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ].Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno terſo al antartico trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi ſancti le ajutarono    Jn Queſto fiume tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame.    era molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe partiſſemo de qui eL capogenneralle et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et Comunicaſsemo Como veri chriſtianni.Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third124degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies125aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.126Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.127Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL giorno delle vndici millia vergine vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle chiamão capo dele vndici millia vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a referire in vno altomare chiamato mar pacificho circundato da mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 braza et ſe non era eL capitanio gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et diceuamo como era ſerato tuto intorno.    ma iL capitano gñale q̃ ſapeua de douer fare la ſua nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo como vite nela theſoraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella exelentiſſimo huomo martin de boemia Mando due naui Sto. anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la capitania Se chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo adaſpectarle dentone la baya    La nocte ne souravenne vna grande fortuna q̃ duro fino al altomezo Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et dela per la baia    a le altre due naui li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna boca picola q̃ no [paſaua:crossed out in original MS.] pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno altoſtretto et vnaltabaya piu grande q̃ le due pime    molto alegri subito voltor̃o Jndrieto ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La fortuna grande. Laltaperche eranno paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi.    eſſendo coſi vicine subito ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi    poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda ſemo acercare piu inanzi.Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole,128we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the]129eleven thousand virgins [i.e. October 21], whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.130It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings131on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captain-general who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the “Santo Anthonio” and the “Conceptione” (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de laBaia [i.e., of the Bay].132We, with the other two ships, [namely], the flagship, called “Trinitade,” and the other the “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to await them.133A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape134formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed:crossed out in original MS.] appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].135Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.136And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.137Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captain-general. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.138And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.139Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on.Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua exito neL mare pacifico    la naue ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ retornare in Spagnia como fece iL piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto lo Capogennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capogennerale ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capode la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL capogñale et haueua nome aluaro de meſchita    Lo ferirono et Lo meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero in spagnia in queſto naue. era laltogigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ lo medeſimo [porto:crossed out in originaldiqua et dela sto. antoa la nocte torno indrieto et ſeMS.] ſtrecto    nuy eramo andati a deſcourire laltabocha verſo eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL medeſimo [porto:crossed out in original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare le due naue    in queſti giorni mãdaſemovno batello ben fornito ꝓ deſcoprire eL capo de laltomare venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et diſſero como haueuano [haueuano:doublet in original MS.] veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado perche laueuano Ja grã tempo diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno q̃ era capoet piloto de queſta et ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la boca la Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in qella boca doue ella fugite.    il capogennerale mando indrieto la naue victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto auedere ſe ella era iui et non trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna letera in vna pigniatella ficada in tera apreſſo la bandera acio vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃a et ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le lr̃e luna avno mõticello nela prima baya laltain vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL capogñale leſpeto cõ laltanaue apreſſo eL fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume eL qalle era fra alte montagnie caricate de neue et deſcendeneL mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aLtempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno Jorno.    açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma. saiL creda quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio erba dolce ma gene anche de amare naſce atorno le fontane del qalle mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃ altocredo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de peſci ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra in tanto q̃ queſti volano li altili corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero beliſſima de vedere.After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.140The captain-general sent the ship “Sancto Anthonio” together with the “Concitione” to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio” would not await the “Conceptione,” because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia—which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,141and he hated the captain-general exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin142of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The “Conceptione,” as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at night and fled along the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait.143We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.144So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore thecape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],145for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,146but we found only the “Conceptione.” Upon asking them where the other one was, Johan Seranno,147who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captain-general sent the ship “Victoria” back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.148Two banners were planted with their letters—one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay149where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo,150and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-fivedegrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.151The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast152and was low. We called that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,153water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,154a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.155In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.156Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,157which are one palmo and more158in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet—more than a crossbow’s flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch.Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoniAL capoher.aL ochio.other.AL nazoorAlle cillieocchecheLALe palpebreSechechieLAli bussi deL nazoorescheALa bocaxiamAli LabriSchiahameAli dentiphor.ALa lingaSchiaLAL mentoSechenA li pelliarchizAL voltocogecheLAla goloohumezALa copaSchialeschinALe ſpallepelles.AL gomedoCoteLALa mancheneALa palma de LamanCaimeghinAL ditoCoriAle orechieSaneSoto eL broçoSalischinAla mamelaothenAL petoochijAL corpogecheLAL menbroſachetAli teſticuliSacancasAla natura de le donneJsseAL vzar cõ eſſeJo hoiALe coſſechianeAL genochiotepinAL chuloSchiaguenAle culatehoijAL brazomazAL polsoholionA le gambecossAL piedetheeAL calcagnotereALa chauequie deL pieperchiAla ſola deL piecaotſcheniAle onguieColimAL corethoLAL grataregechareAl homo ſguercoCalischenAL giuaneCalemiAL hacquaholiAL fuocoghialemeAL fumogiaicheAl noehenAL siReyAL oropelpeliALe petre lazureSechegAL solleCalexcheniAlle ſtelleſettere.AL mareAroAL ventooniALa fortunaohoneAL peſsehoiAL mangiaremechiereALa ſcutellaeloALa pigniataaschanieAL demandareghelheVien quihai siAL gardarchonneAL andarReyAL CombateroamaghceAle frezeSetheAL CaneholLAL lupoAniAL andare longiSchienALa guidaantiALa neuetheuAL courirehianiAL Seruzo ucelohoihoiA li sui ouiJaniAla poluere derba che mangiãoCapac.AL odorareosAL papagalochecheALa gabiota uceloCleoAL misiglioniSiameni.AL panno roſsoTerechae.AL bonetAicheLAl colore nego.AineLAL roſsotaicheAL gialopeperiAL coçinareyrocolesALa cinturaCatechinAL ochacacheAL diauolo grandeSetebosAli picolicheleule.Words of the Patagonian giantsFor Headherfor Eyeotherfor Noseorfor Eyebrowsocchechelfor Eyelidssechechielfor Nostrilsoreschefor Mouthxiamfor Lipsschiahamefor Teethphorfor Tongueschialfor Chinsechenfor Hairarchizfor Facecogechelfor Throatohumezfor Occiputschialeschin159for Shoulderspellesfor Elbowcotelfor Handchenefor Palm of the handcaimeghinfor Fingercorifor EarssaneArmpitsalischinfor Teatothenfor Bosomochijfor Bodygechelfor Penissachetfor Testiclessacancasfor Vagina160issefor Communication with womenjo hoifor Thighschianefor Kneetepinfor Rumpschiaguenfor Buttockshoijfor Armmazfor Pulseholionfor Legscossfor Foottheefor Heelterefor Ankleperchifor Sole of the footcaotschenifor Fingernailscolimfor Hearttholfor to Scratchgecharefor Cross-eyed mancalischenfor Young mancalemifor Waterholifor Fireghialemefor Smokegiaichefor Noehenfor Yesreyfor Goldpelpelifor Lapis lazulisechegfor Suncalexchenifor Starssetterefor Seaarofor Windonifor Stormohonefor Fishhoifor to Eatmechierefor Bowlelofor Potaschaniefor to AskghelheCome herehai sifor to Lookchonnefor to Walkreyfor to Fightoamaghcefor Arrowssethefor Doghollfor Wolfanifor to Go a long distanceschienfor Guideantifor Snowtheufor to Coverhianifor Ostrich, a birdhoihoifor its Eggsjanifor the powder of the herb which they eatcapacfor to Smellosfor Parrotchechefor Birdcagecleofor Misiglionisiamenifor Red Clothterechaefor Capaichelfor Blackainelfor Redtaichefor Yellowpeperifor to Cookyrocolesfor Beltcatechinfor Goosecachefor their big DevilSetebosfor their small DevilsCheleuleTucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão Loro.All the above words are pronounced in the throat, for such is their method of pronunciation.161Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ domandandome Capac çioepane che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe hacqua    Quando eL me vite ſcriuer queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li alticõ la penna in mano me Jntendeua    vna volta feci la croce et la basai moſtrandoglila    Subito grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL corpo et farebe crepare    Quando queſto gigante ſtaua male domando la croce abraſsandola et baſandola molto Se volse far Xp̃iano inanzi la ſua morte    eL chiamaſemo paulo Queſta gente Quando voleno far fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ vno altoin fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra queſti dui legni.That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me forcapac,162that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, andoli, that is to say, water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out “Setebos,” and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.163Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto ma poluere de qello cõ vermi apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano mãgiato iL buono    puzaua grã damẽte de orina de Sorzi    et beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopaLantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo ꝓ quatoho cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopale braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe    li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le altiſquiagu re Queſta era lapegiore.    Creſsiuano le gengiue ad alguni ſopali denti Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare et coſſi moriuano    ꝓ queſta infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL verzin    vinti cinque ho trenta homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi neli gambe o in altoloco ſicque poqireſta rono ſani    ꝓ La gratia de dio yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade.    Jn Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni andaſemo circa de quatro millia legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle qaL nõ trouaſſemo altoſenon vcelli et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle infortunate    Sono longi luna da laltaducento legue nõ trouauamo fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de latitudine aL hauſtralle, et laltain noue    ogni Jorno faceuamo cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo    Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu taL viagio.Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.164We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.165We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.166We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.167But above all the othermisfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.168Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.169In truth it is very pacific,170for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.171The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.172Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again].Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjosvergine che he capo de queſto ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL polo antarticho.When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we would have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Virgins.173The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.JL polo antartico no ne cosi ſtellato como Lo artico ſe vede molto ſtelle picolle congregate inſieme q̃ fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco ſeparate luna de laltaet vno poco ofuſche in mezo de leqalle ſtanno due ſtelle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et poco ſe moueno.    Queſte due ſtelle ſonno iL polo antarticho    La Calamita noſtra Zauariando vno sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero Quando eramo in Queſto golfo iL Capogeneralle domando a tucti li piloti andando ſempre a la vela ꝓ qaL Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte riſpoſero tucti ꝓ la Sua via puntaLmẽte datta li riſpoſi q̃ pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua agiutare la guchia deL nauegare ꝓ che nõ receueua tanta forza da la parte ſua. Quando eramo in mezo di queſto golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque ſtelle lucidiſſime drito aL ponente, et Suono iuſtiſſime luna cõ lalta.The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic. Many small stars clustered together are seen, which have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There is but little distance between them, and they are somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large and not very luminous stars, which move only slightly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, always pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although it did not have so much strength as on its own side. And on that account when we were in that open expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots whether they were always sailing forward in the course which we had laid down on the maps, all replied: “By your course exactly as laid down.” He answered them that they were pointing wrongly—which was a fact—and that it would be fitting to adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not receiving so much force from its side. When we were in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross with five extremely bright stars straight toward the west, those stars being exactly placed with regard to one another.174Jn queſti giorni mauigaſſemo fra iL ponente et iL maeſtralle et a La quarta deL maeſtralle in verſo ponente et aL maeſtralle fin p̃ ajungeſſemo a la linea equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitiõe Cento et vinti dui gradi    la linea de la ripartitiõe e trenta gradi longi daL meridionale    el meridionale e tre gradi al leuante longi de capo verde    Jn queſto Camino paſaſſemo poco longi da due Jzolle richisie vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo antarticho q̃ Se chiama Cipangu Laltain quindicigradi chiamata Sũbdit pradit paſſata la linea equinotialle nauigaſſemo tra ponente et maiſtralle et a la carta deL ponente verſo eL maeſtralle poi duzente legue aL ponente mudando eL viago. a La Quarta in verſo garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho ꝓ apropinquarſe piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara iL qaL capo cõ perdon de li Coſmo grafi ꝓ q̃ nõ Lo viſteno nõ ſi troua doue loro iL penſauão ma aL ſetentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho.During those days175we sailed west northwest, northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward from Capo Verde.176We passed while on that course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other infifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit.177After we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west northwest, and west by north, and then for two hundred leguas toward the west, changing our course to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might approach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they have not seen it), is not found where it is imagined to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or thereabouts.178Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a 6 de marſo diſcopreſſemo vna yſola aL maiſtralle picola et due alteaL garbino    vna era piu alta et piu granda de Laltre due    iL capogenerale voleua firmarſe nella grande ꝓ pigliare qalque refrigerio ma nõ puote perche la gente de queſta Jzolla entrauano nele naui et robauano qivna coſa qilaltatalmente q̃ non poteuamo gardarſi. Voleuano calare le vele acio andaſemo in tera    ne roborono lo ſquifo q̃ eſtaua ligato a La popa de la naue capacõ grandissapreſteza ꝓ il que corozato eL capogeneralle ando in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono da quaranta o cinquanta caze cõ­­ molti barquiti et amazorono ſette huomini et rehebe lo ſquifo Subito ne parti ſemo ſequendo Lo medeſimo camino.    Jnanzi q̃ diſmontaſemo in tera alguni noſtiinfermi ne pregorono ſe amazauamo huomo o donna li portaſemo Ly interiori ꝓ che Subito ſarebenno ſani.About seventy179leguas on the above course, and lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longitude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small island to the northwest, and two others toward the southwest, one of which was higher and larger than the other two. The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat180that was fastened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men.181He recovered the small boat, and we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.182Quando feriuamo alguni de queſti cõ li veretuni q̃ li paſſauano li fianqida luna banda alaltra tirauano il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo tirauano fuora marauigliandoſe molto et cuſſi moriuano    et altiq̃ erano feriti neL peto faceuano eL Simille ne moſſeno agrã compaſione Coſtoro vedendõe partire ne ſeguitorono cõ piu de Cento barchiti piu de vna legua    Se acoſtauano ale naui moſſtrandone peſce cõ ſimulatiõe de darnello ma traheuano ſaxi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cõ velle piene paſa vano fra loro et li batelli con qelli ſui barcheti molto deſtriſſimi vedeſemo algune femine in li barqueti gridare et ſcapigliarſe credo ꝓ amore de li Suoi morti.When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through their loins from one side to the other, they, looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that side,183and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion. Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred184boats for more than one legua. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and the small boats [fastened astern], very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.185Ognuno de queſti vive ſecondo la Sua volonta non anno ſignori    vano nudi et alguni barbati con li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati    portano capeleti de palma como li albanezi    ſonno grandi como nui et ben diſpoſti    nõ adorão niente ſonno aliuaſtri ma naſcono bianqianno li denti roſſi et negri ꝓ che la reputano beliſſima coſa    le femine vano nude ſenon q̃ dinanzi a la ſua natura portano vna ſcorſa ſtreta ſotille come la carta q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorza de la palma    ſonno belle delicate et bianque piu que li huomini cõ li capilli ſparſiet longui negriſſimi fino in tera    Queſte nõ lauorano ma ſtanno in caſa teſſendo ſtore casse de palma et altre coſe neceſſarie acaſa ſua    mangiano cochi batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et peſci volatori cõ altre coſe    ſe ongieno eL corpo et li capili cõ oleo de cocho et de giongioli    le ſue caſe tute ſonno facte di legnio coperte de taule cõ foglie defigaro de ſopalongue due braza con ſolari et cõ feneſtre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di ſtore beliſſime de palma    dormeno ſoura paglia di palma molto mole et menuta    nõ anno arme Senon certe aſte cõ vno oſſo pontino de peſce ne La cima Queſta gente e pouera ma ingenioſa et molto ladra ꝓ queſto chiamaſſemo queſte tre Jſole le yſole de li ladroni    eL ſuo ſpaſo e andare cõ Le donne ꝓ mare cõ qelle ſue barquete    Sono como le fucelere ma piu ſtrecti alguni negri bianqiet altiroſſi anno da laltaparte dela vella vno legno groſſo pontino nele cime cõ pali atrauerſadi qeL ſuſtentano neL acqua ꝓ andare piu ſeguri aLa vela    la vela e di foglie de palma cosite inſieme et facta amodo de latina    ꝓ timone anno certe pale como da for no cõ vno legnio in cima    fanno de la popa proua et de la proua popa et ſonno Como delfini ſaltar a lacqua de onda in onda    Queſti ladroni penſauano aliſegni q̃ faceuão nõ fuſero altihomini aL mondo ſenon loro.Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior.186They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The womendo not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats,187baskets [casse: literally boxes], and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate],188birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They189anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats.190They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves].191Their amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs.192Those boats resemblefucelere,193but are narrower, and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boats may sail more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern],194and those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers]thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world but themselves.195Sabato a ſedize de marſo 1521 deſſemo neLa aurora soura vna tera alta lõgi trecento legue delle yſolle de li latroni laqaL e yſola et ſe chiama Zamal eL capogñale nel giorno ſeguente volſe diſmontare in vnaltayſola deſhabitata ꝓ eſſere piu seguro q̃ era di dietro de queſta ꝓ pigliare hacqua et qalque diporto fece fare due tende in terra ꝓ li infermi et feceli amazare vna porcha    Luni a 18. de marſo vedeſſemo dapoi diſnare venire ꝟſo de nui vna barca cõ noue homini ꝓ ilque lo capogenerale comando q̃ niuno Si moueſſe ne diceſſe parolla alguna ſenza ſua liſentia    Quando ariuorono queſti in terra ſubito Lo ſuo principalle ando aL capogñale moſtrandoſe alegro ꝓ la nr̃a venuta    reſtarono cinqʒ de queſti piu ornati cõ nuy li altiandorono a leuare alguni altiq̃ peſcauano et cuſſi venirono tucti vedendo Lo capogñale que queſti erano homini cõ ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti roſſi spequi petini ſonagli Auorio bocaſſini et altecoſe    Quando viſtenno la corteſia deL capoli preſentorono peſci vno vaſo de vino de palma q̃ Lo chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri piu picoli piu ſaporiti et dui cochi alhora nõ haueuano altone fecoro ſegni cõ La mano q̃ in fino aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q̃ e riſo cochi et molta altra victuuaglia.At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen,1961521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni—an island named Zamal [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the captain-general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the abovementioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,197and other things. When they saw the captain’s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they calluraca[i.e., arrack], figs more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas],198and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bringumayor rice,199and cocoanuts and many other articles of food within four days.Li coqiſonno fructi deLa palma    coſi como nui hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto coſi anno queſti populi ogni coſa da queſti arbori    anno eL vino in queſto modo forano La dicta palma in cima neL coreſino de to palmito dalqalle ſtilla vna lichore como e moſto biancho dolce ma vn pocho bruſqueto in canne groſſe come La gamba et piu    latacano alarbor̃ la ſera ꝓ la matina et la matina ꝓ la ſera Queſta palma fa vno fructo iL qalle he lo cocho Queſto cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno La ſua pima ſcorſa e ꝟde et groſſa piu de dui diti nelaqalle trouano Certi filittj q̃ fanno le corde q̃ liganno le ſue barque    ſoto di queſta ne he vna dura et molto piu groſſa di quella de la noce    queſta la bruſano et fano poluere bonna ꝓ loro ſoto di queſto e vna medola biancha groſſa come vn dito LaqaL mangiano freſca cõ La carne et peſſi como nui lo panne et de qeL ſapore q̃ he la mandola qui la ſecaſſe ſe farebe panne    in mezo di queſta medola e vna hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando queſta hacqua ſta vn pocho acolta ſe congella et diuenta como vno pomo    Quando voleno fare oglio piglianno queſto cocho et laſſano putrefare qella medola cõ lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo como butiro    Quando voleno far aceto laſanno putrefare lacqua ſolamente poi lameteno aL ſolle et e aceto como de vino biancho    ſi po fare ancholatte como nui faceuamo    gratauamo qʒſta medola poi la miſquiauamo cō lacqua ſua medeſima ſtrucandola in vno panno et coſi era late como di capra. Queſte palme ſonno como palme deli datali ma non coſi nodoſe ſe non liſce. Vna famiglia de x perſonne cō dui de queſte ſe manteneno fruando octo giorni luna et octo giorni La altaꝓ Lo vino ꝓ che ſe altramenti faceſſeno Se ſecharebenno et durano cento anny.Cocoanuts are the fruit of the palmtree.200Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get everything from that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor201which resembles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is made cord for binding together their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them.202Under that shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine.Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat’s milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.203Grande familliaritade pigliarono cō nui Queſti populi    ne diſcero molte coſe como le chiamauano et li nomi de algune yſole q̃ ſe vedeuano de qiLa ſua ſe chiama Zuluan laqalle non etropo grande pigliaſcemo grā piacere cā queſti perche eranno aſay piaceuoli et conuerſabili    iL capogñale ꝓ farli piu honnore li meno ala ſua naue et li moſtro tuta la ſua mercadanſia garofoli cannella peuere gengero noſce moſcade Matia oro et tute le coſe q̃ eranno nella naue fece deſcaricare algune bombarde hebero grā paura et volſero ſaltar fuora de la naue ne fecero ſegni que li doue nuj andauamo naſceſſeuano coſe Ja dete    Quando ſi volſero partire pigliarono liſentia con molta gratia et gentileza dicendo q̃ tornarebeno ſegondo la ſua ꝓmeſſa    La yſola doue eramo ſe chiama humunu ma noy ꝓ trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiariſſima la chiameſſemo lacquada dali buoni ſe gnialli ꝓ che fu iL pimo ſegnio de oro q̃ trouaſſemo in queſtaparte. Qiui ſi troua grā cantitade de coralli biancho et arbori grandi q̃ fanno fructi pocho menori de La mandola et ſonno Como li pignioli et ancho molte palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue    in Queſto Locho ſonno molte yſole. ꝓ ilque Lo chiamaſſemo larcipelago de s. lazaro deſcourendo lo nella ſua dominicha iL quale ſta in x gradi de latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e ſesanta vno di longitudine della linea deLa repartitiõe.Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not very large.204We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general205took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise—cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.206They made signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise. The island where we were is called Humunu; but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-place of good Signs”], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts.207We found a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds. There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus.208They lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di qelli homini Secondo ne haueuano ꝓmeſſo in due barcque cõ cochi naranſi dolci vno vaſo de vino de palma et vno galo ꝓ dimoſtrare que in queſte parte eranno galine se moſtrarono molto alegri verſo de noi compraſſemo tute qelle ſue coſe iL ſuo sorera vechio et de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreqie li altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi cõ fazoli in torno Lo capo Steſemo quiui octo [giorni] neliqalli eL nr̃o capoandaua ogni di in terra auiſitare ly infirmi et ogni matina li daua cõ le ſue mani acqua deL cocho q̃ molto li confortaua di dietro de queſta yſola ſtanno homini q̃ anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie q̃ portanno le braci ficati in loro    Queſti popoli ſonno caphri çioe gentili vanno nudi cõ tella de ſcorſa darbore intorno le ſue vergonie se nõ alguni principali cõ telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cõ ſeda aguchia sonno oliuaſtigraſſi de pinti et ſe ongeno cõ olio de cocho et de giongioli ꝓ lo ſolle et ꝓ iL vento    annoli capili negriſſimi fina a La cinta et anno dague cortelli lanſe fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et rete da peſcare come Rizali    le ſue barche ſonno corno le noſteAt noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,209in order to show us that there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us.210We purchased all those articles from them. Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in his ears,211and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and212every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living near that island213who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those people are caphri,214that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protectionagainst sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and spears215ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines,216javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali;217and their boats are like ours.NeL luni ſancto a vinticinqʒ de marſo giorno de La nr̃a donna paſſato mezo di eſſendo de hora in ora ꝓ leuarſi anday abordo de la naue ꝓ peſcare et metendo li piedi ſopra vna antena ꝓ deſcedere nela mesa degarni tiõe me slizegarono ꝓ che era pioueſto et coſi caſtai neL mare q̃ ninguno me viſte et eſſendo quaſi ſumerſo me venne ne La mano Siniſtra La ſcota de La vella magiore q̃ era aſcoſa ne lacqua me teni forte et Comenſai agridare tanto q̃ fui ajutato cõ Lo batelo    nõ credo Ja per mey meriti ma ꝓ la miſericordia di qella fonte de pieta foſſe ajutato. neL medeſimo Jorno pigliaſſemo tra iL ponente et garbĩ infra quatoyſolle çioe Cenalo hiunanghan Jbusson et abarienOn the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between four small islands, namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan,218Ibusson, and Abarien.Joue a vinti octo de marzo ꝓ hauere viſto la nocte paſſata fuocho in vna yſola ne la matina ſurgiſſemo apreſſo de queſta vedeſemo vna barcha picola q̃ la chiamano boloto cõ octo nomini de dentoaꝓpincarſe nela naue Ca pitanea    Vno ſchiauo deL capogñale q̃ era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo ilqalle ſubito inteſeno venero neL bordo de la naue nõ volendo intrare dento, ma ſtauano vno pocho diſcoſti vedendo eL capoq̃ nõ voleuano fidarſi de nui li buto vn bonnet roſſo et altre coſe ligate ſupavn pezo de taula    La piglioronno molto alegri etSubito Se partirono ꝓ auiſare el ſuo re deli circa due hore vedeſſemo vegnire due balanghai ſonno barche grande et cuſſe le chiamano pienni de huomini neL magior̃ era Lo suo re Sedendo ſoto vno coperto de ſtore    Quando eL giunſe ap̃ſſo La capitania iL Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inteſe ꝓ che in queſte parte li re ſanno piu linguagij q̃ li alticomando q̃ alguni ſoi intraſſeno nele naue    luy ſempre ſtete neL ſuo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li ſuoi tornoronno et ſubito tornati ſe parti. iL Capogñalle fece grande honnore aqelli q̃ venirono nela naue et donnoli algune coſe per ilche il re inanzi la ſua partita volſe donnare aL capovna bava de oro grande et vna ſporta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL molto nõ volce acceptarle    neL tardi andaſemo cõ le naue apreſſo la habitatiõe deL re.On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we anchored near it.219We saw a small boat which the natives callbolotowith eight men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance.220The captain seeing that they would not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. Theyreceived them very gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming. They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship, and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar221of gold and a basketful of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.JL giorno ſeguente q̃ era eL venerdi ſancto eL capogñale mando lo ſquia ua q̃ era lo interprete nr̃o in tera in vno batello adire aL re ſe haueua alguna coſa da mangiare la faceſſe portar̃ in naue q̃ reſtariano bene ſatiſfati da noi et como amici et nõ Como nimici era venuti a laſua yſola eL re venne cõ ſey vero octo homini neL medeſimo batello et entro nela naue abrazandoſi col capogñale et donoli tre vazi di porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et due orade molto grande cõ altre coſe    eL capodete al re vna veſte de panno roſſo et giallo fato a La torcheſca et vno bonnet roſſo fino ali altiSui aqicortelli et aqiſpecqipoy le fece dare la Colatiõe et ꝓ il chiauo li fece dire q̃ voleua eſſere cun lui caſi caſi cioe fratello    riſpoſe q̃ coſſi voleua eſſere ꝟſo de lui dapoy lo capoge moſtro panno de diverſi colori tela corali et molta altamercantia et tuta lartigliaria facendola deſcargare alguni molto ſi ſpauentorno poi fece armare vno homo cõ vno homo darme et li meſſe atorno tre cõ ſpade et pugniale q̃ li dauano ꝓ tuto iL corpo ꝓ laqaL coſa eL re reſto caſi fora diſe li diſſe ꝓ il Schiauo q̃ vno de queſti armati valeua ꝓ cento de li suoi reſpoſe q̃ era cuſſi et q̃ in ogni naue ne menaua duzento q̃ ſe armauano de qella ſorte li moſtro Corazine ſpade et rodelle et fece fare a vno vna leuata poi Lo conduſſe ſupala tolda dela naue q̃ he in cima de la popa et fece portare la ſua carta de nauigare et La buſſola et li diſſe ꝓ linterprete como trouo Lo ſtreto ꝓ vegnire alui et Quante lune ſonno ſtati ſenza vedere terra    Se marauiglio in vltimo li diſce q̃ voleua ſe li piaceſſe mandare ſeco dui homini acio li moſtraſſe algune de le ſue coſe reſpoſe q̃ era contento yo ge anday cõ vno altoNext day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships;222and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men223in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very largeorade,224and other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king’s men), to some knives and to others mirrors. Then the captain-generalhad a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he desired to becasi casi225with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral [ornaments], and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened. Then the captain-general had a man armed as a soldier,226and placed him in the midst of three men armed with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner.227He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him.228Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought.229He told the king through the interpreter how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.230Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello etpoi ſe volta contanuy dui    faceſſemo lo ſimille verſo de lui coſi tuti li altifecero il re me piglio ꝓ La mano vno ſuo principale piglio laltocompagoet cuſſi ne menorõ ſoto vno coperto de cane doue era vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille a vna fuſta ne sedeſſemo ſopala popa de queſto ſempre parlando con ſegni li suoi ne ſtauano in piedi atorno atorno cõ ſpade dague Lanze et targoni fece portare vno piato de carne de porco cõ vño vazo grande pienno de vino    beueuamo adogni boconne vna taſſa de vino    lo vino q̃ li auanſaua qalque volta ben q̃ foſceno poche ſe meteua in vno vazo da ꝓ ſi la ſua taſa ſempre ſtaua coperta    ninguno altoli beueua Se nõ il re et yo    Jnanzi q̃ lo re pigliaſſe la taſſa ꝓ bere alzaua li mani giunte al çielo et ꝟſo de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio dela mano sini ſtra verſo dime prima penſaua me voleſſe dare vn pognio et poi beueua faceua coſi yo verſo il re    Queſti ſegni fanno tuti luno verſo de Laltro quando beueno    cõ queſte cerimonie et altiſegni de amiſitia merenda ſemo    mangiay neL vennere ſancto carne ꝓ nõ potere fare altoJnanzi q̃ veniſſe lora de cenare donay molte coſe al re q̃ haueua portati ſcriſſe aſai coſſe como le chiamanão Quanto Lo re et li altime viſtenno fcriuere et li diceua qelle ſue parolle tutti reſtorono atoniti    in queſto mezo venne lora de cenare    portoronno duy plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et laltode carne de porcho cõ ſuo brodo    cenaſſemocõ li medeſimj ſegni et cerimonie poi andaſſemo aL palatio deL re eLqalle era facto como vna teza da fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era edificato ſoura legni groſſi alti de terra qeL ſe conuiene andare cõ ſcalle ne fece ſedere ſopavna ſtora de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli ameza ora fo portato vno piato de peſce bruſtolato in pezi et gengero ꝓ alora colto et vino eL figliolo magiore deL re chera iL principe    vene doue eramo    il re li diſſe q̃ ſedeſſe apreſſo noi et coſſi ſedete    fu portato dui piati vno de peſce cõ lo ſue brodo et laltode rizo acio q̃ mangiaſſemo col principe    il nr̃o compagop̃ tanto bere et mangiare diuento briaco    Vzano ꝓ lume goma de arbore q̃ la quiamão anime voltata in foglie de palma o de figaro    el re ne fece ſegno qeL voleua andare adormire    laſſo cõ nui lo principe cõ qalle dormiſemo ſopavna ſtora de canne cõ coſſini de foglie venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio ꝓ La mano coſſi andaſſemo doue aveuamo cenato ꝓ fare colatiõe ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare    Jnanzi la partita eL re molto alegro ne baſo le mani et noi le ſue    venne cõ nui vno ſuo fratello re dunaltayſola cõ tre homini    Lo capogñale lo retenete adiſnare cõ nui et donoli molte coſe.When I reached shore, the king raised his handstoward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him231as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion;and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai,232as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The king’s men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.233The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king’s cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished.234While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy.We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig [i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders.235The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king’s eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum of a tree calledanimewrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king came and took me by the hand, and in that manner we went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things.236Nella yſola de queſto re que conduſſi ale naui ſe troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando la terra    tutti li vaſo de queſto re ſonno de oro etanche alguna parte de dela caſa ſua coſi ne referite Lo medeſimo re ſe gondo lo ſue coſtume era molto in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vedeſſemo fra queſti populi haueua li capili negriſſimi fin alle ſpalle cõ vno velo de ſeta ſopaLo capo et due ſquione grande de horo tacatte ale orechie    portaua vno panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de ſeta q̃ copriua dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga cõ Lo manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de legnio lauorato    in ogni dente haueua tre machie doro q̃ pareuano foſſeno ligati cõ oro    oleua de ſtorac et beligioui    era oliuaſtro et tuto depinto. Queſta ſua yſola ſe chiama butuan et calagan. Quando queſti re ſe voleuano vedere ve neno tuti due aLa caza in queſta yſola doue eramo eL re pimo ſe qiama raia colambu iL ſegundo raia siaui.Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of thatking are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine],237and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk oh his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.238He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.239When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.240Domenicha vltimo de marſo giorno de paſca nela matina ꝓ tempo eL capogñale mando il prete cõ alcanti aparechiare ꝓ douere dire meſſa cõ lo interprete a dire al re q̃ nõ voleuamo diſcendere in terra ꝓ diſinar ſecho ma ꝓ aldire meſſa ꝓ ilque Lo re ne mando dui porqimorti    Quando fu hora de meſſa andaſſemo in terra forſe cinquanta huomini nõ armati la ꝓſo na ma cõ le altre nr̃e arme et meglio veſtite q̃ poteſſemo    Jnanzi que aruaſſemo aLa riua cõ li bateli forenno ſcaricati sej pezi de bombarde in ſegnio de pace    ſaltaſſemo in terra    li dui reabraſſarono lo capogñale et Lo meſſeno in mezo de loro andaſſemo in ordinanza fino aL locho conſacrato non molto longi de la riua    Jnanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capobagno tuto eL corpo de li dui re con hacqua moſta da    Se oferſe ala meſſa    li re andorono abaſſiare la croce como nuy ma nõ oferſeno    Quando ſe leuaua lo corpo de nr̃o sorſtauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo cõ le mane gionte    le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno tempo quando ſe leuo Lo corpo de xodando ge Lo ſegnio de la tera cõ li ſchiopetj    finita la meſſa alquanti deli noſtiſe comunicorono    Lo capogenerale fece fare vno ballo cõ le ſpade deque le re hebenno grã piacere    poi fece portare vna croce cõ li quiodi et la coronna alaqaL ſubito fecero reuerentia    li diſſe per Lo interprete como queſto era iL vessilo datoli daLo inperator̃ ſuo ſignore açio in ogni parte doue andaſſe meteſſe queſto ſuo ſegnialle et che voleua meterlo iui ꝓ ſua vtilita ꝓ che ſe veneſſeno algune naue dele nr̃e ſaperianno cõ queſta croce noj eſſere ſtati in queſto locho et nõ farebenno deſpiacere aloro ne ale coſe [coſe:doublet in original MS.] et ſe pigliaſſeno alguno de li ſoi ſubito moſtrandoli queſto ſegnialle le laſſerianno andare et q̃ conueniua meter̃ queſta croce in cima deL piu alto monte que foſſe açio vedendola ogni matina La adoraſſeno et ſeqʒſto faceuano ne troui ne fulmini ni tempeſta li nocerebe in coſa alguna    lo ringratiorno molto et q̃ farebenno ogni coſa volentieriancho li fece dire ſe eranno morj ho gentili o inque credeuão    riſpoſero q̃ nõ adorauão altoſinon alſauano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et q̃ chiamauão Lo ſua dio Abba ꝓ laqaL coſa lo capohebe grande alegreſſa    vedendo queſto eL pimo re leuo le mani aL ciello et diſſe q̃ voria ſe foſſe poſſibille farli veder̃ iL ſuo amore verſo de lui Lo interprete ge diſſe ꝓ qaL cagiõe haueua quiui coſi pocho da mangiare    reſpoſe q̃ nõ habitaua in qʒſto Locho ſe nõ quãdo veniua a La caza et a vedere Lo ſuo fratello ma ſtaua in vna altayſola doue haueua tuta la ſua famiglia    li fece dire ſe haueua Jnimici Lo diceſſe ꝓ cio andarebe cõ queſte naue adeſtrugerli et faria lo hobedirianno    Lo rengratio et diſſe q̃ haueua benne due yſolle nemiche maque alhora nõ era tempo de andarui    Lo Capoli diſſe ſe dio faceſſe q̃ vnaltafiatta ritornaſce in queſte parte conduria tanta gente q̃ farebe ꝓ forſa eſerli ſugette et que voleua andare adiſnare et dapoy tornarebe ꝓ far pore la croce in cima deL monte riſpoſero eranno Contenti facendoſſe vn bata glione cõ ſcaricare li ſquiopeti et abraſandoſi lo capocõ li due re pigliaſſemo liſentia.Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said;241together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men, without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.242Before we reached the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. Welanded; the two kings embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water.”243The mass was offered up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.244When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.245The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament,246at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made.247He told the kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came,248they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property:doublet in original MS.]. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would harm them in the least. Theythanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly. The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief. They replied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god “Abba.”249Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family were. The captain-general had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him.250The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king’s enemies subject to him by force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave.Dopo diſnare tornaſſemo tucti in gioponne et andaſsemo inſieme cõ li duy Re neL mezo di in cimadeL piu alto monte q̃ foſſe    Quando ariuaſſemo in cima Lo capogenneralle li diſſe como li era caro hauere ſudato ꝓ loro ꝓ che eſendo iui la croce nõ poteua ſinon grandamẽte Jouarli    et domandoli qaL porto era migliore ꝓ victuuaglie diceſſero q̃ ne erano tre çioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico et ſe proferſenno di darni piloti q̃ ne inſegniarebenno iL viagoLo capogñale li rengratio et delibero de andarli ꝓ q̃ cuſſi voleua la sua infelice ſorte. poſta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater noſter et vna aue maria adorandola coſi li re fecenno    poy deſcendeſſemo ꝓ li ſui campi Lauorattj et andaſſemo doue era lo balanghai    li re feceno portare alquanti cochi açio ſe rinfreſcaſſimo    Lo capoli domando li piloti ꝓ che la matina ſequente voleua partirſi et q̃ li tratarebe como ſe medeſimo Laſandoli vno de li nr̃j ꝓ oſtagio    riſpoſero q̃ ogni ora li voleſſe eranno aL ſuo comãdo    ma nela nocte iL pimo re ſe mudo dopigniõe    La matina quando eramo ꝓ partirſi eL re mando adire aL capogeneralle q̃ per amore ſuo aſpectaſſe duj giornj fin q̃ faceſſe coglire el rizo et altiſui menuti pregandolo mandaſſe alguni homini ꝓ ajutareli açio piu preſto ſe ſpazaſſe q̃ luy medeſimo voleua eſſere lo nr̃o piloto.    lo Capomandoli alguni homini ma li Retanto mangiorono et beueteno q̃ dormiteno tuto il giorno    alguni ꝓ eſcuſarli dicero q̃ haueuano vno pocho de malle ꝓ qeL giorno li noſtinõ fecero niente ma neli altidui ſeguenti lauorono.After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon251went together with the twokings to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in position, each of us repeated aPater Nosterand anAve Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai was.252The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-general, asking him for love of him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so muchthat they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.253Vno de queſti populi ne porte force vna ſcudela de rizo cõ octo o dieze figue ligaty inſieme ꝓ baratarli in vno cortello q̃ valeua iL piu tre catrini    eL capovedendo que queſto nõ voleua altoSenon vno cortello lo chiamo ꝓ vedere piu coſe    miſſe mano a la borſa et li volce dare ꝓ qelle coſe vno realL lui noL volſi    lui moſtro vno ducato mancho    lo accepto    al fine li volce dare vno dopionne de duy ducati    nõ volce mai altoq̃ vn corte lo et cuſſi li lo fece dare    Andando vno de li nr̃i in terra ꝓ tore acqua vno de queſti li volce dare vno coronna pontina de oro maſiçio grãde como vna colona ꝓ ſey filce de criſtalino ma iL caponon volce q̃ la bara taſſe açio que in queſto principio ſapeſſero q̃ pritiauamo piu la nr̃a mercantia q̃ Lo ſuo oro.One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini.254The captain seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain showed him a ducado but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione255worth two ducados, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona256for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more than their gold.257Queſti populi ſonno gentili    vanno nudi et de pinti    portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno le ſue vergonie    Sonno grandiſſimi beuitori    le ſue femi ne vanno veſtite de tella de arbore de la cinta in giu cõ li capili negri fina in terra    anno forate le orechie et pienne de oro.    Queſta gente ſempre maſticanno vno fruto q̃ Lo quiamano Areca e como vno pero lo taglianno in quatoparti et poi lo volueno nele foglie deL ſuo arburo q̃ le nominanobetre ſonno como foglie di moraro cõ vno poco de calcina et quando le anno bē maſticate le ſputano fora    fanno diuentare la boca rociſſima    Tucti li populi de queſta parte deL mondo le vzanno ꝓ che rinfreſcali molto eL core    Se reſtaſſeno de vzarle morirebenno    in queſta izolla ſonno cany gati porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi limoni miglio panizo ſorgo cera et molto oro    ſta de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui terſi aL artico et cento et ſeſanta dui de longitudine della linea de La ripartitiõe et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada et ſe chiama MazauaThose people are heathens,258and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies.259They are very heavy drinkers.260Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they callareca, and which resembles a pear. They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leavesof their tree which they callbetre[i.e., betel]. Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.261It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo,262wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.263Steſsemo sette giorni quiui    poi pigliaſſemo la via deL maiſtrale paſſando facinqʒ yſolle cioe Ceylon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan    in queſta yſola de gatigan ſonno barbaſtili grandi como aquille    ꝓ q̃ era tardi ne amaçaſſemo vno    era como vna galina aL mangiare ge ſonno colombi tortore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine cõ la coda lõga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua li meteno ſoto la ſabia ꝓ lo grã caldo li crea Quando ſonno naſciuti alzano la arena et vieneno fora    queſti oui ſonno bony de mangiare.    De mazaua agatighan ſonno vinti leghe    partendone da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne puote ſeguir̃ ꝓ che lo eſpectaſſemo circa tre yſolle cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gionſe molteſe marauiglio deL nr̃o nauigare Lo capogñale lo fece mõ tare nela ſua naue cõ alguni ſoi principali dilque hebero piacere et coſſi andaſſemo in zubu da gatighan azubu ſonno quindice legue.We remained there seven days, after which we laid our course toward the northwest, passing among264five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.265In the last-named island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them,266which resembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtledoves,267parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand, through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, andPozon.268When he caught up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leguas.269Domeniga a sete de apille amezo di intraſſemo neL porto de Zubu paſſando per molti vilagij vedeuamo molte caze facte ſopra li arbori Apropinquãdone ala cita Lo capogñale comando le naui sinbanderaſſeno furono Calate le velle et poſte amodo de bataglia et ſcarico tuta lartigliaria ꝓ ilque queſti populi hebero grandiſſima paura    Lo capomando vno ſuo alieuo cõ lo interprete inbaſſiatore aL re de Zubo.    Quando ariuorono nela cita trouorono Jnfiniti huomini inſieme cõ Lo re tuti pauroſi ꝓ le bombarde    linterprete li diſſe queſto eſere nr̃o coſtume intrando in ſimili luogui in ſegnio de pace et amiſitia et ꝓ honnorare lo re deL luogo ſcaricauamo tuctele bombarde    eL re et tucti li ſuoi ſe aſegurorono et fece dire ali noſtiꝓ lo ſuo gouuernatore q̃ voleuamo    linterprete riſpoſe como eL ſuo ſigniore era capodeL magiore re et principe foſſe neL mondo et q̃ andaua adiſcourir̃ malucho ma ꝓ la ſua bonna fama Como haueua Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto ſolamente ꝓ vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia cõ la ſua merchadantia li diſſe q̃ in bonna hora foſſe venuto ma q̃ haueua queſta vzanſa tutte le naui q̃ intrauano neL porto ſuo pagauão tributu et q̃ nõ eranno quatogichevno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de ſchiaui li haueua dato tributo et ꝓ ſegnio di queſto li moſtro vno mer chadante de çiama que era reſtato ꝓ merchadantare oro et ſquiaui    Lo interprete li diſſe como eL ſuo ſigniore ꝓ eſſere capode tanto grã re non pagaua tributo ad alguno ſigniore deL mondo et ſe voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ſe non guerra guera Alhoro eL moro merchadante diſſe aL re Cata raia chita çioe garba ben ſigniore queſti ſonno de qelli q̃ anno conquiſtato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia magiore    Si bene ſi li fa ben ſe a ſe male male et pegio como anno facto a calicut et amalaca    linterprete Jnteſo lo tuto et diſſegli qeL re de ſuo ſigniore era piu potente de gente et de nauj q̃ Lo re de portogalo et era re de ſpagnia et Jmperator̃ de tuttj li xp̃iani et ſe nõ voleua eſſerli amicho li mandaria vnaltafiata tanta gente qeL deſtruerião iL moro naro ogni coſa aL re alhora li diſſe ſe conſigliarebe cõ li ſui et nel di ſeguente li riſponderebe poy fece portare vna colatiõe de molte viuãde tute de carne poſte in piati de porcelane cõ molti vazi di vino    data La Colatiõe li noſtiretornoronno et ne diſſero lo tuto    iL re de mazaua q̃ era lo pimo dopo queſto re et ſigniore de alcante yſolle ando in tera ꝓ dire al re la grande cortezia deL nr̃o capogenneralle.At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them270that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured, and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho;271but that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that itwas but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to the kingCata raia chitathat is to say,272“Look well, sire.” “These men are the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major].273If they are treated well, they will give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and Malaca.” The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master’s king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend274he would next time send so many men that they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king,275who said thereupon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of Mazaua,276who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general.Luni matina iL nr̃o ſcriuão inſieme cõ linterprete andorono in zubu    vene iL re con li ſui principali in piaza et fece ſedere li noſtiapreſſo lui    li diſe ſe piu duno capoera in qʒſta compania et ſeL voleua lui pagaſſe tributo aL imperatore ſuo Sor. riſpoſe de nõ ma voleua ſolamente merchadantaſe cõ lui et non con altidiſſe q̃ era contento et ſe Lo caponr̃o voleua eſſere ſuo amicho li mandaſſe von pocho de ſangue deL ſuo bracio drito et coſſi farebe luy ꝓ ſegnio de piu vera amiſitia    reſpoſe q̃ Lo faria    poy Lo re li diſſe como tucti li capiq̃ veniuão quiui se dauano pñti luno cõ laltoet ſe Lo nr̃o capoolui doueua comenſare    linterprete li diſſe poy q̃ lui voleua mantegnire queſto coſtume cominciaſſe et cuſſi comenſo.Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship.277The notary answered that the captain would do it. Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our captain or he ought to commence.278The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, and so he did.279Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne ale naui    ſaluto lo capitano gñale da parte diL re et diſcelli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu victuuaglia poteua ꝓ darnela et como mandarebe dopo diſnare vno ſuo nepote con dui otre de ſui principali ꝓ fare la pace.    lo capogñale fece armare vno de le ſue ꝓprie arme et feceli dire como tuti nuy combateuamo de qella ſorta; iL moro molto ſi ſpauento    iL capoli diſſe nõ ſi ſpauentaſſe perche le nr̃e ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici etaſpere ali nemici    et coſi como li fazoli aſciugano yl ſudore coſi le nr̃e arme ateranno et deſtrugeno tuti li aduerſarj et maleuoli de La nr̃a fede fece queſto acio el moro q̃ pareua eſſere piu aſtuto de li altilo diceſſe aL re.Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to make peace. The captain-general had one of his men armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be frightened for our arms were softtoward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those who hate our faith.280The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others, might tell it to the king.Dopo diſnare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re q̃ era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuernatore et iL barizello magiore cõ octo principali ꝓ fare La pace con noi    Lo capogñale ſedendo in vna cadedra de veluta roſſa li prin cipali in ſedie de corame et li altiin tera ſoura ſtore li diſſe ꝓ Lo interprete ſe Lo ſuo coſtume era de parlare in ſecreto houero in publico et Se queſto principe col re de mazaua haueuão potere de fare la pace    riſpoſero q̃ parla vano in publico et q̃ coſtoro haueuão iL potere de far la pace    Lo capodiſſe molte coſe ſoura la pace et qeL pregaua ydio la confirmaſſe in cielo    diſcero que may nõ haueuão aldite cotalle parolle et que pigliauão grã piacere a vdir le    Vedendo Lo capoq̃ queſto volenti eri aſcoltauão et reſpondeuão li comincio dire coſe per indurli ala fede: Domando qaL dopo la morte deL re ſuccedeſſe aLa sa. riſpoſe q̃ Lo re nõ haueua figlioli ma figliole et q̃ queſto ſuo nipote haueua ꝓ moglie la magiore percio era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno vequi non ſi honorauão piu mali figlioli li comandauão    lo capoli diſſe como ydio fece Lo ciello La terra Lo mare et tucte le altecoſe et como inpoſſe ſedoueſſeno honnorare li padri et madri et qialtramẽte faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como tuti deſcendeuão de adam et eua noſtiprimi parenti et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre coſe pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li ſuplicorono voleſſe laſarli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li amayſtraſſe ne La fede et che li farebẽo grande honnore    gli reſpoſe q̃ alhora nõ poteua laſciarli alguno ma ſe vole uão eſſere xp̃iano Lo prete nr̃o li baptezarebe et q̃ vnaltafiata menaria preti et frati queli inſegniarebẽo la fede nr̃a    riſpoſero que pima voleuão parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno xp̃iani    lagrimaſſemo tuti ꝓ la grande alegreza Lo capoli diſce q̃ non ce facero xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma vo lontariamẽte et acoloro q̃ voleuão viuere ſecondo la ſua lege nõ li farebe facto diſpiacer alguno mali xp̃iani ſerianno meglio viſti et caregiati q̃ li altiTuti gridaronno aduna voce q̃ nõ ſe faceuão xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma ꝓ ſua ſpontanea volontate    Alhora li diſſe q̃ ſi deuentauão xp̃iani gli Laſſarebe vna armatura ꝓ che cuſſi li era ſtato inpoſto deL ſuo re et como nõ poteuão vzare cõ le ſue donne eſendo gentilli ſenza grandiſſimo pecato et como li aſeguraua q̃ eſſendo xiani non li aparerebe piu eL domonio ſinon neL ponto extremo de la ſua morte diceno q̃ no ſapeuano reſponderli ꝓ le ſue belle parolle ma ſe rimeteuano nele ſuemanj et faceſſe de loro como de ſoy fideliſſimi ſeruitori    Lo capopiangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna mano del principe et vna deL re fra le ſue li diſſe ꝓ la fede portaua a dio et alimperator̃ ſuo ſigniore et ꝓ Lo habito q̃ haueua li prometeua q̃ li daua la pace ꝓpe tua col re deſpagnia    reſpoſero que lo ſimille prometeuão    Coneluſa la pace Lo capofece dare vna colatiõe    poy lo principe et re preſentarono aL capoda parte deL ſuo re alquanti ceſtoni de rizo porci capre et galine et li diſcero li perdonaſce ꝓ cio taL coſe erano pocque avno ſimille alui    Lo capodono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella ſotiliſſima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chriſtalino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri ſonno molto apreciati in queſte parte.    AL re di mazaua nõ li deto alguno pñte ꝓ che gia li aueua dato vna veſte de cambaya con altre coſe et ali altri aqivna coſa aqivnalto.    Mando poy aL re de zubu ꝓ mi et vnaltovna veſte de ſeta gialla et morella aguisa Turcheſca vno bonnet roſo fino alquante filce de criſtalino poſto ogni coſa in vno piato dargento et dui biqui eri dorati in mano    Quando focemo nela cita trouaſſemo Lo re in ſuo palatio cõ molti homini q̃ ſe deua in tera ſoura vna ſtora di palma    haueua ſola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale ſue ꝟgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato aguchia vna Colana aL colo de grã precio due ſquione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie cõ petre precioſe atorno    era graſſo et picolo et depinto cõlo fuocho a diuerſe maniere mangiaua in tera ſoura vnaltaſtora oui de bissascutelaza poſti in dui vazi de porcelañ et haueua dinanzi quatovazi piennj de vino de palma ſerati con erbe odiri fere et ficati catro cannuti con ogni vno cõ queſti beueua. Facta la debita reuerentia linterprete li diſſe como lo ſuo ſigniore lo rengratiaua molto deL ſuo pñte et que li mandaua queſto nõ ꝓ il ſuo ma ꝓ lo trinſicho amore li portaua    li veſteſſemo la veſte gli poneſſemo iL bonnet in capo et li deſſemo le altre coſe et poy baſandoli vetri et ponendoli ſoura lo capo le li preſentai et facendo lui eL ſimilli li accepto poi iL re ne fece mãgiare de qelli oui et bere con qelli canuti li altiſui in queſto mezo gli diſſero lo parlamtodeL capoſopala pace et lo exortamento ꝓ farli xp̃iani iL Re ne volce te ner ſecho acene    li diceſſemo non poteuamo aloro reſtare pigliata la liſentia iL principe ne meno ſeco a caſa ſua doue ſonauano catro fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nr̃o ma era poſta in tera    Vnaltadaua vno legnio facto alcanto groſſo neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate mo in la vna mo in laltaLaltain vna borquia grande col medeſimo modo. La vltima cõ due brochiete in mão dando luna ne laltafaceua vno ſuaue ſonno tanto atempo ſonauão que pareua haueſſeno grã ragion deL canto Queſte eranno aſay belle et bian quecaſi como le noſtre et coſi grande    eranno nude ſinon q̃ haueuão tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL ginoquio et algune tute nude col pichieto dele orechie grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo tene tondo et largo cõ li capeli grandi et negri et cõ vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et ſempre diſcalce iL principe ne fece balare cõ tre tutte nude    merendaſſemo et dapoy veniſſemo ale naui    Queſte borchie ſonno de metalo et ſe fanno ne La regiõe deL ſignio magno q̃ e detta La China    Quiui le vzanno Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon.After dinner the king’s nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men281on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace.282They answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, he was answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, they received no further honor, but their children commanded them. The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else,and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal spirit;283and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to leave them two men, or at least one,284to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor. The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, but that if they wished to become Christians, our priest would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king, and that then they would become Christians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them that they should not become Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free wills;285and that he would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, but that the Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,286for so had his king commanded him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great, sin, since they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer appear to them except in the last moment at their death.287They said that they could not answer the beautiful words of thecaptain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and clasping one of the prince’s hands and one of the king’s between his own, said to them that, by his faith in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by the habit which he wore,288he promised them that he would give them perpetual peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same. After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other articles.289To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.290When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with the needle about his head, a necklace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings fastened in his ears set roundwith precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire291in various designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank.292Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him.293We dressed him in the robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we told him that we could not stay then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took us with him to his house, where four young girls were playing [instruments]—one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one would believe they possessed good musical sense.Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white as our girls and as large. They were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees. Some were quite naked and had large holes in their ears with a small round piece of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round and large. They have long black hair, and wear a short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. The prince had three quite naked girls dance for us. We took refreshments and then went to the ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno294which is called China. They are used in those regions as we use bells and are calledaghon.295Mercore matina ꝓ eſſere morto vno deli noſtinella nocte paſſata linterprete et yo andaſſemo adomander aL re doue lo poteriamo ſe pelire trouaſſemo Lo re aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita reuerenſia li lo diſſe riſpoſe ſe io et li mey vaſalli ſemo tucti deL tuo ſigniore Quãto magiormtedebe eſſere la terra et li dice como voleuamo conſacrare il luoco et meterlj vna croce    riſpoſe que era molto contento et q̃ la voleua adorare como nuy altifu ſepolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio poteſſemo ꝓ darli bõ exempio et poy la conſacraſſemo    ſultardi ne sepeliſſemo vno altoportaſſemo molta merchantia in terra et la meteſſemo in vna caſa qaL el re Latolſe ſoura ſua fede et Quatro homini q̃ eranno reſtati per merchadantare in groſſo. Queſti populi viueno cõ Juſtitia peſo et mezura    amano la pace lotio etlaquiete    anno bilancie de legnio    lo legnio a vna corda neL mezo cõ LaqaL ſetiene duno capo e piombo et delaltoſegni como carti terci et librr̃ Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belanſia ch̃ e cõ tre filli como le nr̃e et la meteno ſoura li ſegni et cuſi peſano Juſto    anno mezure grandiſſime ſenza fondo    le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como le nr̃e et le chiamano Subin    le caſe ſonno de legni de taule et de cane edificate ſopapali groſſi alti de terra q̃ biſognia andarui dentocõ ſcalle et anno camare como le nr̃e ſoto le caſe teneno li porci capre et galine ſe trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL vedere q̃ amazano le balene leqalle le Jnguiotano viui Quando loro ſonno neL corpo veneno fuora deL ſuo coperto et li magiano eL core    Queſta gente le trouano poi viui apreſſo deL core dele ballenne morte    Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto biancho et La carne    Sonno boni da mangiare et le chiamano laghan.On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had died during the previous night, the interpreter and I296went to ask the king where we could bury him. We found the king surrounded by many men, of whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked it.297He replied, “If I and my vassals all belong to your sovereign, how much more ought the land.” I told the king that we would like to consecrate the place,298and to set up a cross there. He replied that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the place, and in the evening buried another man. We carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we stored in a house. The king took it under his care as well as four men who were left to trade the goods by wholesale.299Those people live in accordance with justice, and have weights and measures. They lovepeace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other marks like quarter-libras, third-libras, and libras. When they wish to weigh they take the scales which has three wires like ours, and place it above the marks, and so weigh accurately.300They have very large measures without any bottom.301The youth play on pipes made like ours which they callsubin. Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found there which kill whales. For the whale swallows them alive, and when they are in the whale’s body, they come out of their shells and eat the whale’s heart. Those people afterward find them alive near the dead whale’s heart. Those creatures have black teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good to eat. They are calledlaghan.302Vennere li moſtraſſemo vna botega pienna de le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ ilque reſtoronno molto admirati ꝓ metalle fero et laltamerchantia groſſa ne dauano horo ꝓ le altre menute ne dauão riſo porci et capre cõ altre vi tuualgie    Queſti populi ne dauano x peci de oro ꝓ xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo duno ducato emezo    Lo capogñale non volſe ſe pigliaſſe tropo oro perque ſarebe ſtato alguno marinaro q̃ hauerebe dato tuto Lo ſuo ꝓ vno poco de oroet haueria diſconciato Lo trafigo ꝓ semper    Sabato ꝓ hauer̃ ꝓmeſſo Lo re aL capode farſi xp̃iano ne la dominicha ſe fece ne la piaza q̃ era ſacrata vno tribunalle adornato de tapiſſeria et rami de palma ꝓ baptizarlo et mandoli adire q̃ nella matina nõ haueſe paure dele bombarde per cio era noſtocoſtume ne le feſte magiore deſcaricar̃ ſenza pietre.On Friday we showed those people a shop full of our merchandise,303at which they were very much surprised. For metals, iron, and other large merchandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii libras of iron304(one piece being worth about one and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not wish to take too much gold, for there would have been some sailors who would have given all that they owned for a small amount of gold, and would havespoiled the trade for ever.305On Saturday, as the captain had promised the king to make him a Christian on Sunday, a platform was built in the consecrated square, which was adorned with hangings and palm branches for his baptism. The captain-general sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of the pieces that would be discharged in the morning, for it was our custom to discharge them at our greatest feasts without loading with stones.306Domeniga matina a Quatordize de apille andaſſemo in terra Quaranta hõj cõ duy homini tucti armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle    Quante diſmõ taſſemo ſe tira tucta lartigliaria    Queſti populi ſiguião diqua et de la Lo capoet lo re ſe abraciorono li diſſe q̃ la bandera realle nõ ſi portaua in terra ſinon cõ cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati et cõ cinquanta ſchiopeteri ma ꝓ lo ſuo grande amore coſi la haueua portata    poi tuti alegri andaſſemo preſſo aL tribunalle    Lo capoet Lo re ſedeuão in cathedre de veluto roſſo et morello li principalli in cuſſini li altiſoura ſtore    lo Capodiſſe aL re ꝓ lo interprete ringratiaſſe ydio ꝓ cio lo haueua inſpirato a farſe xp̃ano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li ſui nemiſi q̃ prima    riſpoſe q̃ voleua eſſere xp̃iano ma alguni ſui principali nõ voleuano ho bedire ꝓ che diceuano eſſere cuſſi homini como lui    alhora lo nr̃o capofece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et diſſeli ſenon hobediuão aL re como ſuo re li farebe amazare et daria la ſua roba aL re    Riſpoſeno lohebedirebẽo    diſſe aL re ſe andaua in ſpagnia retornarebe vnaltavolta cõ tanto potere q̃ lo faria Lo magior re de qelle parte per che era ſtato pimo a voler farſe xp̃iano    leuando li many aL ciello Lo rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly ſoy rimaneſſe açio meglio lui et li ſui populi focero inſtructi nelafede Lo caporeſpoſe que ꝓ Contentarlo li Laſſarebe duy ma voleua menar ſeco dui fanciulli deli principalli acio in paraſſeno la linga nr̃a et poi aLa ritornato ſapeſſero dire aqueſti altri le coſe deſpagnia    ſe miſſe vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza    Lo capoli diſſe ſeſi voleuão far xp̃iani Como haueuão deto nelli giornj paſſati li biſogniaua bru ſare tucti li ſui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni di cõ le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo farſi lo ſegnio de La croce moſtrandoli como li faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doueſſeno veni re a queſta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et qeL q̃ haueuão Ja deto voleſer̃ cõ le bonne opere confirmarlo    el re cõ tucti li altivoleuão confirmare lo tucto    lo capogñale li diſſe como ſera veſtito tuto de biancho ꝓ moſtrarli Lo ſuo ſincero amore verſo de loro    riſpoſero ꝓ li ſui dolci paroli nõ ſaperli reſpondere. Con queſte bonne parolle lo capoconduſſe lo re ꝓ la mão ſuL tribunalle ꝓ baptizarlo etdiſſeli ſe chiameria don carlo como alinperator̃ ſuo ſigniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello delinperator̃ al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno principalle fernando como iL principalle noſtoçioe Lo capo. Al moro xoforo poy ali altiaqivno nome et aqivno altoforenno baptizati inanzi meſſa cinque cento hominj    Vdita la meſſa lo capoconuito adiſnar ſeco lo re cõ altri principali    nõ volſero ne acompagniarono fina ala riua    le naui ſcaricorono tutte le bombarde et abrazandoſe preſſero Combiatto.On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore, two of whom were completely armed and preceded the royal banner.307When we reached land all the artillery was fired.308Those people followed us hither and thither. The captain and the king embraced. The captain told the king that the royal banner was not taken ashore except with fifty men armed as were those two, and with fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him that he had thus brought the banner.309Then we all approached the platform joyfully. The captain and the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet,310the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats.311The captain told the king through the interpreter that he thanked God for inspiring him to became a Christian; and that [now] he would more easily conquer his enemies than before. The king replied that he wished to become a Christian, but that some of his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said that they were as good men as he. Then our captain had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he would have them killed, and would give their possessions to the king. They replied that they wouldobey him. The captain told the king that he was going to Spagnia, but that he would return again with so many forces that he would make him the greatest king of those regions, as he had been the first to express a determination to become a Christian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked the captain, and requested him to let some of his men remain [with him], so that he and his people might be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs with him, so that they might learn our language, who afterward on their return would be able to tell the others the wonders [cose] of Spagnia. A large cross was set up in the middle of the square. The captain told them that if they wished to become Christians as they had declared on the previous days, that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross in their place. They were to adore that cross daily with clasped hands, and every morning after their [i.e., the Spaniards’] custom, they were to make the sign of the cross (which the captain showed them how to make); and they ought to come hourly, at least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneeling. The intention that they had already declared, they were to confirm with good works. The king and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. The captain-general told the king that he was clad all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward them. They replied that they could not respond to his sweet words. The captain led the king by the hand to the platform while speaking these good words in order to baptize him. He told the kingthat he would call him Don Carlo, after his sovereign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after the emperor’s brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, now one name, and now another. Five hundred men were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and some of the other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompanying us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs and the captain took leave of one another.312Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La reyna laqalle venne cõ quaranta dame la conduceſſemo ſopalo tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura vno coſſino et lalteZirca ella fin qeL prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine de La nr̃a donna vno bambino di legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ piangendo domando lo bateſimo la nomina ſemo Johanna como la madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola moglie deL principe Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre ognuna lo ſuo nome    bap tizaſſemo octo cento anime fra homini donne et fanciulli    la regina era Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et nero haueua la bocha et le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in circa de le medeſme foglie como qella deL papa    ne may va in alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte    ne demando iL banbino ꝓtenerlo in locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti    ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime perſonne vennerono aL lito    lo capoalhora fece tirare molte trombe de fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃    eL capoet lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli    Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ    Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni forenno baptizati tucti de queſta yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re ne a noy la qalle era in vna yſola vicina aqueſta    poneſſemo quiui la croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno gentilli    ſe foſſero ſtato mori li hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha li gentilli.After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.313We named her Johanna, after the emperor’s mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.314The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she wore a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,315with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.316She asked us to give her the little childJesus to keep in place of her idols;317and then she went away. In the afternoon,318the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.319The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king’s name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other island, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathen. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen.Jn queſti giorni lo capogñalle andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de La fede    La regina vene vno giorno cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa    tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle et cõ Lo ſuo capello    aſaiſſime donne la ſeguiuão leqalle erão tute nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno paniocolo de tella de palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li capilli ſparſi    La regina facta la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſupavno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capola ba gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de hacqua roza muſchiata moltoſe delectauão de talle odore    ſapendo Lo capoqeL bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ che era in memoria deL figloL de dio    ringratiandolo molto lo accepto.The captain-general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.320One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.321She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedinglyin such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of her idols, for it was in memory322of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it.Vno giorno lo capogñale inanzi meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se chiamaua bendara vno altofratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti altique laſſo ꝓ non eſſere longo    fece tuti q̃ſti Jurare eſſere hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno la mano poi fece qeL re deſſere ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re deſpagnia    coſi lo Juro    alhora iL capocauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la ymagina de nr̃a donna et diſſe aL re Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto doueriaſi morire que aromper vno ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de limperator̃ ſuo se. et ꝓ il ſuo habito deſſerle ſempre fidelle    facto queſto lo capodonno aL re vna cathedra de veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore ſuo et diſce aL capoComo faceua far vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laqaL era due ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali oreqie due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre precioſe ꝓadornare le orechie    Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande liqalli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno panno de tella de la cinta fina aL ginochio.Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king’s brother and prince’s father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king’s brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.323The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter’s hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.324Thereupon, the captain drew his Sword before the image of our Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,325if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten326in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other preciousgems to adorn327the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.JL capogñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et ali altiꝓ qaL cagionne nõ bruzauão li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly ſacrificaua tanta Carne    riſpoſero qeL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli li daſſe ſalute laqeL non parlaua Ja catogiorni    era fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de La yſolo Lo capogli diſſe q̃ bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che varamẽte credeua in chriſto faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que non poteua parlare ne mouerſe    Lo baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et x donzelle poi lo capoli fece dire como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe como ꝓ la gracade nr̃o sor. ſtaua aſſay benne    Queſto fu vno manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi noſtiQuando Lo capoLo vdi parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia laueua facta fare ꝓ lui    poi mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa oleorozato et algune conſerue de zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni qeL comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie in caſa ſua in p̃ntia deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece diſfare molti tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare neliqalli mangiauão la carne conſacrata    Loro medeſimi Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia    li rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li parti de drieto    anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ quatodenti grandiſſimj como porci cingiari et ſonno tucti depintjOne day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians; and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince’s brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater,oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,328in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and destroyed329those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life, they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king’s house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over.Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li nomi de leqalle et deli suoi et deli ſuiprincipaliſonno queſti Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et vnaltalubucun    Tucti qʒſti ne hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan laqaL faceua Lo porto doue eramo iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu    Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaiaThere are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.330All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan, which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia.Açio que vr̃a ilLmasaſapia le Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonanoqelle borchie grandi poi ſe porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in foglie con peche bruſtolato. Laltocon panne de Cambaia et due banderete di palma    Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende in terra    poi veneno duy femine Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno tronbonne de cana in mão    Quando ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et piglia vnaltofaciolo ne le manj et balando et ſunando con qello chiama iL ſolle    laltapiglia vna de qelle banderete et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle    Quella deL faciolo piglia laltabandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla tacitamẽte aL ſolle et qeLa altali riſponde    poy aqella de li corni li e apreſentato vna taça de vino et balando et dicendo certe parolle et laltareſpondendoli et facendo vista catoho cinque volte de beuere eL vino ſparge qello ſoura eL core deL porcho    poy ſubito torna aballare    a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle ſempre tute due balando et moſtrã do catoho cinque volte de dare [de dare:doublet in original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza Lo paſſa da parte aparte    preſto ſi ſera la ferita con erbaqe’lla q̃ amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laqalle ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte Ceremonie LaltacoL capo deL trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo dito La fronte pima ali ſoi mariti poy ali altima nõ veñeroño may a noi    poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et Conuitano Senon femine    Lo porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni ſuno altoque Le vequie conſacrano La carne di porcho et nõ La magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de queſta ſorte.In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those largegongs.331Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia332and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and making pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped333withgrass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.334The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.335Queſti populi vano nudi portano ſolamente vno pezo de tella de palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo membro circa dela teſta de luna parte alaltacon vno fero de oro houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna penna de ocha et in vno capo et laltodeL medeſimo fero alguni anno Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li capi alticomo vna teſta de chiodo da caro    aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi vedere da molti coſi veqiComo Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere    neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ ilqalle vrinano    iL fero et le ſtelle ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli    quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a meterſi dentoopimo qella ſtella de ſoura et poy LaltaQuanto edentodiuenta in ordine et cuſi ſempre ſta dentofin que diuenta molle perche altramẽti nõ Loporianno cauare fuora.    Queſti populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de debille natura    anno Quante moglie voleno ma vna principalle    Se vno deli nr̃i andaua in tera coſi dedi Como de nocte ogni uno Lo Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et qeL beueſſe    Le ſue viuande ſonno mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno ſpeſſo et molto con qelli ſui Cannuti dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore vno ſuo mangiare    Le donne amauão aſay piu noy que queſti atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de qelli ſui membrj.Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm-tree cloth about336their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwisethey could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.337Whenever any of our men went ashore, both by day and by night, every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars338through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men’s penises.339Quando vno deli ſui principali emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie    pima mente tutte le donne principale de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte    in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna caſa    in torno la caſa poneno corde a mo do duno ſtecato neliqali atachano molti ramy de arbore    in mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu principali tute coperte de panne bianqide bombaſo per vna donzella ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno ſparauentolo di palma    le alteſedeanno intorno la camera meſte    poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto vnaltaq̃ era ſtata la moglie principale deL morto giaceua ſoura lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue many et li ſui piedi con qelli deL morto.    Quando qella tagliaua li capilj queſta piangeua et Quando reſtaua de tagliarliqueſta Cantaua    atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et ſupaqello mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano olere la caſa grandemẽte    lo teneno in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte Cerimonie    Credo ſia onto de canfora    poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de legni. ogni nocte in queſta cita circa de la meza nocte veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua quatoocinque ore queL ſuo gridare et vrlare    nõ ne volſeno may dire la cagiõ de queſto.They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief340women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.341Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are manyporcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.342Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that screeching and howling would last for four or five hours,343but those people would never tell us the reason of it.Vennere a vintiſey de aqilLe Zula principale de qella yſola matan mando vno ſuo figliolo con due capre apreſentarle aL capogñale et dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de laltoprincipalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua potuto mandarglila et que neLa nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe ſolamente vno batello pienno de homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et combateria    Lo capogñale delibero de andarui cõ tre batelli    Lo pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme col re xp̃iano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno ariuaſſemo a matan    Lo caponon volſe Combater alhora mali mando adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano hobedireaL re de spagnia et recognioſcere Lo re xp̃iano ꝓ ſuo se. et darne lo nr̃a tributo li ſarebe amicho maſe voleuano altramente aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃e Lance    riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte et pali bruſtolate et que nõ andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le caze ꝓ farne caſcare dento.    Venuto Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina ale coſſie caranta noue homini et cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de baleſtainanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto    li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL acqua    li altivndici homini reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli    Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ fiancho et Laltoꝓ contro.    Lo capoquã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de tauole ſotille et li brazi    Lo cappogridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li valeua niente. Quando queſti viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in vano gridando deliborono a ſtar forte ma molto piu gridauão    Quando erano deſcarigati li ſquiopetimay nõ ſtauano fermi ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie Lance de canna alguno di fero aL capogñalle pali pontini bruſtolati pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo capogñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze deuentorono piu fero    ci apreſſo de le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo    ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba drita aL capoper il que comando q̃ ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o octo cõ lo capitanio    Queſti non ne tirauão in altoſinon ale gambe per q̃ erano nude    ꝓ tante Lancie et pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo reſiſtere    le bombarde de li batelli ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de la riua ſempre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne ſeguitoro et repigliando vna medeſima Lancie quatooſey volte ne La Lanciauano    queſti Connioſſendo Lo capotanti ſi voltorono ſopade lui q̃ dui volte li botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre ſtaua forte cõ alguni altipiu de vno hora coſſi combateſſemo et non volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui    ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar demano a La ſpada non puote cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo    Quando viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo alui    vno cõ vno grã terciado che e como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ Laqalle caſco coL volto inanzi    subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie de fero et de cana et con qelli ſui terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃a amazarono    Quando lo feriuão molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ vedere ſe eramo tucti dentoneli bateli    poi vedendolo morto aL meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão    Lo re xp̃iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo capoinanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que modo Combateuão    Quando lo re ſepe como era morto piance ſe non era queſto pouero caponiuno de noy Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando lui Combateua li altiſe retiravão ali batelli. Spero in vr̃a IlLmasaLa fama duno ſi generoſo caponon debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſtifra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima fortuna q̃ may alguno altofoſſe ſupõ taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li altiet piu Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente ninguno altohauer̃ auuto tantoJngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta aL Sabato vintiſete de apille 1521. iL capoLa volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaqalle foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃i et catoJndij facto xp̃iani dale bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici Se non Quindici ma molti de noy feriti.On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,344sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the kingof Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.345They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the nativeswould never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body. Then, tryingto lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,346which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts347and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talentnor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.348The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,349and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded.Dopo diſnare le re xp̃iano mando adire cõ Lo noſtoconſentimẽto aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare lo capocon li altimorti q̃ li dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ memoria ſua.In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.350Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo capoqelli catoq̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare fecero portare le noſtre merchantie alle naui    poy faceſſemo dui gu bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe parente deL capo. et Johã ſeranno ſpagniolo    linterprete nr̃o q̃ ſe chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare le coſe nr̃e neceſſarie ma ſtaua ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la naue capali grido et diſſegli ſe benne e morto Lo capoſuo se. ꝓ queſto non era libero anzi voleuaQuando foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL capogñale et minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et moſtro de non far cõto de queſte parolle et ando in tera adire al re xp̃iano Como ſe voleuão partire preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nr̃e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente que pimaOn Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,351a Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.352As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would seeto it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should still be the slave of Doña Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.353And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king354that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning355than before.Mercore matina pimo de magio Lo re xp̃ono mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano preparate le gioie haueu    ꝓmeſſo de mandare aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ li altiſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho qella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono 24 homini in tera    cõ queſti ando Lo nr̃o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. martín de siuilla yo non li pote andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de freza venenata che haueua nela fronte    Jouan caruaio cõ Lo barizello tornorono indietro et ne diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per che dubitauão de qalque malle    nõ diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti    ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele caſe ne aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ doueſſemo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno    lidomandaſſemo ſe tucti li alticon lo interprete erano morti    diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo linterprete ne prego molto Lo doueſſemo reſcatare cõ qalque merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera    Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a Johan caruiao ſuo compadre    ſubito ſe partiſſemo    nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo lui reſtaſſe.On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders that the jewels356which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martín de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable357returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.358Consequently, they had left that place, because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would killhim.359We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.360But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.361Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte ſorte vino de palma et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente laltaaL grego et leuante    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe cento ſexanta catogradi et ſe chiama Zubu    Quiui inanzi q̃ moriſſe lo capogenneralle haueſſemo noua de malucho    Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ corde de ramo.In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,362gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.363It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances—one to the west and the other to the east northeast.364It lies in x degrees365of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-four366degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili.AL homo:lacALa donnaparanpaonALa Jouenebeni beniAla maritatababayAli capillibo hoAL vizoguayAle palpebrepilacAle cigliechilei.Al ocquiomatta.AL nazoJlon.Ale maſſelleapinAli labrioloL.A la boccababa.A li dentinipinAle gengiueleghex.Ala lingadillaAlle orechiedelengan.Ala golaliogh.AL collotangipAL mentoq̃ilan.ALa barbabonghotAle ſpallebagha.A la ſchenalicud.AL petodughanAL corpotiamSoto li braciJlotAL braciobotchenAL gomedoſicoAL polſomolanghaiALa manocamatA la palma de la manpalanAL ditodudloAla ongiacocoAL LombelicopuſutAL membrovtinAli teſticolibotoAla natura de le donnebillatAL vzar cõ loroJiamAle cullateſamputAla coſsapahaAL ginochiotuhud.AL Schinchobaſsag baſsagALa polpa de la gambabitisALa cauechiabolboLAL calcagniotiochidAla ſolla deL pieLapa lapaAL horobalaoanAL argentopillaAL LatonconcachAL ferobutanAle canne dolcetubeAL cuchiarogandanAL rizobughax barasAL melledeghexALa ceratalhoAL ſalleacinAL vinotuba nio nipaAL bereMinuncubiLAL mangiaremaCan.AL porchobabuiALa capracandinALa galinamonochAL migliohumasAL ſorgobatatAL panizodanaAL peueremaniſſaAli garofolichianche.ALa Cannellamana.AL gengeroluiaAL ayoLaxunaAli naranſiacſuaAL ouoſilogAL cocolubi.AL accetozluchaAL acquatubinAL fuocoClayo.AL fumoassu.AL ſofiaretigban.Alle belancietinbanAL pezotahiLAla perlamutiara.Ale madre de le perletipay.Ala zampogniaSubinAL mal de stoJob.Alupalanportamepalatin comoricaAcerte fogacie de rizotinapaibuonomainNõti da leAL cortellocapol ſundanAle forficecatleA tosarechunthinchAL homo ben hornatopixaoAla tellabalandanA li panni q̃ ſe coprenoAbacaAL conagliocolon colonAli pater nr̃j dogni ſortetacleAL petinecutlei miſsamisAL pentinaremonssughud.ALa CamizaSabun.ALa gugia de coſiredaghuAL cuſiremamisA La porcelanamobulucAL canaaian ydoAL gatoepos.Ali ſui veligapasAli criſtalinibalusVien qimaricaAla cazaJlaga balaiAL legniametatamueAlle ſtore doue dormenoTagichanAle ſtore de palmabaniAle cuſſini de foglieVlimanA li piati de legniodulanAL ſuo ydioAbba.AL ſolleadloALa lunaſonghotAla ſtelabolan bunthun.ALa aurorameneAla matinavemaAla tazataghagrandebaſsaLAL archoboſsugh.ALa frezaoghon.Ali targonicalaſsan.A le veſte inbotide ꝓ combaterbalutiAle ſue daghecalix baladaoAli ſui tertiadiCampilan.A la Lanciabancan.El talletuan.Ali figuiſaghinAle zuchebaghinAle corde dele ſue viollegotzapAL fiumetau.AL riſaio ꝓ peſcarepucat laiaAL batelloſampan.A le canne grandecauaghan.Ale picolebonbon.Ale ſue barche grandebalanghaiAle ſue barque picollebolotoAli granciCubanAL peſceJcam yſſidaA vno peſcie tuto depintopanap ſapãA vno altoroſſotimuan.A vno certo altopilaxA vno altoemaluan.Tuto e vnoSiama siamaA vno ſchiauobonſuLA la forcabolleALa nauebenaoaA vno re o capogñaleraia.Words of those heathen peopleFor Manlacfor Womanparanpaonfor Young womanbeni benifor Married womanbabayfor Hairbohofor Faceguayfor Eyelidspilacfor Eyebrowschileifor Eyemattafor Noseilonfor Jawsapinfor Lipsololfor Mouthbabafor Teethnipinfor Gumsleghexfor Tonguedillafor Earsdelenganfor Throatlioghfor Necktangipfor Chinqueilanfor Beardbonghotfor Shouldersbaghafor Spinelicudfor Breastdughan367for BodytiamArmpitilotfor Armbotchenfor Elbowsicofor Pulsemolanghaifor Handcamatfor the Palm of the handpalanfor Fingerdudlofor Fingernailcocofor Navelpusutfor Penisutinfor Testiclesbotofor Vagina368billatfor to have Communication with womenjiamfor Buttockssamputfor Thighpahafor Kneetuhudfor Shinbassag bassag369for Calf of the legbitisfor Anklebolbolfor Heeltiochidfor Sole of the footlapa lapafor Goldbalaoanfor Silverpillafor Brassconcachfor Ironbutanfor Sugarcanetubefor Spoongandanfor Ricebughax barasfor Honeydeghexfor Waxtalhofor Saltacinfor Winetuba nio nipafor to Drinkminuncubilfor to Eatmacanfor Hogbabuifor Goatcandinfor Chickenmonochfor Millethumasfor Sorgobatatfor Panicumdana370for Peppermanissafor Cloveschianchefor Cinnamonmanafor Gingerluiafor Garliclaxunafor Orangesacsuafor Eggsilogfor Cocoanutlubifor Vinegarzluchafor Watertubinfor Fireclayofor Smokeassufor to Blowtigbanfor Balancestinbanfor Weighttahil371for Pearlmutiarafor Mother of pearltipayfor Pipe [a musical instrument]sub infor Disease of St. Jobalupalan372Bring mepalatin comoricafor certain Rice cakestinapai373GoodmainNotidalefor Knifecapol, sundanfor ScissorscatleTo shavechunthinchfor a well adorned Manpixaofor Linenbalandanfor the cloth with which they cover themselvesabacafor hawk’sbellcoloncolon374for Pater nosters of all classestaclefor Combcutlei, missamisfor to Combmonssughudfor Shirtsabunfor Sewing-needledaghufor to Sewmamisfor Porcelainmobulucfor Dogaian, ydofor Cateposfor their Scarfsgapasfor Glass BeadsbalusCome heremaricafor Houseilaga, balaifor Timbertatamuefor the Mats on which they sleeptagichanfor Palm-matsbanifor their Leaf cushionsulimanfor Wooden plattersdulanfor their Godabbafor Sunadlofor Moonsonghotfor Starbolan, bunthunfor Dawnmenefor Morninguemafor CuptaghaLargebassalfor Bowbossughfor Arrowoghonfor Shieldscalassanfor Quilted garments used for fightingbalutifor their daggerscalix, baladaofor their Cutlassescampilanfor Spearbancanfor Liketuanfor Figs [i.e., bananas]saghinfor Gourdsbaghinfor the Cords of their violinsgotzapfor Rivertaufor Fishing-netpucat, laiafor small Boatsampanfor large Canescauaghanfor the small onesbonbonfor their large Boatsbalanghaifor their small Boatsboloto375for Crabscubanfor Fishicam, yssidafor a Fish that is all coloredpanapsapanfor another red [Fish]timuanfor a certain other [kind of Fish]pilaxfor another [kind of Fish]emaluanAll the samesiama siamafor a Slavebonsulfor Gallowsbollefor Shipbenaoafor a King or Captain-generalraiaNumero:VnoVzzaduyduatretolo.QuatovpatCinquelimaSeyonomSettepittooctogualuNoueCiam.Diecepolo.NumbersOneuzzatwoduathreetolofourupatfivelimasixonomsevenpittoeightgualunineciamtenpolo376Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola zzubu aL capo de qeLa altaq̃ ſe chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo de queſto arcipelago la naue conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy la via deL garbin et mezo di coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe panilongon nela qalle ſonno homini negiComo in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a vna yſola grande Lo re delaqalle ꝓ fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga in ſegnio de magior amitiſia    coſi faceſſemo ancho nui    Jo ſolo anday cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta yſola    ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono peſce al re    poy lo re ſe cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le ſue ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et cantando Co minciorono a vogare paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano ſoura Lo fiume    ariuaſſemo a due hore de nocte in caſa ſua    daL principio de qʒſto fiume doue eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re erão due legue    entrãdo nela caſa ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna et de foglie de palma    Queſte torcie erano deanime Como li dete de soura    fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene lo re con dui principali et due ſue femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo de vino pienno de palma ſenza mangiare niente    Jo eſcuſandomi hauere cennato non volce berre ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão tute le cerimonie Como eL re de mazaua    venne poy La Cena de rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in ſcutelle de porcelana    mangiauão lo rizo ꝓ panne    Cocono Lo rizo in queſto modo prima meteno dentoin pigniate de terra como le nr̃e vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata    poy li meteno lacque et iL rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne    poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi    in tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in queſta ſorte    Cenato q̃ haueſſemo Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne con vnaltade palma et vna cucino de foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte    iL re con le due femine ando a dormire in vno luoco ſeparato    dormi cõ vno ſuo principali    Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla    vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie    finito Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni vederia La reyna    me reſpoſe era contento    andaſſemo de Compania in çima duno alto monte doue era la caſa de la reyna Quando entray in caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi verſo de me    ſedeti apreſſo a ella Laqalle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatroborquie de metalo vna magiore de Laltaet due piu picole ꝓ ſenare    gli eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La ſeruiuão    Queſte caſe ſonno facte como le alteJa dete    pigliata liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re    ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de canne dolce    La magior abundantia q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro    mi moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi ſegnio que in qelli era tanto horo como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno qela fatiga    Queſta parte de La yſola e vna medeſma terra con butuan et calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et confina cõ mazaua per che tornaremo vna altafiata in queſta izolla non dico altopaſſato mezo di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe venire et li altiprincipali et cuſſi veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai    retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman drita ſopavno monticello tre huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ haueua tagliati li ramy    Domanday al re qieran qelli    riſpoſi q̃ erano maLfactorj et robatorj    Queſti populi vano nudi Como li altide ſupaLo re ſe chiama raia Calanao    eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua rizo gengero porci capre galine et altecoſe    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento ſexantaſete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipitdue Jornate de qlaL maiſtrale ſe troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo Junci deli populi lechijIn the midst of that archipelago,377at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship “Conceptione,” for too few men of us were left [to work it].378We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and the laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,379where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king’s house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas. When we entered the house, we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,380which were of theanime,of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt381fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.382When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.383When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses384but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen’s house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jarsand four metal gongs—one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller—for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king’s house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,385making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not dare to go to the trouble [to get it].386That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.387As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked as do the others above mentioned. The king’s name is Raia Calanao.388The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees389from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu,and is called Chipit.390Two days’ journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,391where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.392Partendone de qlala meza partita de ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna yſola non molto grande et caſi deſhabitata    La gente de queſta ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna yſola deta burne    vano nudi Como li altianno za robotane con li carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con erba venenata    anno pugnialli con li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi ſancti    Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandiſſimj    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et chiamaſſe caghaian.Leaving there and laying our course west southwest, we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.393They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas394from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.395Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni altiLongui vno palmo et altimancho molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne dolci radice como rapi aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo fuocho in canne o in legnio    queſto dura piu que qello coto in pigniatte    Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay volte ſteſſemo in force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra ꝓ non morire de fame.    Lo re fece pace cõ noitagliandoſſe vno pocho cõ vno nr̃o cortello in mezo deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy    Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in noue gradi et vno terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno terſo de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitiõe pulaoan.About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.396The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third397degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.398Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li altiQuaſi tucti Lauaranno li ſui campi    hanno zarabotanne cõ freze de legnio groſſe piu duno palmo arponate et algune con ſpine de peſce con erba venenata at altecõ ponte de cana arponate et venenate anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in cambio de le penne neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno tracte le freze combateno cõ queſto precianno aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ ligare li ſui ami da peſcare    anno gally grandi molto domeſtici    nõ li mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe alguna volta li fanno combatere luno cõ laltoet ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL vincitore he ſuo eL premio    et anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et meglior̃ de qello de palma.Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all399of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.400At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head;401and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.402Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et coſteandola ne pareua alquanto aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eLcorpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo oſcuriſſimo    daL principio de queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno cinquanta legue    Lo Jorno ſequente a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta yſola ne mando vno prao molto bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate doro    era ſupala proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne de pauonne in cima    alguni ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma die    li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le almadie ſonno le ſue barche da peſcare    octo homini vecqideli principali entrarono nele naui et ſederonno neLa popa ſopavno tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de legnio de pinto pieno de betre et areca che e qeL fructo que maſticano ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de naranci coperto de vno panno de ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone pigliaronno liſentia    eL vino de rizo he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto grande q̃ molti deli noſtiſembriacarõ et lo chiamano arach.Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holybody [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty leguas403from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Twoalmadies404came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while thealmadiesare their small fishing boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), and jessamine405and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is calledarach[i.e., arrack].Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnaltavolta tre prao con molta pompa ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la cima deL capo    li ſalutaſſemo cõle bonbarde ſenza pietre    poy ne detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj dezucharo et alguni altifacti amodo de torte con oui et melle    ne diſſero como lo ſue re era contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃o piacer̃    vdendo queſto montaſſemo ſette de nuy altiſopalo prao et portaſſemo vno pñte al re elqalle era vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto morello cinque bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro dorato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [roſso:crossed out in original MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe argentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno bichier dorato    aL re darme q̃ era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa turcheſca vno bonnet et vno quinterno de carta a li altiſete principali a qitella a qibonnetj et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et ſubito ſe partiſſemo.Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves,while others were made in the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven406of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,407a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red:crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land].Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ coprire nr̃i preſenti poy montaſſemo ſopali elefanty et queſti dodice hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li linſoli de cambaia    lo giorno ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del reſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo ſoura li elefanti    ne la corte deL palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et altiprincipali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala grande piena de molti baronj oue ſedeſſemo ſopavno tapeto cõ li pñti neli vazi apreſſo noi    AL capo de Queſta ſala nehe vnaltapiu alta ma alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due feneſtre con due cortine de brocato daliqalli veniua la luce nella ſala    iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ ſtocqinudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna grande feneſtadalaqalle ſe tiro vna cortina de brocato dentode queſta vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare betre    dietro da lui erano ſinon donne Alhora ne diſſe vno principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno piu principale et Quello avno fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dentocõlore et ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo altoet poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li diceſſemo como eramo deLre deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace ſeco et nõ domandauão altoſaluo potere mẽcadã tare    ne fece dire el re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃o piacere    poi li deſſemo li preſenti    faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy altifo dacto brocadelo et panny de oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſopala ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando negli    ne deteno vna Colatiõe de garofoli et canella    alora foreno tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre    li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti haueuão panni de oro [de oro:doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre precioſe et molti aneli nele mani    retornaſſemo Soura le elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃    Sete homini portorono iL prezente del re ſempre dinanzi Quando foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura la ſpala Siniſtra    aliqalli ꝓ ſua fatica donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de Cortelli    venirono in caſa deL gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ altitanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte de re    in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi galine pauonj et altry animali et de peſce    cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce et altecoſe    beue uão a ogni bocone pieno vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de qeL vino lanbicato    mangiaſſemo rizo et altre viuandede ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro Como li nr̃j    oue dormiſſemo le due nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Candellieri de argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne dolio cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão    Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj    Queſta cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focqile caſe ſonno tute de legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti da tera Quando lo mare creſcie vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo viuere    dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno muro de Cadreli groſſo con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel qalle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde de metalo et ſey de fero    in li dui giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte    Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia Siripada era de Quaranta anny et graſſo    ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non donne figliole deli principali    non ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non Quando va ala caza    ninguno li po par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a Queſti chiamano Xiritoles.When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,408whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to theking’s palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor’s to the king’s house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king’s orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,409where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.410At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.411No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance.We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.412They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor’s house, seven men carrying the king’s presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor’s house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet foodwith gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city413is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families].414The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king’s house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters415of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,416who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark.Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con altitanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole    Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe qalque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibilenela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo catoamazando molte ꝓ ſonne    tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon    coſtui era capogñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata    giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto capoet Lo Jonco ſenza noſtoconſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo    ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo capone haueria dato tuto qello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto capoera molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro.    in queſto porto glie vnaltacita de gentilli magiori de qella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto    il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo    facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſtiq̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão contali gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõede queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce    de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL caporeteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpagama Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue.On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli417(which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible,abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,418which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack theheathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.419LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto    ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime    ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore    la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina    lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo    ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe    la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolamteduna parte quatoſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis    per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſtene dauano ſey ſcutellede porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana    ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola    vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL    Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali    Queſti morj vano nudi como li altibeueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno.Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.420Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.421The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that moneypicis.422They gave us six porcelain dishes for onecathil423(which is equivalent to two of our libras)of quicksilver; one hundredpicisfor one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils), of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar ofanimeto calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo].424Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,425wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles426more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quicksilver—the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health.Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe laltogiorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute.The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen’s eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king’s presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them.Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denticõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro    ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei.Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter’s law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;427not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, butnot to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.428They are circumcised like the Jews.Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa    e menuta como li remole    Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor    li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe    Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne.Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.429If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call itcapor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.430That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.431Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua    vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo    vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno    ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne    le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre altifugirono de drieto da certe yſollete.Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,432because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.433Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we captured it.434Three other praus escaped behind certain islets.AL capo de burne faqueſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno portoꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dentoet ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni    Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qiin vna coſa qiin vnaltama la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe    Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnaltaloqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi    gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte    fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et laltaquaranta catro    pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni    eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo    haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo    Ancora qiſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue    apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delaltaanno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qile coca fugino    yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola    Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de altoſenon de arie.At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eightdegrees and seven minutes,435is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,436and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the other forty-four.437We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.438Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches439them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.440I believe those leaves live on nothing but air.Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa etLo ſacquegiaſſemo    ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine    poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et altecoſe    vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi    poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et altecoſe    ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fala yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandissoQuando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno altomare    reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle    le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo    Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle    coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo    ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle.Having left that island,441that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we capturedthe junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two island, Zolo and Taghima,442which lie toward the west, and near which pearls are found.443The two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,444he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him.Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli    La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue    in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare    ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj    ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    larbore de queſta Cannella he altotre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti    la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro    La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella    La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella    la chiamão caiu mana    Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce.Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.445The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island, we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people call itcaiu mana.Caiumeans wood, andmana, sweet, hence, “sweet wood.”446Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti    Quanto alguni altivedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue eramalucho    ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco    in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi    Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco, we captured by force abigniday,447a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.448All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao,and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.449Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty450leguas from Cavit.451Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſtiſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et stachiara ſoura lo trinqueto    ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a stonicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina    ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle    Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli altiQueſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit.Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452Sarangani, and Candighar.453One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.454St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghani and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit.Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho    facendo nr̃oviagio famezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere    ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette    Queſta yſola tenne quatore raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu    ſonno gentili    ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir.Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might showus where Malucho lay.455Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.456Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father’s shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut    poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau    paſſate queſte due yſollemercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quatoyſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue    Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria    non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle:doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho    eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato.Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.458The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.459[Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.460After passing those two islands, onWednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with us told us that those four islands were Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.461Among all those islands [among all those islands:doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.462Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria    neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta    ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo    ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe    lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno    dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amalucoda luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuyeramo qelli    Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo    li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui    eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſteꝓ che daqiindietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore    li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue altiſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti altiaqibonneti et aqicortelli    deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare    dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer altoſinon la ꝓpiavita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s.    doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la citaet se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti    partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare    pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde    Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo    alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo    haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo:doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor.Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,463we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined toconsult the moon,464whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.465Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece ofberania(the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups,466and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives;467and to each of nine others—all of them his chiefs—a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoevercame to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head.468When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,469and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head,doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqiinanzi La ſua Jſola et vnaltachiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio:crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpagalui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃    ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui degaroſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare    JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere.On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada471the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons:crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,472named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk473which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king’s servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.474He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner tofurnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.Açcio vr̃a JILmasa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian    tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre    Tadore et qella doue eramo    tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente    La vltima e bachian et tienne re    tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho.    non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno francoſeranno portugueſe capogñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore    poy facta faloro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno francoſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj    il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducentobahar de garofoli    coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capoamalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui    D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capogñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare    paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de francoſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali    li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.475At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno476had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major,and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general’s pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.477Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.478Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui    coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li altecoſe de francoſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto    ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo    Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui    li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno pannode oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice    accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti    Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun petoalfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de francoſeranno vene de bandan ataranate    iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia    mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno.On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with theboat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa,479a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We480sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta    il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ altetante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco altoComo vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte    finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera.    Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato    ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole    Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine    Dinanzi a queſta yſolanehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli    ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et laltocinque cento et vinticinque    li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno    JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dentone layſola    in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi.Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king’s house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very largeisland, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.481The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482We bought many of them from those people.Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia    gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo    ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quatoqʒiet ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre deqelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar    tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqibonny Ly volſe el re    molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi    la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto    ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte.On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483one bahar; for threeof those gongs of theirs, two bahars;484for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.485Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.486Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama    alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta    JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne    ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuãonele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine    gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta    Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore.On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen’s name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had inthe ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,487and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.)(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO][FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſtode Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo.Antonio Pigafeta,1patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],2to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,3renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.4Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmoet exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdomonsor.francochieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL epistodi aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mareocceanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comrede sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopavna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qide ſoto intendera v exasa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandolaquando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna gracami donno et recomando.Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,5with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),6and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,7who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship,I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.8Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,9a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”],10[who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure,11finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement,12you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, althoughyou are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.13Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno altofuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqiſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eLvento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa    Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi    Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj    Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la panel principio de la nocte    La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La tanel fine    tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli    el poera del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo todel maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capogenneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri.The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.14These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they callfarol.15He always carried thatfarolset at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and calledspartorope16which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together.If he showed two lights besides that of thefarol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall.17If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;18after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.19Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.20When he desired to alter his course, he showed two;21and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight,22and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master.23Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.24Luni a x d̃ agusto gode ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi    Poi venirono ad un altoq̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle    ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqiꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capiꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcunecoſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capogenneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto.On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,25(and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.26Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.27It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port.28From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.29Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish30[providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any31woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose    poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni    Sapera vr̃a IlLmasa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de altahabondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano.We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.32On the 26th33of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood.34We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso35to get pitch,36staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];37but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.38Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqiJnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão    quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqinoſtiq̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqichiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto.At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south,39and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus formany days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.40Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,41before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked,42all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious.43When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes calledtiburoni[i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,44although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night,45with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour46blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm.47Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo.    vn altra quando la femina vol far lioui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li altivcelli et nõ de altoSi como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad altivcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello    anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alticongregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola.I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the femalewishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.48Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Stoauguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne    ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati    ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini    ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate.    qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi    et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta luciaet in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li altiquãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle.After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west49until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin50which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of theanta,51which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.52For a king of diamonds [danari],53which is a playing card, they gave me 654fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day,and on that day had the sun on the zenith;55and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.56Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissaet piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme.    e deL re de portugalo    li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Laltoa legni groſſi    fanno foco infra eſſi in tera    in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore    anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra    queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere    ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte.    vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi    Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro.    fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua mortoSuo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deLſuofigliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala.    qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny    Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono:doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri    portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich    anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gatimaimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima    fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta.    hanno porci q̃ ſopaLa ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga    ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna    Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito    de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi    le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandissopiacere vederli    Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida    era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quandoajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia    queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ.That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,57put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,58and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years.59They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they callboii60and sleep in cotton hammocks calledamache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of thoseboii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,61and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,62hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.63Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,64who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed herson, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,65he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio,66who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are:doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,67have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,68while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots,and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful.69They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.70They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,71and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.72The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.73The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.74But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure75to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76It had been about two months since it had rained inthat land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.77Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno    Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ altoſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito    ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supala camera deL maiſtoet victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo.At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.78One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action.79Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin.AL miglio.MaizAlla farina.huiAL hamo.pindaAL cortellotacseAl petinechigapAlla forficepirameAL ſonaglioJtanmaraczBuono piu q̃ bonotum maragathumSome words of those people of Verzin80For Milletmaizfor Flourhuifor Fishhookpindafor Knifetacsefor Combchigapfor Scissorspiramefor BellitanmaracaGood, bettertum maragathumSteſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera    ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume deacqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li altisuoi    haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li altiportoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dentonella terra ꝓ paura de noi    Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno    fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi.    in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle.    ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de stamaria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui.We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees81toward the Antarctic Pole,where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends.82He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width.83A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.84Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue    Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale.    nõ volano et viueno de peſe    eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſicomo viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi    nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele.    le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie    Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et stachiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna.Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves.85Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf,with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.Partendone de qiariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe    quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capogñalle    Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello    Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqicapili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho.    era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme    el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, legambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui    ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn altapietra. Lo capogenneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quatode li noſtihomini ꝓ terra    da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſtiet mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati    Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſticorſe doue ſtauano li altiSe miſſeno in fila tuti nudi    ariuando li noſtia eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa    li noſtili feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto.    queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando levedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati    anno le tete longue mozo brazo.    ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre    menavano quatode qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino    poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze.    li noſtine canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj.Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.86We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,87singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same, actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet into the presence of the captain-general. When the giant was in the captain-general’s and our presence, he marveled greatly,88and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.89He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That animal has a head and ears as large as those of amule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.90His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.91In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,92and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.93The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink, and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four94of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were, who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them, they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made from the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had nothing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter arenot so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their husbands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. They led four of those young animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals.Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia    haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſtipima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſtiet dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capogñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li altiet tanto trata bile et gratioſo.    ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouanicomo nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima.    poi eL capogñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui    ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capogñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li altima piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy.Six days after the above, a giant painted95and clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,96and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When the captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. He was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths97and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni.He uttered [the words] “Jesu,” “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and “Jovani” [i.e., John97as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captain-general, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us.Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quatode queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente    JL capogenneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se altamente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta    ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqiſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capogñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li altiduy voleuano ajutarli    ma iL caponõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciualaſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi    Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capopur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli altidui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſtidoue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza    ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto    Laltotanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſtilo ferirono vn pocho ſopala teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li altiduy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora    ma ne lalba parloro ale donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece.    laltomenaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori    quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via    li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire    quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della.    li noſtiſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata    Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere.A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them—the youngest and best proportioned—by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.98Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us.99The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.100He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrappedabout them with their hands.101The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly forSetebos102to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured103was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women, and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.104The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman105that night, but determined to sleep there,for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,106but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke107to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.108Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives.Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano certi cardi    Quando li dole eL capo Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela nr̃a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua paſſione    anno li capeli tagliati cõ la quierega amodo de frati ma piu longui cõ vno cordonnedi bambaso intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le freze quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ lo grandiſsimo fredo.    Quando more vno de queſti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti    ne vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu grande gridando et facendo piu grã feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno    quiamano eL demonio magior ſetebos ali alticheleulle anchora coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto li demonj con dui corni in teſta et peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo    JL capogñale nomino queſti populi patagoni    tutti ſe veſtino de la pelle de qello animale gia deto    nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la quiamão chapae    ogni vno de li dui q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata mezo ſechio de hacqua et mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli.When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,109they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more110and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it isleft longer;111and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head, to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.112When one of those people die, x or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others, and he cries out and rejoices more.113They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,114and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.115They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no houses except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani116do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae.117Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them.Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃a IlLmasane ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le altre quatonaue ordinorono vno tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capogenneralle et queſti erano eL vehadorede Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL theſorero alouise de mendoſa eL contadore anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada et ſquartato eL veador de li homini fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento    de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada ꝓ voler fare vno altotradimẽto fo ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera patagonia.    eL Capogenerale nõ volſe far lo amazare perche Lo imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto capoVna naue chiamata ſancto Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la coſta Se perſe    tucti li homini Si ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ bagniandoſſe apenna    dui de queſti venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el tuto ꝓ il que eL capogñale ge mando alguni homini cõ ſacqipienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in machioni nõ trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon giaçio il que ne era grandisima fatiga.    Jn queſto porto era aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le chiamano missiglioni    haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le poteuano mangiare    ancho ſe trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri    Qui in cima deL piu alto monte drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte de xo.In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months.118Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of thefleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.119A ship called “Sancto Jacobo” was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,120or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.121There were very many long shellfish which are calledmissiglioni122in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,123foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ].Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno terſo al antartico trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi ſancti le ajutarono    Jn Queſto fiume tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame.    era molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe partiſſemo de qui eL capogenneralle et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et Comunicaſsemo Como veri chriſtianni.Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third124degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies125aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.126Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.127Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL giorno delle vndici millia vergine vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle chiamão capo dele vndici millia vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a referire in vno altomare chiamato mar pacificho circundato da mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 braza et ſe non era eL capitanio gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et diceuamo como era ſerato tuto intorno.    ma iL capitano gñale q̃ ſapeua de douer fare la ſua nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo como vite nela theſoraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella exelentiſſimo huomo martin de boemia Mando due naui Sto. anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la capitania Se chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo adaſpectarle dentone la baya    La nocte ne souravenne vna grande fortuna q̃ duro fino al altomezo Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et dela per la baia    a le altre due naui li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna boca picola q̃ no [paſaua:crossed out in original MS.] pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno altoſtretto et vnaltabaya piu grande q̃ le due pime    molto alegri subito voltor̃o Jndrieto ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La fortuna grande. Laltaperche eranno paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi.    eſſendo coſi vicine subito ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi    poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda ſemo acercare piu inanzi.Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole,128we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the]129eleven thousand virgins [i.e. October 21], whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.130It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings131on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captain-general who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the “Santo Anthonio” and the “Conceptione” (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de laBaia [i.e., of the Bay].132We, with the other two ships, [namely], the flagship, called “Trinitade,” and the other the “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to await them.133A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape134formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed:crossed out in original MS.] appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].135Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.136And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.137Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captain-general. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.138And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.139Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on.Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua exito neL mare pacifico    la naue ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ retornare in Spagnia como fece iL piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto lo Capogennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capogennerale ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capode la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL capogñale et haueua nome aluaro de meſchita    Lo ferirono et Lo meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero in spagnia in queſto naue. era laltogigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ lo medeſimo [porto:crossed out in originaldiqua et dela sto. antoa la nocte torno indrieto et ſeMS.] ſtrecto    nuy eramo andati a deſcourire laltabocha verſo eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL medeſimo [porto:crossed out in original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare le due naue    in queſti giorni mãdaſemovno batello ben fornito ꝓ deſcoprire eL capo de laltomare venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et diſſero como haueuano [haueuano:doublet in original MS.] veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado perche laueuano Ja grã tempo diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno q̃ era capoet piloto de queſta et ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la boca la Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in qella boca doue ella fugite.    il capogennerale mando indrieto la naue victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto auedere ſe ella era iui et non trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna letera in vna pigniatella ficada in tera apreſſo la bandera acio vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃a et ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le lr̃e luna avno mõticello nela prima baya laltain vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL capogñale leſpeto cõ laltanaue apreſſo eL fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume eL qalle era fra alte montagnie caricate de neue et deſcendeneL mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aLtempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno Jorno.    açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma. saiL creda quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio erba dolce ma gene anche de amare naſce atorno le fontane del qalle mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃ altocredo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de peſci ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra in tanto q̃ queſti volano li altili corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero beliſſima de vedere.After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.140The captain-general sent the ship “Sancto Anthonio” together with the “Concitione” to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio” would not await the “Conceptione,” because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia—which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,141and he hated the captain-general exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin142of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The “Conceptione,” as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at night and fled along the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait.143We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.144So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore thecape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],145for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,146but we found only the “Conceptione.” Upon asking them where the other one was, Johan Seranno,147who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captain-general sent the ship “Victoria” back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.148Two banners were planted with their letters—one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay149where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo,150and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-fivedegrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.151The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast152and was low. We called that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,153water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,154a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.155In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.156Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,157which are one palmo and more158in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet—more than a crossbow’s flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch.Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoniAL capoher.aL ochio.other.AL nazoorAlle cillieocchecheLALe palpebreSechechieLAli bussi deL nazoorescheALa bocaxiamAli LabriSchiahameAli dentiphor.ALa lingaSchiaLAL mentoSechenA li pelliarchizAL voltocogecheLAla goloohumezALa copaSchialeschinALe ſpallepelles.AL gomedoCoteLALa mancheneALa palma de LamanCaimeghinAL ditoCoriAle orechieSaneSoto eL broçoSalischinAla mamelaothenAL petoochijAL corpogecheLAL menbroſachetAli teſticuliSacancasAla natura de le donneJsseAL vzar cõ eſſeJo hoiALe coſſechianeAL genochiotepinAL chuloSchiaguenAle culatehoijAL brazomazAL polsoholionA le gambecossAL piedetheeAL calcagnotereALa chauequie deL pieperchiAla ſola deL piecaotſcheniAle onguieColimAL corethoLAL grataregechareAl homo ſguercoCalischenAL giuaneCalemiAL hacquaholiAL fuocoghialemeAL fumogiaicheAl noehenAL siReyAL oropelpeliALe petre lazureSechegAL solleCalexcheniAlle ſtelleſettere.AL mareAroAL ventooniALa fortunaohoneAL peſsehoiAL mangiaremechiereALa ſcutellaeloALa pigniataaschanieAL demandareghelheVien quihai siAL gardarchonneAL andarReyAL CombateroamaghceAle frezeSetheAL CaneholLAL lupoAniAL andare longiSchienALa guidaantiALa neuetheuAL courirehianiAL Seruzo ucelohoihoiA li sui ouiJaniAla poluere derba che mangiãoCapac.AL odorareosAL papagalochecheALa gabiota uceloCleoAL misiglioniSiameni.AL panno roſsoTerechae.AL bonetAicheLAl colore nego.AineLAL roſsotaicheAL gialopeperiAL coçinareyrocolesALa cinturaCatechinAL ochacacheAL diauolo grandeSetebosAli picolicheleule.Words of the Patagonian giantsFor Headherfor Eyeotherfor Noseorfor Eyebrowsocchechelfor Eyelidssechechielfor Nostrilsoreschefor Mouthxiamfor Lipsschiahamefor Teethphorfor Tongueschialfor Chinsechenfor Hairarchizfor Facecogechelfor Throatohumezfor Occiputschialeschin159for Shoulderspellesfor Elbowcotelfor Handchenefor Palm of the handcaimeghinfor Fingercorifor EarssaneArmpitsalischinfor Teatothenfor Bosomochijfor Bodygechelfor Penissachetfor Testiclessacancasfor Vagina160issefor Communication with womenjo hoifor Thighschianefor Kneetepinfor Rumpschiaguenfor Buttockshoijfor Armmazfor Pulseholionfor Legscossfor Foottheefor Heelterefor Ankleperchifor Sole of the footcaotschenifor Fingernailscolimfor Hearttholfor to Scratchgecharefor Cross-eyed mancalischenfor Young mancalemifor Waterholifor Fireghialemefor Smokegiaichefor Noehenfor Yesreyfor Goldpelpelifor Lapis lazulisechegfor Suncalexchenifor Starssetterefor Seaarofor Windonifor Stormohonefor Fishhoifor to Eatmechierefor Bowlelofor Potaschaniefor to AskghelheCome herehai sifor to Lookchonnefor to Walkreyfor to Fightoamaghcefor Arrowssethefor Doghollfor Wolfanifor to Go a long distanceschienfor Guideantifor Snowtheufor to Coverhianifor Ostrich, a birdhoihoifor its Eggsjanifor the powder of the herb which they eatcapacfor to Smellosfor Parrotchechefor Birdcagecleofor Misiglionisiamenifor Red Clothterechaefor Capaichelfor Blackainelfor Redtaichefor Yellowpeperifor to Cookyrocolesfor Beltcatechinfor Goosecachefor their big DevilSetebosfor their small DevilsCheleuleTucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão Loro.All the above words are pronounced in the throat, for such is their method of pronunciation.161Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ domandandome Capac çioepane che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe hacqua    Quando eL me vite ſcriuer queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li alticõ la penna in mano me Jntendeua    vna volta feci la croce et la basai moſtrandoglila    Subito grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL corpo et farebe crepare    Quando queſto gigante ſtaua male domando la croce abraſsandola et baſandola molto Se volse far Xp̃iano inanzi la ſua morte    eL chiamaſemo paulo Queſta gente Quando voleno far fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ vno altoin fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra queſti dui legni.That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me forcapac,162that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, andoli, that is to say, water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out “Setebos,” and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.163Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto ma poluere de qello cõ vermi apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano mãgiato iL buono    puzaua grã damẽte de orina de Sorzi    et beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopaLantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo ꝓ quatoho cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopale braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe    li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le altiſquiagu re Queſta era lapegiore.    Creſsiuano le gengiue ad alguni ſopali denti Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare et coſſi moriuano    ꝓ queſta infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL verzin    vinti cinque ho trenta homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi neli gambe o in altoloco ſicque poqireſta rono ſani    ꝓ La gratia de dio yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade.    Jn Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni andaſemo circa de quatro millia legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle qaL nõ trouaſſemo altoſenon vcelli et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle infortunate    Sono longi luna da laltaducento legue nõ trouauamo fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de latitudine aL hauſtralle, et laltain noue    ogni Jorno faceuamo cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo    Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu taL viagio.Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.164We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.165We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.166We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.167But above all the othermisfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.168Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.169In truth it is very pacific,170for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.171The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.172Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again].Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjosvergine che he capo de queſto ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL polo antarticho.When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we would have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Virgins.173The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.JL polo antartico no ne cosi ſtellato como Lo artico ſe vede molto ſtelle picolle congregate inſieme q̃ fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco ſeparate luna de laltaet vno poco ofuſche in mezo de leqalle ſtanno due ſtelle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et poco ſe moueno.    Queſte due ſtelle ſonno iL polo antarticho    La Calamita noſtra Zauariando vno sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero Quando eramo in Queſto golfo iL Capogeneralle domando a tucti li piloti andando ſempre a la vela ꝓ qaL Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte riſpoſero tucti ꝓ la Sua via puntaLmẽte datta li riſpoſi q̃ pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua agiutare la guchia deL nauegare ꝓ che nõ receueua tanta forza da la parte ſua. Quando eramo in mezo di queſto golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque ſtelle lucidiſſime drito aL ponente, et Suono iuſtiſſime luna cõ lalta.The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic. Many small stars clustered together are seen, which have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There is but little distance between them, and they are somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large and not very luminous stars, which move only slightly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, always pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although it did not have so much strength as on its own side. And on that account when we were in that open expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots whether they were always sailing forward in the course which we had laid down on the maps, all replied: “By your course exactly as laid down.” He answered them that they were pointing wrongly—which was a fact—and that it would be fitting to adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not receiving so much force from its side. When we were in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross with five extremely bright stars straight toward the west, those stars being exactly placed with regard to one another.174Jn queſti giorni mauigaſſemo fra iL ponente et iL maeſtralle et a La quarta deL maeſtralle in verſo ponente et aL maeſtralle fin p̃ ajungeſſemo a la linea equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitiõe Cento et vinti dui gradi    la linea de la ripartitiõe e trenta gradi longi daL meridionale    el meridionale e tre gradi al leuante longi de capo verde    Jn queſto Camino paſaſſemo poco longi da due Jzolle richisie vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo antarticho q̃ Se chiama Cipangu Laltain quindicigradi chiamata Sũbdit pradit paſſata la linea equinotialle nauigaſſemo tra ponente et maiſtralle et a la carta deL ponente verſo eL maeſtralle poi duzente legue aL ponente mudando eL viago. a La Quarta in verſo garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho ꝓ apropinquarſe piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara iL qaL capo cõ perdon de li Coſmo grafi ꝓ q̃ nõ Lo viſteno nõ ſi troua doue loro iL penſauão ma aL ſetentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho.During those days175we sailed west northwest, northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward from Capo Verde.176We passed while on that course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other infifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit.177After we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west northwest, and west by north, and then for two hundred leguas toward the west, changing our course to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might approach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they have not seen it), is not found where it is imagined to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or thereabouts.178Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a 6 de marſo diſcopreſſemo vna yſola aL maiſtralle picola et due alteaL garbino    vna era piu alta et piu granda de Laltre due    iL capogenerale voleua firmarſe nella grande ꝓ pigliare qalque refrigerio ma nõ puote perche la gente de queſta Jzolla entrauano nele naui et robauano qivna coſa qilaltatalmente q̃ non poteuamo gardarſi. Voleuano calare le vele acio andaſemo in tera    ne roborono lo ſquifo q̃ eſtaua ligato a La popa de la naue capacõ grandissapreſteza ꝓ il que corozato eL capogeneralle ando in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono da quaranta o cinquanta caze cõ­­ molti barquiti et amazorono ſette huomini et rehebe lo ſquifo Subito ne parti ſemo ſequendo Lo medeſimo camino.    Jnanzi q̃ diſmontaſemo in tera alguni noſtiinfermi ne pregorono ſe amazauamo huomo o donna li portaſemo Ly interiori ꝓ che Subito ſarebenno ſani.About seventy179leguas on the above course, and lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longitude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small island to the northwest, and two others toward the southwest, one of which was higher and larger than the other two. The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat180that was fastened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men.181He recovered the small boat, and we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.182Quando feriuamo alguni de queſti cõ li veretuni q̃ li paſſauano li fianqida luna banda alaltra tirauano il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo tirauano fuora marauigliandoſe molto et cuſſi moriuano    et altiq̃ erano feriti neL peto faceuano eL Simille ne moſſeno agrã compaſione Coſtoro vedendõe partire ne ſeguitorono cõ piu de Cento barchiti piu de vna legua    Se acoſtauano ale naui moſſtrandone peſce cõ ſimulatiõe de darnello ma traheuano ſaxi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cõ velle piene paſa vano fra loro et li batelli con qelli ſui barcheti molto deſtriſſimi vedeſemo algune femine in li barqueti gridare et ſcapigliarſe credo ꝓ amore de li Suoi morti.When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through their loins from one side to the other, they, looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that side,183and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion. Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred184boats for more than one legua. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and the small boats [fastened astern], very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.185Ognuno de queſti vive ſecondo la Sua volonta non anno ſignori    vano nudi et alguni barbati con li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati    portano capeleti de palma como li albanezi    ſonno grandi como nui et ben diſpoſti    nõ adorão niente ſonno aliuaſtri ma naſcono bianqianno li denti roſſi et negri ꝓ che la reputano beliſſima coſa    le femine vano nude ſenon q̃ dinanzi a la ſua natura portano vna ſcorſa ſtreta ſotille come la carta q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorza de la palma    ſonno belle delicate et bianque piu que li huomini cõ li capilli ſparſiet longui negriſſimi fino in tera    Queſte nõ lauorano ma ſtanno in caſa teſſendo ſtore casse de palma et altre coſe neceſſarie acaſa ſua    mangiano cochi batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et peſci volatori cõ altre coſe    ſe ongieno eL corpo et li capili cõ oleo de cocho et de giongioli    le ſue caſe tute ſonno facte di legnio coperte de taule cõ foglie defigaro de ſopalongue due braza con ſolari et cõ feneſtre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di ſtore beliſſime de palma    dormeno ſoura paglia di palma molto mole et menuta    nõ anno arme Senon certe aſte cõ vno oſſo pontino de peſce ne La cima Queſta gente e pouera ma ingenioſa et molto ladra ꝓ queſto chiamaſſemo queſte tre Jſole le yſole de li ladroni    eL ſuo ſpaſo e andare cõ Le donne ꝓ mare cõ qelle ſue barquete    Sono como le fucelere ma piu ſtrecti alguni negri bianqiet altiroſſi anno da laltaparte dela vella vno legno groſſo pontino nele cime cõ pali atrauerſadi qeL ſuſtentano neL acqua ꝓ andare piu ſeguri aLa vela    la vela e di foglie de palma cosite inſieme et facta amodo de latina    ꝓ timone anno certe pale como da for no cõ vno legnio in cima    fanno de la popa proua et de la proua popa et ſonno Como delfini ſaltar a lacqua de onda in onda    Queſti ladroni penſauano aliſegni q̃ faceuão nõ fuſero altihomini aL mondo ſenon loro.Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior.186They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The womendo not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats,187baskets [casse: literally boxes], and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate],188birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They189anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats.190They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves].191Their amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs.192Those boats resemblefucelere,193but are narrower, and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boats may sail more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern],194and those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers]thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world but themselves.195Sabato a ſedize de marſo 1521 deſſemo neLa aurora soura vna tera alta lõgi trecento legue delle yſolle de li latroni laqaL e yſola et ſe chiama Zamal eL capogñale nel giorno ſeguente volſe diſmontare in vnaltayſola deſhabitata ꝓ eſſere piu seguro q̃ era di dietro de queſta ꝓ pigliare hacqua et qalque diporto fece fare due tende in terra ꝓ li infermi et feceli amazare vna porcha    Luni a 18. de marſo vedeſſemo dapoi diſnare venire ꝟſo de nui vna barca cõ noue homini ꝓ ilque lo capogenerale comando q̃ niuno Si moueſſe ne diceſſe parolla alguna ſenza ſua liſentia    Quando ariuorono queſti in terra ſubito Lo ſuo principalle ando aL capogñale moſtrandoſe alegro ꝓ la nr̃a venuta    reſtarono cinqʒ de queſti piu ornati cõ nuy li altiandorono a leuare alguni altiq̃ peſcauano et cuſſi venirono tucti vedendo Lo capogñale que queſti erano homini cõ ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti roſſi spequi petini ſonagli Auorio bocaſſini et altecoſe    Quando viſtenno la corteſia deL capoli preſentorono peſci vno vaſo de vino de palma q̃ Lo chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri piu picoli piu ſaporiti et dui cochi alhora nõ haueuano altone fecoro ſegni cõ La mano q̃ in fino aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q̃ e riſo cochi et molta altra victuuaglia.At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen,1961521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni—an island named Zamal [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the captain-general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the abovementioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,197and other things. When they saw the captain’s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they calluraca[i.e., arrack], figs more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas],198and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bringumayor rice,199and cocoanuts and many other articles of food within four days.Li coqiſonno fructi deLa palma    coſi como nui hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto coſi anno queſti populi ogni coſa da queſti arbori    anno eL vino in queſto modo forano La dicta palma in cima neL coreſino de to palmito dalqalle ſtilla vna lichore como e moſto biancho dolce ma vn pocho bruſqueto in canne groſſe come La gamba et piu    latacano alarbor̃ la ſera ꝓ la matina et la matina ꝓ la ſera Queſta palma fa vno fructo iL qalle he lo cocho Queſto cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno La ſua pima ſcorſa e ꝟde et groſſa piu de dui diti nelaqalle trouano Certi filittj q̃ fanno le corde q̃ liganno le ſue barque    ſoto di queſta ne he vna dura et molto piu groſſa di quella de la noce    queſta la bruſano et fano poluere bonna ꝓ loro ſoto di queſto e vna medola biancha groſſa come vn dito LaqaL mangiano freſca cõ La carne et peſſi como nui lo panne et de qeL ſapore q̃ he la mandola qui la ſecaſſe ſe farebe panne    in mezo di queſta medola e vna hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando queſta hacqua ſta vn pocho acolta ſe congella et diuenta como vno pomo    Quando voleno fare oglio piglianno queſto cocho et laſſano putrefare qella medola cõ lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo como butiro    Quando voleno far aceto laſanno putrefare lacqua ſolamente poi lameteno aL ſolle et e aceto como de vino biancho    ſi po fare ancholatte como nui faceuamo    gratauamo qʒſta medola poi la miſquiauamo cō lacqua ſua medeſima ſtrucandola in vno panno et coſi era late como di capra. Queſte palme ſonno como palme deli datali ma non coſi nodoſe ſe non liſce. Vna famiglia de x perſonne cō dui de queſte ſe manteneno fruando octo giorni luna et octo giorni La altaꝓ Lo vino ꝓ che ſe altramenti faceſſeno Se ſecharebenno et durano cento anny.Cocoanuts are the fruit of the palmtree.200Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get everything from that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor201which resembles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is made cord for binding together their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them.202Under that shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine.Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat’s milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.203Grande familliaritade pigliarono cō nui Queſti populi    ne diſcero molte coſe como le chiamauano et li nomi de algune yſole q̃ ſe vedeuano de qiLa ſua ſe chiama Zuluan laqalle non etropo grande pigliaſcemo grā piacere cā queſti perche eranno aſay piaceuoli et conuerſabili    iL capogñale ꝓ farli piu honnore li meno ala ſua naue et li moſtro tuta la ſua mercadanſia garofoli cannella peuere gengero noſce moſcade Matia oro et tute le coſe q̃ eranno nella naue fece deſcaricare algune bombarde hebero grā paura et volſero ſaltar fuora de la naue ne fecero ſegni que li doue nuj andauamo naſceſſeuano coſe Ja dete    Quando ſi volſero partire pigliarono liſentia con molta gratia et gentileza dicendo q̃ tornarebeno ſegondo la ſua ꝓmeſſa    La yſola doue eramo ſe chiama humunu ma noy ꝓ trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiariſſima la chiameſſemo lacquada dali buoni ſe gnialli ꝓ che fu iL pimo ſegnio de oro q̃ trouaſſemo in queſtaparte. Qiui ſi troua grā cantitade de coralli biancho et arbori grandi q̃ fanno fructi pocho menori de La mandola et ſonno Como li pignioli et ancho molte palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue    in Queſto Locho ſonno molte yſole. ꝓ ilque Lo chiamaſſemo larcipelago de s. lazaro deſcourendo lo nella ſua dominicha iL quale ſta in x gradi de latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e ſesanta vno di longitudine della linea deLa repartitiõe.Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not very large.204We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general205took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise—cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.206They made signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise. The island where we were is called Humunu; but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-place of good Signs”], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts.207We found a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds. There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus.208They lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di qelli homini Secondo ne haueuano ꝓmeſſo in due barcque cõ cochi naranſi dolci vno vaſo de vino de palma et vno galo ꝓ dimoſtrare que in queſte parte eranno galine se moſtrarono molto alegri verſo de noi compraſſemo tute qelle ſue coſe iL ſuo sorera vechio et de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreqie li altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi cõ fazoli in torno Lo capo Steſemo quiui octo [giorni] neliqalli eL nr̃o capoandaua ogni di in terra auiſitare ly infirmi et ogni matina li daua cõ le ſue mani acqua deL cocho q̃ molto li confortaua di dietro de queſta yſola ſtanno homini q̃ anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie q̃ portanno le braci ficati in loro    Queſti popoli ſonno caphri çioe gentili vanno nudi cõ tella de ſcorſa darbore intorno le ſue vergonie se nõ alguni principali cõ telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cõ ſeda aguchia sonno oliuaſtigraſſi de pinti et ſe ongeno cõ olio de cocho et de giongioli ꝓ lo ſolle et ꝓ iL vento    annoli capili negriſſimi fina a La cinta et anno dague cortelli lanſe fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et rete da peſcare come Rizali    le ſue barche ſonno corno le noſteAt noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,209in order to show us that there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us.210We purchased all those articles from them. Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in his ears,211and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and212every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living near that island213who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those people are caphri,214that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protectionagainst sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and spears215ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines,216javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali;217and their boats are like ours.NeL luni ſancto a vinticinqʒ de marſo giorno de La nr̃a donna paſſato mezo di eſſendo de hora in ora ꝓ leuarſi anday abordo de la naue ꝓ peſcare et metendo li piedi ſopra vna antena ꝓ deſcedere nela mesa degarni tiõe me slizegarono ꝓ che era pioueſto et coſi caſtai neL mare q̃ ninguno me viſte et eſſendo quaſi ſumerſo me venne ne La mano Siniſtra La ſcota de La vella magiore q̃ era aſcoſa ne lacqua me teni forte et Comenſai agridare tanto q̃ fui ajutato cõ Lo batelo    nõ credo Ja per mey meriti ma ꝓ la miſericordia di qella fonte de pieta foſſe ajutato. neL medeſimo Jorno pigliaſſemo tra iL ponente et garbĩ infra quatoyſolle çioe Cenalo hiunanghan Jbusson et abarienOn the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between four small islands, namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan,218Ibusson, and Abarien.Joue a vinti octo de marzo ꝓ hauere viſto la nocte paſſata fuocho in vna yſola ne la matina ſurgiſſemo apreſſo de queſta vedeſemo vna barcha picola q̃ la chiamano boloto cõ octo nomini de dentoaꝓpincarſe nela naue Ca pitanea    Vno ſchiauo deL capogñale q̃ era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo ilqalle ſubito inteſeno venero neL bordo de la naue nõ volendo intrare dento, ma ſtauano vno pocho diſcoſti vedendo eL capoq̃ nõ voleuano fidarſi de nui li buto vn bonnet roſſo et altre coſe ligate ſupavn pezo de taula    La piglioronno molto alegri etSubito Se partirono ꝓ auiſare el ſuo re deli circa due hore vedeſſemo vegnire due balanghai ſonno barche grande et cuſſe le chiamano pienni de huomini neL magior̃ era Lo suo re Sedendo ſoto vno coperto de ſtore    Quando eL giunſe ap̃ſſo La capitania iL Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inteſe ꝓ che in queſte parte li re ſanno piu linguagij q̃ li alticomando q̃ alguni ſoi intraſſeno nele naue    luy ſempre ſtete neL ſuo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li ſuoi tornoronno et ſubito tornati ſe parti. iL Capogñalle fece grande honnore aqelli q̃ venirono nela naue et donnoli algune coſe per ilche il re inanzi la ſua partita volſe donnare aL capovna bava de oro grande et vna ſporta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL molto nõ volce acceptarle    neL tardi andaſemo cõ le naue apreſſo la habitatiõe deL re.On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we anchored near it.219We saw a small boat which the natives callbolotowith eight men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance.220The captain seeing that they would not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. Theyreceived them very gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming. They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship, and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar221of gold and a basketful of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.JL giorno ſeguente q̃ era eL venerdi ſancto eL capogñale mando lo ſquia ua q̃ era lo interprete nr̃o in tera in vno batello adire aL re ſe haueua alguna coſa da mangiare la faceſſe portar̃ in naue q̃ reſtariano bene ſatiſfati da noi et como amici et nõ Como nimici era venuti a laſua yſola eL re venne cõ ſey vero octo homini neL medeſimo batello et entro nela naue abrazandoſi col capogñale et donoli tre vazi di porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et due orade molto grande cõ altre coſe    eL capodete al re vna veſte de panno roſſo et giallo fato a La torcheſca et vno bonnet roſſo fino ali altiSui aqicortelli et aqiſpecqipoy le fece dare la Colatiõe et ꝓ il chiauo li fece dire q̃ voleua eſſere cun lui caſi caſi cioe fratello    riſpoſe q̃ coſſi voleua eſſere ꝟſo de lui dapoy lo capoge moſtro panno de diverſi colori tela corali et molta altamercantia et tuta lartigliaria facendola deſcargare alguni molto ſi ſpauentorno poi fece armare vno homo cõ vno homo darme et li meſſe atorno tre cõ ſpade et pugniale q̃ li dauano ꝓ tuto iL corpo ꝓ laqaL coſa eL re reſto caſi fora diſe li diſſe ꝓ il Schiauo q̃ vno de queſti armati valeua ꝓ cento de li suoi reſpoſe q̃ era cuſſi et q̃ in ogni naue ne menaua duzento q̃ ſe armauano de qella ſorte li moſtro Corazine ſpade et rodelle et fece fare a vno vna leuata poi Lo conduſſe ſupala tolda dela naue q̃ he in cima de la popa et fece portare la ſua carta de nauigare et La buſſola et li diſſe ꝓ linterprete como trouo Lo ſtreto ꝓ vegnire alui et Quante lune ſonno ſtati ſenza vedere terra    Se marauiglio in vltimo li diſce q̃ voleua ſe li piaceſſe mandare ſeco dui homini acio li moſtraſſe algune de le ſue coſe reſpoſe q̃ era contento yo ge anday cõ vno altoNext day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships;222and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men223in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very largeorade,224and other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king’s men), to some knives and to others mirrors. Then the captain-generalhad a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he desired to becasi casi225with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral [ornaments], and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened. Then the captain-general had a man armed as a soldier,226and placed him in the midst of three men armed with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner.227He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him.228Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought.229He told the king through the interpreter how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.230Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello etpoi ſe volta contanuy dui    faceſſemo lo ſimille verſo de lui coſi tuti li altifecero il re me piglio ꝓ La mano vno ſuo principale piglio laltocompagoet cuſſi ne menorõ ſoto vno coperto de cane doue era vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille a vna fuſta ne sedeſſemo ſopala popa de queſto ſempre parlando con ſegni li suoi ne ſtauano in piedi atorno atorno cõ ſpade dague Lanze et targoni fece portare vno piato de carne de porco cõ vño vazo grande pienno de vino    beueuamo adogni boconne vna taſſa de vino    lo vino q̃ li auanſaua qalque volta ben q̃ foſceno poche ſe meteua in vno vazo da ꝓ ſi la ſua taſa ſempre ſtaua coperta    ninguno altoli beueua Se nõ il re et yo    Jnanzi q̃ lo re pigliaſſe la taſſa ꝓ bere alzaua li mani giunte al çielo et ꝟſo de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio dela mano sini ſtra verſo dime prima penſaua me voleſſe dare vn pognio et poi beueua faceua coſi yo verſo il re    Queſti ſegni fanno tuti luno verſo de Laltro quando beueno    cõ queſte cerimonie et altiſegni de amiſitia merenda ſemo    mangiay neL vennere ſancto carne ꝓ nõ potere fare altoJnanzi q̃ veniſſe lora de cenare donay molte coſe al re q̃ haueua portati ſcriſſe aſai coſſe como le chiamanão Quanto Lo re et li altime viſtenno fcriuere et li diceua qelle ſue parolle tutti reſtorono atoniti    in queſto mezo venne lora de cenare    portoronno duy plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et laltode carne de porcho cõ ſuo brodo    cenaſſemocõ li medeſimj ſegni et cerimonie poi andaſſemo aL palatio deL re eLqalle era facto como vna teza da fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era edificato ſoura legni groſſi alti de terra qeL ſe conuiene andare cõ ſcalle ne fece ſedere ſopavna ſtora de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli ameza ora fo portato vno piato de peſce bruſtolato in pezi et gengero ꝓ alora colto et vino eL figliolo magiore deL re chera iL principe    vene doue eramo    il re li diſſe q̃ ſedeſſe apreſſo noi et coſſi ſedete    fu portato dui piati vno de peſce cõ lo ſue brodo et laltode rizo acio q̃ mangiaſſemo col principe    il nr̃o compagop̃ tanto bere et mangiare diuento briaco    Vzano ꝓ lume goma de arbore q̃ la quiamão anime voltata in foglie de palma o de figaro    el re ne fece ſegno qeL voleua andare adormire    laſſo cõ nui lo principe cõ qalle dormiſemo ſopavna ſtora de canne cõ coſſini de foglie venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio ꝓ La mano coſſi andaſſemo doue aveuamo cenato ꝓ fare colatiõe ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare    Jnanzi la partita eL re molto alegro ne baſo le mani et noi le ſue    venne cõ nui vno ſuo fratello re dunaltayſola cõ tre homini    Lo capogñale lo retenete adiſnare cõ nui et donoli molte coſe.When I reached shore, the king raised his handstoward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him231as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion;and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai,232as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The king’s men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.233The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king’s cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished.234While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy.We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig [i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders.235The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king’s eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum of a tree calledanimewrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king came and took me by the hand, and in that manner we went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things.236Nella yſola de queſto re que conduſſi ale naui ſe troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando la terra    tutti li vaſo de queſto re ſonno de oro etanche alguna parte de dela caſa ſua coſi ne referite Lo medeſimo re ſe gondo lo ſue coſtume era molto in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vedeſſemo fra queſti populi haueua li capili negriſſimi fin alle ſpalle cõ vno velo de ſeta ſopaLo capo et due ſquione grande de horo tacatte ale orechie    portaua vno panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de ſeta q̃ copriua dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga cõ Lo manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de legnio lauorato    in ogni dente haueua tre machie doro q̃ pareuano foſſeno ligati cõ oro    oleua de ſtorac et beligioui    era oliuaſtro et tuto depinto. Queſta ſua yſola ſe chiama butuan et calagan. Quando queſti re ſe voleuano vedere ve neno tuti due aLa caza in queſta yſola doue eramo eL re pimo ſe qiama raia colambu iL ſegundo raia siaui.Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of thatking are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine],237and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk oh his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.238He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.239When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.240Domenicha vltimo de marſo giorno de paſca nela matina ꝓ tempo eL capogñale mando il prete cõ alcanti aparechiare ꝓ douere dire meſſa cõ lo interprete a dire al re q̃ nõ voleuamo diſcendere in terra ꝓ diſinar ſecho ma ꝓ aldire meſſa ꝓ ilque Lo re ne mando dui porqimorti    Quando fu hora de meſſa andaſſemo in terra forſe cinquanta huomini nõ armati la ꝓſo na ma cõ le altre nr̃e arme et meglio veſtite q̃ poteſſemo    Jnanzi que aruaſſemo aLa riua cõ li bateli forenno ſcaricati sej pezi de bombarde in ſegnio de pace    ſaltaſſemo in terra    li dui reabraſſarono lo capogñale et Lo meſſeno in mezo de loro andaſſemo in ordinanza fino aL locho conſacrato non molto longi de la riua    Jnanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capobagno tuto eL corpo de li dui re con hacqua moſta da    Se oferſe ala meſſa    li re andorono abaſſiare la croce como nuy ma nõ oferſeno    Quando ſe leuaua lo corpo de nr̃o sorſtauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo cõ le mane gionte    le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno tempo quando ſe leuo Lo corpo de xodando ge Lo ſegnio de la tera cõ li ſchiopetj    finita la meſſa alquanti deli noſtiſe comunicorono    Lo capogenerale fece fare vno ballo cõ le ſpade deque le re hebenno grã piacere    poi fece portare vna croce cõ li quiodi et la coronna alaqaL ſubito fecero reuerentia    li diſſe per Lo interprete como queſto era iL vessilo datoli daLo inperator̃ ſuo ſignore açio in ogni parte doue andaſſe meteſſe queſto ſuo ſegnialle et che voleua meterlo iui ꝓ ſua vtilita ꝓ che ſe veneſſeno algune naue dele nr̃e ſaperianno cõ queſta croce noj eſſere ſtati in queſto locho et nõ farebenno deſpiacere aloro ne ale coſe [coſe:doublet in original MS.] et ſe pigliaſſeno alguno de li ſoi ſubito moſtrandoli queſto ſegnialle le laſſerianno andare et q̃ conueniua meter̃ queſta croce in cima deL piu alto monte que foſſe açio vedendola ogni matina La adoraſſeno et ſeqʒſto faceuano ne troui ne fulmini ni tempeſta li nocerebe in coſa alguna    lo ringratiorno molto et q̃ farebenno ogni coſa volentieriancho li fece dire ſe eranno morj ho gentili o inque credeuão    riſpoſero q̃ nõ adorauão altoſinon alſauano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et q̃ chiamauão Lo ſua dio Abba ꝓ laqaL coſa lo capohebe grande alegreſſa    vedendo queſto eL pimo re leuo le mani aL ciello et diſſe q̃ voria ſe foſſe poſſibille farli veder̃ iL ſuo amore verſo de lui Lo interprete ge diſſe ꝓ qaL cagiõe haueua quiui coſi pocho da mangiare    reſpoſe q̃ nõ habitaua in qʒſto Locho ſe nõ quãdo veniua a La caza et a vedere Lo ſuo fratello ma ſtaua in vna altayſola doue haueua tuta la ſua famiglia    li fece dire ſe haueua Jnimici Lo diceſſe ꝓ cio andarebe cõ queſte naue adeſtrugerli et faria lo hobedirianno    Lo rengratio et diſſe q̃ haueua benne due yſolle nemiche maque alhora nõ era tempo de andarui    Lo Capoli diſſe ſe dio faceſſe q̃ vnaltafiatta ritornaſce in queſte parte conduria tanta gente q̃ farebe ꝓ forſa eſerli ſugette et que voleua andare adiſnare et dapoy tornarebe ꝓ far pore la croce in cima deL monte riſpoſero eranno Contenti facendoſſe vn bata glione cõ ſcaricare li ſquiopeti et abraſandoſi lo capocõ li due re pigliaſſemo liſentia.Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said;241together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men, without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.242Before we reached the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. Welanded; the two kings embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water.”243The mass was offered up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.244When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.245The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament,246at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made.247He told the kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came,248they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property:doublet in original MS.]. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would harm them in the least. Theythanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly. The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief. They replied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god “Abba.”249Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family were. The captain-general had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him.250The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king’s enemies subject to him by force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave.Dopo diſnare tornaſſemo tucti in gioponne et andaſsemo inſieme cõ li duy Re neL mezo di in cimadeL piu alto monte q̃ foſſe    Quando ariuaſſemo in cima Lo capogenneralle li diſſe como li era caro hauere ſudato ꝓ loro ꝓ che eſendo iui la croce nõ poteua ſinon grandamẽte Jouarli    et domandoli qaL porto era migliore ꝓ victuuaglie diceſſero q̃ ne erano tre çioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico et ſe proferſenno di darni piloti q̃ ne inſegniarebenno iL viagoLo capogñale li rengratio et delibero de andarli ꝓ q̃ cuſſi voleua la sua infelice ſorte. poſta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater noſter et vna aue maria adorandola coſi li re fecenno    poy deſcendeſſemo ꝓ li ſui campi Lauorattj et andaſſemo doue era lo balanghai    li re feceno portare alquanti cochi açio ſe rinfreſcaſſimo    Lo capoli domando li piloti ꝓ che la matina ſequente voleua partirſi et q̃ li tratarebe como ſe medeſimo Laſandoli vno de li nr̃j ꝓ oſtagio    riſpoſero q̃ ogni ora li voleſſe eranno aL ſuo comãdo    ma nela nocte iL pimo re ſe mudo dopigniõe    La matina quando eramo ꝓ partirſi eL re mando adire aL capogeneralle q̃ per amore ſuo aſpectaſſe duj giornj fin q̃ faceſſe coglire el rizo et altiſui menuti pregandolo mandaſſe alguni homini ꝓ ajutareli açio piu preſto ſe ſpazaſſe q̃ luy medeſimo voleua eſſere lo nr̃o piloto.    lo Capomandoli alguni homini ma li Retanto mangiorono et beueteno q̃ dormiteno tuto il giorno    alguni ꝓ eſcuſarli dicero q̃ haueuano vno pocho de malle ꝓ qeL giorno li noſtinõ fecero niente ma neli altidui ſeguenti lauorono.After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon251went together with the twokings to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in position, each of us repeated aPater Nosterand anAve Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai was.252The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-general, asking him for love of him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so muchthat they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.253Vno de queſti populi ne porte force vna ſcudela de rizo cõ octo o dieze figue ligaty inſieme ꝓ baratarli in vno cortello q̃ valeua iL piu tre catrini    eL capovedendo que queſto nõ voleua altoSenon vno cortello lo chiamo ꝓ vedere piu coſe    miſſe mano a la borſa et li volce dare ꝓ qelle coſe vno realL lui noL volſi    lui moſtro vno ducato mancho    lo accepto    al fine li volce dare vno dopionne de duy ducati    nõ volce mai altoq̃ vn corte lo et cuſſi li lo fece dare    Andando vno de li nr̃i in terra ꝓ tore acqua vno de queſti li volce dare vno coronna pontina de oro maſiçio grãde como vna colona ꝓ ſey filce de criſtalino ma iL caponon volce q̃ la bara taſſe açio que in queſto principio ſapeſſero q̃ pritiauamo piu la nr̃a mercantia q̃ Lo ſuo oro.One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini.254The captain seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain showed him a ducado but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione255worth two ducados, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona256for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more than their gold.257Queſti populi ſonno gentili    vanno nudi et de pinti    portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno le ſue vergonie    Sonno grandiſſimi beuitori    le ſue femi ne vanno veſtite de tella de arbore de la cinta in giu cõ li capili negri fina in terra    anno forate le orechie et pienne de oro.    Queſta gente ſempre maſticanno vno fruto q̃ Lo quiamano Areca e como vno pero lo taglianno in quatoparti et poi lo volueno nele foglie deL ſuo arburo q̃ le nominanobetre ſonno como foglie di moraro cõ vno poco de calcina et quando le anno bē maſticate le ſputano fora    fanno diuentare la boca rociſſima    Tucti li populi de queſta parte deL mondo le vzanno ꝓ che rinfreſcali molto eL core    Se reſtaſſeno de vzarle morirebenno    in queſta izolla ſonno cany gati porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi limoni miglio panizo ſorgo cera et molto oro    ſta de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui terſi aL artico et cento et ſeſanta dui de longitudine della linea de La ripartitiõe et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada et ſe chiama MazauaThose people are heathens,258and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies.259They are very heavy drinkers.260Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they callareca, and which resembles a pear. They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leavesof their tree which they callbetre[i.e., betel]. Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.261It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo,262wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.263Steſsemo sette giorni quiui    poi pigliaſſemo la via deL maiſtrale paſſando facinqʒ yſolle cioe Ceylon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan    in queſta yſola de gatigan ſonno barbaſtili grandi como aquille    ꝓ q̃ era tardi ne amaçaſſemo vno    era como vna galina aL mangiare ge ſonno colombi tortore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine cõ la coda lõga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua li meteno ſoto la ſabia ꝓ lo grã caldo li crea Quando ſonno naſciuti alzano la arena et vieneno fora    queſti oui ſonno bony de mangiare.    De mazaua agatighan ſonno vinti leghe    partendone da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne puote ſeguir̃ ꝓ che lo eſpectaſſemo circa tre yſolle cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gionſe molteſe marauiglio deL nr̃o nauigare Lo capogñale lo fece mõ tare nela ſua naue cõ alguni ſoi principali dilque hebero piacere et coſſi andaſſemo in zubu da gatighan azubu ſonno quindice legue.We remained there seven days, after which we laid our course toward the northwest, passing among264five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.265In the last-named island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them,266which resembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtledoves,267parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand, through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, andPozon.268When he caught up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leguas.269Domeniga a sete de apille amezo di intraſſemo neL porto de Zubu paſſando per molti vilagij vedeuamo molte caze facte ſopra li arbori Apropinquãdone ala cita Lo capogñale comando le naui sinbanderaſſeno furono Calate le velle et poſte amodo de bataglia et ſcarico tuta lartigliaria ꝓ ilque queſti populi hebero grandiſſima paura    Lo capomando vno ſuo alieuo cõ lo interprete inbaſſiatore aL re de Zubo.    Quando ariuorono nela cita trouorono Jnfiniti huomini inſieme cõ Lo re tuti pauroſi ꝓ le bombarde    linterprete li diſſe queſto eſere nr̃o coſtume intrando in ſimili luogui in ſegnio de pace et amiſitia et ꝓ honnorare lo re deL luogo ſcaricauamo tuctele bombarde    eL re et tucti li ſuoi ſe aſegurorono et fece dire ali noſtiꝓ lo ſuo gouuernatore q̃ voleuamo    linterprete riſpoſe como eL ſuo ſigniore era capodeL magiore re et principe foſſe neL mondo et q̃ andaua adiſcourir̃ malucho ma ꝓ la ſua bonna fama Como haueua Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto ſolamente ꝓ vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia cõ la ſua merchadantia li diſſe q̃ in bonna hora foſſe venuto ma q̃ haueua queſta vzanſa tutte le naui q̃ intrauano neL porto ſuo pagauão tributu et q̃ nõ eranno quatogichevno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de ſchiaui li haueua dato tributo et ꝓ ſegnio di queſto li moſtro vno mer chadante de çiama que era reſtato ꝓ merchadantare oro et ſquiaui    Lo interprete li diſſe como eL ſuo ſigniore ꝓ eſſere capode tanto grã re non pagaua tributo ad alguno ſigniore deL mondo et ſe voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ſe non guerra guera Alhoro eL moro merchadante diſſe aL re Cata raia chita çioe garba ben ſigniore queſti ſonno de qelli q̃ anno conquiſtato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia magiore    Si bene ſi li fa ben ſe a ſe male male et pegio como anno facto a calicut et amalaca    linterprete Jnteſo lo tuto et diſſegli qeL re de ſuo ſigniore era piu potente de gente et de nauj q̃ Lo re de portogalo et era re de ſpagnia et Jmperator̃ de tuttj li xp̃iani et ſe nõ voleua eſſerli amicho li mandaria vnaltafiata tanta gente qeL deſtruerião iL moro naro ogni coſa aL re alhora li diſſe ſe conſigliarebe cõ li ſui et nel di ſeguente li riſponderebe poy fece portare vna colatiõe de molte viuãde tute de carne poſte in piati de porcelane cõ molti vazi di vino    data La Colatiõe li noſtiretornoronno et ne diſſero lo tuto    iL re de mazaua q̃ era lo pimo dopo queſto re et ſigniore de alcante yſolle ando in tera ꝓ dire al re la grande cortezia deL nr̃o capogenneralle.At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them270that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured, and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho;271but that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that itwas but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to the kingCata raia chitathat is to say,272“Look well, sire.” “These men are the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major].273If they are treated well, they will give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and Malaca.” The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master’s king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend274he would next time send so many men that they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king,275who said thereupon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of Mazaua,276who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general.Luni matina iL nr̃o ſcriuão inſieme cõ linterprete andorono in zubu    vene iL re con li ſui principali in piaza et fece ſedere li noſtiapreſſo lui    li diſe ſe piu duno capoera in qʒſta compania et ſeL voleua lui pagaſſe tributo aL imperatore ſuo Sor. riſpoſe de nõ ma voleua ſolamente merchadantaſe cõ lui et non con altidiſſe q̃ era contento et ſe Lo caponr̃o voleua eſſere ſuo amicho li mandaſſe von pocho de ſangue deL ſuo bracio drito et coſſi farebe luy ꝓ ſegnio de piu vera amiſitia    reſpoſe q̃ Lo faria    poy Lo re li diſſe como tucti li capiq̃ veniuão quiui se dauano pñti luno cõ laltoet ſe Lo nr̃o capoolui doueua comenſare    linterprete li diſſe poy q̃ lui voleua mantegnire queſto coſtume cominciaſſe et cuſſi comenſo.Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship.277The notary answered that the captain would do it. Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our captain or he ought to commence.278The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, and so he did.279Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne ale naui    ſaluto lo capitano gñale da parte diL re et diſcelli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu victuuaglia poteua ꝓ darnela et como mandarebe dopo diſnare vno ſuo nepote con dui otre de ſui principali ꝓ fare la pace.    lo capogñale fece armare vno de le ſue ꝓprie arme et feceli dire como tuti nuy combateuamo de qella ſorta; iL moro molto ſi ſpauento    iL capoli diſſe nõ ſi ſpauentaſſe perche le nr̃e ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici etaſpere ali nemici    et coſi como li fazoli aſciugano yl ſudore coſi le nr̃e arme ateranno et deſtrugeno tuti li aduerſarj et maleuoli de La nr̃a fede fece queſto acio el moro q̃ pareua eſſere piu aſtuto de li altilo diceſſe aL re.Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to make peace. The captain-general had one of his men armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be frightened for our arms were softtoward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those who hate our faith.280The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others, might tell it to the king.Dopo diſnare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re q̃ era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuernatore et iL barizello magiore cõ octo principali ꝓ fare La pace con noi    Lo capogñale ſedendo in vna cadedra de veluta roſſa li prin cipali in ſedie de corame et li altiin tera ſoura ſtore li diſſe ꝓ Lo interprete ſe Lo ſuo coſtume era de parlare in ſecreto houero in publico et Se queſto principe col re de mazaua haueuão potere de fare la pace    riſpoſero q̃ parla vano in publico et q̃ coſtoro haueuão iL potere de far la pace    Lo capodiſſe molte coſe ſoura la pace et qeL pregaua ydio la confirmaſſe in cielo    diſcero que may nõ haueuão aldite cotalle parolle et que pigliauão grã piacere a vdir le    Vedendo Lo capoq̃ queſto volenti eri aſcoltauão et reſpondeuão li comincio dire coſe per indurli ala fede: Domando qaL dopo la morte deL re ſuccedeſſe aLa sa. riſpoſe q̃ Lo re nõ haueua figlioli ma figliole et q̃ queſto ſuo nipote haueua ꝓ moglie la magiore percio era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno vequi non ſi honorauão piu mali figlioli li comandauão    lo capoli diſſe como ydio fece Lo ciello La terra Lo mare et tucte le altecoſe et como inpoſſe ſedoueſſeno honnorare li padri et madri et qialtramẽte faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como tuti deſcendeuão de adam et eua noſtiprimi parenti et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre coſe pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li ſuplicorono voleſſe laſarli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li amayſtraſſe ne La fede et che li farebẽo grande honnore    gli reſpoſe q̃ alhora nõ poteua laſciarli alguno ma ſe vole uão eſſere xp̃iano Lo prete nr̃o li baptezarebe et q̃ vnaltafiata menaria preti et frati queli inſegniarebẽo la fede nr̃a    riſpoſero que pima voleuão parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno xp̃iani    lagrimaſſemo tuti ꝓ la grande alegreza Lo capoli diſce q̃ non ce facero xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma vo lontariamẽte et acoloro q̃ voleuão viuere ſecondo la ſua lege nõ li farebe facto diſpiacer alguno mali xp̃iani ſerianno meglio viſti et caregiati q̃ li altiTuti gridaronno aduna voce q̃ nõ ſe faceuão xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma ꝓ ſua ſpontanea volontate    Alhora li diſſe q̃ ſi deuentauão xp̃iani gli Laſſarebe vna armatura ꝓ che cuſſi li era ſtato inpoſto deL ſuo re et como nõ poteuão vzare cõ le ſue donne eſendo gentilli ſenza grandiſſimo pecato et como li aſeguraua q̃ eſſendo xiani non li aparerebe piu eL domonio ſinon neL ponto extremo de la ſua morte diceno q̃ no ſapeuano reſponderli ꝓ le ſue belle parolle ma ſe rimeteuano nele ſuemanj et faceſſe de loro como de ſoy fideliſſimi ſeruitori    Lo capopiangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna mano del principe et vna deL re fra le ſue li diſſe ꝓ la fede portaua a dio et alimperator̃ ſuo ſigniore et ꝓ Lo habito q̃ haueua li prometeua q̃ li daua la pace ꝓpe tua col re deſpagnia    reſpoſero que lo ſimille prometeuão    Coneluſa la pace Lo capofece dare vna colatiõe    poy lo principe et re preſentarono aL capoda parte deL ſuo re alquanti ceſtoni de rizo porci capre et galine et li diſcero li perdonaſce ꝓ cio taL coſe erano pocque avno ſimille alui    Lo capodono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella ſotiliſſima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chriſtalino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri ſonno molto apreciati in queſte parte.    AL re di mazaua nõ li deto alguno pñte ꝓ che gia li aueua dato vna veſte de cambaya con altre coſe et ali altri aqivna coſa aqivnalto.    Mando poy aL re de zubu ꝓ mi et vnaltovna veſte de ſeta gialla et morella aguisa Turcheſca vno bonnet roſo fino alquante filce de criſtalino poſto ogni coſa in vno piato dargento et dui biqui eri dorati in mano    Quando focemo nela cita trouaſſemo Lo re in ſuo palatio cõ molti homini q̃ ſe deua in tera ſoura vna ſtora di palma    haueua ſola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale ſue ꝟgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato aguchia vna Colana aL colo de grã precio due ſquione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie cõ petre precioſe atorno    era graſſo et picolo et depinto cõlo fuocho a diuerſe maniere mangiaua in tera ſoura vnaltaſtora oui de bissascutelaza poſti in dui vazi de porcelañ et haueua dinanzi quatovazi piennj de vino de palma ſerati con erbe odiri fere et ficati catro cannuti con ogni vno cõ queſti beueua. Facta la debita reuerentia linterprete li diſſe como lo ſuo ſigniore lo rengratiaua molto deL ſuo pñte et que li mandaua queſto nõ ꝓ il ſuo ma ꝓ lo trinſicho amore li portaua    li veſteſſemo la veſte gli poneſſemo iL bonnet in capo et li deſſemo le altre coſe et poy baſandoli vetri et ponendoli ſoura lo capo le li preſentai et facendo lui eL ſimilli li accepto poi iL re ne fece mãgiare de qelli oui et bere con qelli canuti li altiſui in queſto mezo gli diſſero lo parlamtodeL capoſopala pace et lo exortamento ꝓ farli xp̃iani iL Re ne volce te ner ſecho acene    li diceſſemo non poteuamo aloro reſtare pigliata la liſentia iL principe ne meno ſeco a caſa ſua doue ſonauano catro fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nr̃o ma era poſta in tera    Vnaltadaua vno legnio facto alcanto groſſo neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate mo in la vna mo in laltaLaltain vna borquia grande col medeſimo modo. La vltima cõ due brochiete in mão dando luna ne laltafaceua vno ſuaue ſonno tanto atempo ſonauão que pareua haueſſeno grã ragion deL canto Queſte eranno aſay belle et bian quecaſi como le noſtre et coſi grande    eranno nude ſinon q̃ haueuão tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL ginoquio et algune tute nude col pichieto dele orechie grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo tene tondo et largo cõ li capeli grandi et negri et cõ vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et ſempre diſcalce iL principe ne fece balare cõ tre tutte nude    merendaſſemo et dapoy veniſſemo ale naui    Queſte borchie ſonno de metalo et ſe fanno ne La regiõe deL ſignio magno q̃ e detta La China    Quiui le vzanno Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon.After dinner the king’s nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men281on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace.282They answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, he was answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, they received no further honor, but their children commanded them. The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else,and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal spirit;283and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to leave them two men, or at least one,284to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor. The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, but that if they wished to become Christians, our priest would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king, and that then they would become Christians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them that they should not become Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free wills;285and that he would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, but that the Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,286for so had his king commanded him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great, sin, since they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer appear to them except in the last moment at their death.287They said that they could not answer the beautiful words of thecaptain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and clasping one of the prince’s hands and one of the king’s between his own, said to them that, by his faith in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by the habit which he wore,288he promised them that he would give them perpetual peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same. After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other articles.289To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.290When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with the needle about his head, a necklace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings fastened in his ears set roundwith precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire291in various designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank.292Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him.293We dressed him in the robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we told him that we could not stay then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took us with him to his house, where four young girls were playing [instruments]—one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one would believe they possessed good musical sense.Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white as our girls and as large. They were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees. Some were quite naked and had large holes in their ears with a small round piece of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round and large. They have long black hair, and wear a short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. The prince had three quite naked girls dance for us. We took refreshments and then went to the ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno294which is called China. They are used in those regions as we use bells and are calledaghon.295Mercore matina ꝓ eſſere morto vno deli noſtinella nocte paſſata linterprete et yo andaſſemo adomander aL re doue lo poteriamo ſe pelire trouaſſemo Lo re aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita reuerenſia li lo diſſe riſpoſe ſe io et li mey vaſalli ſemo tucti deL tuo ſigniore Quãto magiormtedebe eſſere la terra et li dice como voleuamo conſacrare il luoco et meterlj vna croce    riſpoſe que era molto contento et q̃ la voleua adorare como nuy altifu ſepolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio poteſſemo ꝓ darli bõ exempio et poy la conſacraſſemo    ſultardi ne sepeliſſemo vno altoportaſſemo molta merchantia in terra et la meteſſemo in vna caſa qaL el re Latolſe ſoura ſua fede et Quatro homini q̃ eranno reſtati per merchadantare in groſſo. Queſti populi viueno cõ Juſtitia peſo et mezura    amano la pace lotio etlaquiete    anno bilancie de legnio    lo legnio a vna corda neL mezo cõ LaqaL ſetiene duno capo e piombo et delaltoſegni como carti terci et librr̃ Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belanſia ch̃ e cõ tre filli como le nr̃e et la meteno ſoura li ſegni et cuſi peſano Juſto    anno mezure grandiſſime ſenza fondo    le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como le nr̃e et le chiamano Subin    le caſe ſonno de legni de taule et de cane edificate ſopapali groſſi alti de terra q̃ biſognia andarui dentocõ ſcalle et anno camare como le nr̃e ſoto le caſe teneno li porci capre et galine ſe trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL vedere q̃ amazano le balene leqalle le Jnguiotano viui Quando loro ſonno neL corpo veneno fuora deL ſuo coperto et li magiano eL core    Queſta gente le trouano poi viui apreſſo deL core dele ballenne morte    Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto biancho et La carne    Sonno boni da mangiare et le chiamano laghan.On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had died during the previous night, the interpreter and I296went to ask the king where we could bury him. We found the king surrounded by many men, of whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked it.297He replied, “If I and my vassals all belong to your sovereign, how much more ought the land.” I told the king that we would like to consecrate the place,298and to set up a cross there. He replied that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the place, and in the evening buried another man. We carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we stored in a house. The king took it under his care as well as four men who were left to trade the goods by wholesale.299Those people live in accordance with justice, and have weights and measures. They lovepeace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other marks like quarter-libras, third-libras, and libras. When they wish to weigh they take the scales which has three wires like ours, and place it above the marks, and so weigh accurately.300They have very large measures without any bottom.301The youth play on pipes made like ours which they callsubin. Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found there which kill whales. For the whale swallows them alive, and when they are in the whale’s body, they come out of their shells and eat the whale’s heart. Those people afterward find them alive near the dead whale’s heart. Those creatures have black teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good to eat. They are calledlaghan.302Vennere li moſtraſſemo vna botega pienna de le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ ilque reſtoronno molto admirati ꝓ metalle fero et laltamerchantia groſſa ne dauano horo ꝓ le altre menute ne dauão riſo porci et capre cõ altre vi tuualgie    Queſti populi ne dauano x peci de oro ꝓ xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo duno ducato emezo    Lo capogñale non volſe ſe pigliaſſe tropo oro perque ſarebe ſtato alguno marinaro q̃ hauerebe dato tuto Lo ſuo ꝓ vno poco de oroet haueria diſconciato Lo trafigo ꝓ semper    Sabato ꝓ hauer̃ ꝓmeſſo Lo re aL capode farſi xp̃iano ne la dominicha ſe fece ne la piaza q̃ era ſacrata vno tribunalle adornato de tapiſſeria et rami de palma ꝓ baptizarlo et mandoli adire q̃ nella matina nõ haueſe paure dele bombarde per cio era noſtocoſtume ne le feſte magiore deſcaricar̃ ſenza pietre.On Friday we showed those people a shop full of our merchandise,303at which they were very much surprised. For metals, iron, and other large merchandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii libras of iron304(one piece being worth about one and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not wish to take too much gold, for there would have been some sailors who would have given all that they owned for a small amount of gold, and would havespoiled the trade for ever.305On Saturday, as the captain had promised the king to make him a Christian on Sunday, a platform was built in the consecrated square, which was adorned with hangings and palm branches for his baptism. The captain-general sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of the pieces that would be discharged in the morning, for it was our custom to discharge them at our greatest feasts without loading with stones.306Domeniga matina a Quatordize de apille andaſſemo in terra Quaranta hõj cõ duy homini tucti armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle    Quante diſmõ taſſemo ſe tira tucta lartigliaria    Queſti populi ſiguião diqua et de la Lo capoet lo re ſe abraciorono li diſſe q̃ la bandera realle nõ ſi portaua in terra ſinon cõ cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati et cõ cinquanta ſchiopeteri ma ꝓ lo ſuo grande amore coſi la haueua portata    poi tuti alegri andaſſemo preſſo aL tribunalle    Lo capoet Lo re ſedeuão in cathedre de veluto roſſo et morello li principalli in cuſſini li altiſoura ſtore    lo Capodiſſe aL re ꝓ lo interprete ringratiaſſe ydio ꝓ cio lo haueua inſpirato a farſe xp̃ano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li ſui nemiſi q̃ prima    riſpoſe q̃ voleua eſſere xp̃iano ma alguni ſui principali nõ voleuano ho bedire ꝓ che diceuano eſſere cuſſi homini como lui    alhora lo nr̃o capofece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et diſſeli ſenon hobediuão aL re como ſuo re li farebe amazare et daria la ſua roba aL re    Riſpoſeno lohebedirebẽo    diſſe aL re ſe andaua in ſpagnia retornarebe vnaltavolta cõ tanto potere q̃ lo faria Lo magior re de qelle parte per che era ſtato pimo a voler farſe xp̃iano    leuando li many aL ciello Lo rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly ſoy rimaneſſe açio meglio lui et li ſui populi focero inſtructi nelafede Lo caporeſpoſe que ꝓ Contentarlo li Laſſarebe duy ma voleua menar ſeco dui fanciulli deli principalli acio in paraſſeno la linga nr̃a et poi aLa ritornato ſapeſſero dire aqueſti altri le coſe deſpagnia    ſe miſſe vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza    Lo capoli diſſe ſeſi voleuão far xp̃iani Como haueuão deto nelli giornj paſſati li biſogniaua bru ſare tucti li ſui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni di cõ le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo farſi lo ſegnio de La croce moſtrandoli como li faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doueſſeno veni re a queſta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et qeL q̃ haueuão Ja deto voleſer̃ cõ le bonne opere confirmarlo    el re cõ tucti li altivoleuão confirmare lo tucto    lo capogñale li diſſe como ſera veſtito tuto de biancho ꝓ moſtrarli Lo ſuo ſincero amore verſo de loro    riſpoſero ꝓ li ſui dolci paroli nõ ſaperli reſpondere. Con queſte bonne parolle lo capoconduſſe lo re ꝓ la mão ſuL tribunalle ꝓ baptizarlo etdiſſeli ſe chiameria don carlo como alinperator̃ ſuo ſigniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello delinperator̃ al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno principalle fernando como iL principalle noſtoçioe Lo capo. Al moro xoforo poy ali altiaqivno nome et aqivno altoforenno baptizati inanzi meſſa cinque cento hominj    Vdita la meſſa lo capoconuito adiſnar ſeco lo re cõ altri principali    nõ volſero ne acompagniarono fina ala riua    le naui ſcaricorono tutte le bombarde et abrazandoſe preſſero Combiatto.On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore, two of whom were completely armed and preceded the royal banner.307When we reached land all the artillery was fired.308Those people followed us hither and thither. The captain and the king embraced. The captain told the king that the royal banner was not taken ashore except with fifty men armed as were those two, and with fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him that he had thus brought the banner.309Then we all approached the platform joyfully. The captain and the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet,310the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats.311The captain told the king through the interpreter that he thanked God for inspiring him to became a Christian; and that [now] he would more easily conquer his enemies than before. The king replied that he wished to become a Christian, but that some of his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said that they were as good men as he. Then our captain had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he would have them killed, and would give their possessions to the king. They replied that they wouldobey him. The captain told the king that he was going to Spagnia, but that he would return again with so many forces that he would make him the greatest king of those regions, as he had been the first to express a determination to become a Christian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked the captain, and requested him to let some of his men remain [with him], so that he and his people might be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs with him, so that they might learn our language, who afterward on their return would be able to tell the others the wonders [cose] of Spagnia. A large cross was set up in the middle of the square. The captain told them that if they wished to become Christians as they had declared on the previous days, that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross in their place. They were to adore that cross daily with clasped hands, and every morning after their [i.e., the Spaniards’] custom, they were to make the sign of the cross (which the captain showed them how to make); and they ought to come hourly, at least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneeling. The intention that they had already declared, they were to confirm with good works. The king and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. The captain-general told the king that he was clad all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward them. They replied that they could not respond to his sweet words. The captain led the king by the hand to the platform while speaking these good words in order to baptize him. He told the kingthat he would call him Don Carlo, after his sovereign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after the emperor’s brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, now one name, and now another. Five hundred men were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and some of the other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompanying us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs and the captain took leave of one another.312Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La reyna laqalle venne cõ quaranta dame la conduceſſemo ſopalo tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura vno coſſino et lalteZirca ella fin qeL prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine de La nr̃a donna vno bambino di legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ piangendo domando lo bateſimo la nomina ſemo Johanna como la madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola moglie deL principe Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre ognuna lo ſuo nome    bap tizaſſemo octo cento anime fra homini donne et fanciulli    la regina era Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et nero haueua la bocha et le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in circa de le medeſme foglie como qella deL papa    ne may va in alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte    ne demando iL banbino ꝓtenerlo in locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti    ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime perſonne vennerono aL lito    lo capoalhora fece tirare molte trombe de fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃    eL capoet lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli    Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ    Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni forenno baptizati tucti de queſta yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re ne a noy la qalle era in vna yſola vicina aqueſta    poneſſemo quiui la croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno gentilli    ſe foſſero ſtato mori li hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha li gentilli.After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.313We named her Johanna, after the emperor’s mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.314The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she wore a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,315with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.316She asked us to give her the little childJesus to keep in place of her idols;317and then she went away. In the afternoon,318the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.319The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king’s name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other island, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathen. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen.Jn queſti giorni lo capogñalle andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de La fede    La regina vene vno giorno cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa    tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle et cõ Lo ſuo capello    aſaiſſime donne la ſeguiuão leqalle erão tute nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno paniocolo de tella de palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li capilli ſparſi    La regina facta la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſupavno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capola ba gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de hacqua roza muſchiata moltoſe delectauão de talle odore    ſapendo Lo capoqeL bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ che era in memoria deL figloL de dio    ringratiandolo molto lo accepto.The captain-general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.320One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.321She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedinglyin such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of her idols, for it was in memory322of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it.Vno giorno lo capogñale inanzi meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se chiamaua bendara vno altofratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti altique laſſo ꝓ non eſſere longo    fece tuti q̃ſti Jurare eſſere hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno la mano poi fece qeL re deſſere ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re deſpagnia    coſi lo Juro    alhora iL capocauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la ymagina de nr̃a donna et diſſe aL re Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto doueriaſi morire que aromper vno ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de limperator̃ ſuo se. et ꝓ il ſuo habito deſſerle ſempre fidelle    facto queſto lo capodonno aL re vna cathedra de veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore ſuo et diſce aL capoComo faceua far vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laqaL era due ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali oreqie due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre precioſe ꝓadornare le orechie    Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande liqalli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno panno de tella de la cinta fina aL ginochio.Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king’s brother and prince’s father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king’s brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.323The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter’s hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.324Thereupon, the captain drew his Sword before the image of our Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,325if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten326in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other preciousgems to adorn327the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.JL capogñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et ali altiꝓ qaL cagionne nõ bruzauão li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly ſacrificaua tanta Carne    riſpoſero qeL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli li daſſe ſalute laqeL non parlaua Ja catogiorni    era fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de La yſolo Lo capogli diſſe q̃ bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che varamẽte credeua in chriſto faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que non poteua parlare ne mouerſe    Lo baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et x donzelle poi lo capoli fece dire como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe como ꝓ la gracade nr̃o sor. ſtaua aſſay benne    Queſto fu vno manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi noſtiQuando Lo capoLo vdi parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia laueua facta fare ꝓ lui    poi mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa oleorozato et algune conſerue de zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni qeL comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie in caſa ſua in p̃ntia deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece diſfare molti tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare neliqalli mangiauão la carne conſacrata    Loro medeſimi Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia    li rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li parti de drieto    anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ quatodenti grandiſſimj como porci cingiari et ſonno tucti depintjOne day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians; and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince’s brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater,oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,328in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and destroyed329those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life, they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king’s house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over.Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li nomi de leqalle et deli suoi et deli ſuiprincipaliſonno queſti Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et vnaltalubucun    Tucti qʒſti ne hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan laqaL faceua Lo porto doue eramo iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu    Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaiaThere are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.330All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan, which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia.Açio que vr̃a ilLmasaſapia le Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonanoqelle borchie grandi poi ſe porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in foglie con peche bruſtolato. Laltocon panne de Cambaia et due banderete di palma    Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende in terra    poi veneno duy femine Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno tronbonne de cana in mão    Quando ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et piglia vnaltofaciolo ne le manj et balando et ſunando con qello chiama iL ſolle    laltapiglia vna de qelle banderete et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle    Quella deL faciolo piglia laltabandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla tacitamẽte aL ſolle et qeLa altali riſponde    poy aqella de li corni li e apreſentato vna taça de vino et balando et dicendo certe parolle et laltareſpondendoli et facendo vista catoho cinque volte de beuere eL vino ſparge qello ſoura eL core deL porcho    poy ſubito torna aballare    a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle ſempre tute due balando et moſtrã do catoho cinque volte de dare [de dare:doublet in original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza Lo paſſa da parte aparte    preſto ſi ſera la ferita con erbaqe’lla q̃ amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laqalle ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte Ceremonie LaltacoL capo deL trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo dito La fronte pima ali ſoi mariti poy ali altima nõ veñeroño may a noi    poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et Conuitano Senon femine    Lo porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni ſuno altoque Le vequie conſacrano La carne di porcho et nõ La magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de queſta ſorte.In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those largegongs.331Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia332and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and making pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped333withgrass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.334The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.335Queſti populi vano nudi portano ſolamente vno pezo de tella de palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo membro circa dela teſta de luna parte alaltacon vno fero de oro houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna penna de ocha et in vno capo et laltodeL medeſimo fero alguni anno Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li capi alticomo vna teſta de chiodo da caro    aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi vedere da molti coſi veqiComo Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere    neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ ilqalle vrinano    iL fero et le ſtelle ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli    quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a meterſi dentoopimo qella ſtella de ſoura et poy LaltaQuanto edentodiuenta in ordine et cuſi ſempre ſta dentofin que diuenta molle perche altramẽti nõ Loporianno cauare fuora.    Queſti populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de debille natura    anno Quante moglie voleno ma vna principalle    Se vno deli nr̃i andaua in tera coſi dedi Como de nocte ogni uno Lo Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et qeL beueſſe    Le ſue viuande ſonno mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno ſpeſſo et molto con qelli ſui Cannuti dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore vno ſuo mangiare    Le donne amauão aſay piu noy que queſti atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de qelli ſui membrj.Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm-tree cloth about336their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwisethey could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.337Whenever any of our men went ashore, both by day and by night, every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars338through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men’s penises.339Quando vno deli ſui principali emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie    pima mente tutte le donne principale de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte    in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna caſa    in torno la caſa poneno corde a mo do duno ſtecato neliqali atachano molti ramy de arbore    in mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu principali tute coperte de panne bianqide bombaſo per vna donzella ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno ſparauentolo di palma    le alteſedeanno intorno la camera meſte    poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto vnaltaq̃ era ſtata la moglie principale deL morto giaceua ſoura lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue many et li ſui piedi con qelli deL morto.    Quando qella tagliaua li capilj queſta piangeua et Quando reſtaua de tagliarliqueſta Cantaua    atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et ſupaqello mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano olere la caſa grandemẽte    lo teneno in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte Cerimonie    Credo ſia onto de canfora    poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de legni. ogni nocte in queſta cita circa de la meza nocte veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua quatoocinque ore queL ſuo gridare et vrlare    nõ ne volſeno may dire la cagiõ de queſto.They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief340women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.341Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are manyporcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.342Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that screeching and howling would last for four or five hours,343but those people would never tell us the reason of it.Vennere a vintiſey de aqilLe Zula principale de qella yſola matan mando vno ſuo figliolo con due capre apreſentarle aL capogñale et dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de laltoprincipalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua potuto mandarglila et que neLa nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe ſolamente vno batello pienno de homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et combateria    Lo capogñale delibero de andarui cõ tre batelli    Lo pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme col re xp̃iano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno ariuaſſemo a matan    Lo caponon volſe Combater alhora mali mando adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano hobedireaL re de spagnia et recognioſcere Lo re xp̃iano ꝓ ſuo se. et darne lo nr̃a tributo li ſarebe amicho maſe voleuano altramente aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃e Lance    riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte et pali bruſtolate et que nõ andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le caze ꝓ farne caſcare dento.    Venuto Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina ale coſſie caranta noue homini et cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de baleſtainanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto    li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL acqua    li altivndici homini reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli    Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ fiancho et Laltoꝓ contro.    Lo capoquã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de tauole ſotille et li brazi    Lo cappogridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li valeua niente. Quando queſti viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in vano gridando deliborono a ſtar forte ma molto piu gridauão    Quando erano deſcarigati li ſquiopetimay nõ ſtauano fermi ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie Lance de canna alguno di fero aL capogñalle pali pontini bruſtolati pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo capogñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze deuentorono piu fero    ci apreſſo de le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo    ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba drita aL capoper il que comando q̃ ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o octo cõ lo capitanio    Queſti non ne tirauão in altoſinon ale gambe per q̃ erano nude    ꝓ tante Lancie et pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo reſiſtere    le bombarde de li batelli ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de la riua ſempre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne ſeguitoro et repigliando vna medeſima Lancie quatooſey volte ne La Lanciauano    queſti Connioſſendo Lo capotanti ſi voltorono ſopade lui q̃ dui volte li botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre ſtaua forte cõ alguni altipiu de vno hora coſſi combateſſemo et non volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui    ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar demano a La ſpada non puote cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo    Quando viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo alui    vno cõ vno grã terciado che e como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ Laqalle caſco coL volto inanzi    subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie de fero et de cana et con qelli ſui terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃a amazarono    Quando lo feriuão molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ vedere ſe eramo tucti dentoneli bateli    poi vedendolo morto aL meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão    Lo re xp̃iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo capoinanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que modo Combateuão    Quando lo re ſepe como era morto piance ſe non era queſto pouero caponiuno de noy Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando lui Combateua li altiſe retiravão ali batelli. Spero in vr̃a IlLmasaLa fama duno ſi generoſo caponon debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſtifra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima fortuna q̃ may alguno altofoſſe ſupõ taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li altiet piu Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente ninguno altohauer̃ auuto tantoJngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta aL Sabato vintiſete de apille 1521. iL capoLa volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaqalle foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃i et catoJndij facto xp̃iani dale bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici Se non Quindici ma molti de noy feriti.On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,344sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the kingof Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.345They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the nativeswould never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body. Then, tryingto lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,346which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts347and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talentnor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.348The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,349and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded.Dopo diſnare le re xp̃iano mando adire cõ Lo noſtoconſentimẽto aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare lo capocon li altimorti q̃ li dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ memoria ſua.In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.350Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo capoqelli catoq̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare fecero portare le noſtre merchantie alle naui    poy faceſſemo dui gu bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe parente deL capo. et Johã ſeranno ſpagniolo    linterprete nr̃o q̃ ſe chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare le coſe nr̃e neceſſarie ma ſtaua ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la naue capali grido et diſſegli ſe benne e morto Lo capoſuo se. ꝓ queſto non era libero anzi voleuaQuando foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL capogñale et minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et moſtro de non far cõto de queſte parolle et ando in tera adire al re xp̃iano Como ſe voleuão partire preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nr̃e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente que pimaOn Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,351a Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.352As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would seeto it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should still be the slave of Doña Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.353And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king354that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning355than before.Mercore matina pimo de magio Lo re xp̃ono mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano preparate le gioie haueu    ꝓmeſſo de mandare aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ li altiſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho qella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono 24 homini in tera    cõ queſti ando Lo nr̃o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. martín de siuilla yo non li pote andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de freza venenata che haueua nela fronte    Jouan caruaio cõ Lo barizello tornorono indietro et ne diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per che dubitauão de qalque malle    nõ diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti    ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele caſe ne aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ doueſſemo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno    lidomandaſſemo ſe tucti li alticon lo interprete erano morti    diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo linterprete ne prego molto Lo doueſſemo reſcatare cõ qalque merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera    Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a Johan caruiao ſuo compadre    ſubito ſe partiſſemo    nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo lui reſtaſſe.On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders that the jewels356which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martín de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable357returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.358Consequently, they had left that place, because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would killhim.359We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.360But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.361Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte ſorte vino de palma et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente laltaaL grego et leuante    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe cento ſexanta catogradi et ſe chiama Zubu    Quiui inanzi q̃ moriſſe lo capogenneralle haueſſemo noua de malucho    Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ corde de ramo.In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,362gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.363It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances—one to the west and the other to the east northeast.364It lies in x degrees365of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-four366degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili.AL homo:lacALa donnaparanpaonALa Jouenebeni beniAla maritatababayAli capillibo hoAL vizoguayAle palpebrepilacAle cigliechilei.Al ocquiomatta.AL nazoJlon.Ale maſſelleapinAli labrioloL.A la boccababa.A li dentinipinAle gengiueleghex.Ala lingadillaAlle orechiedelengan.Ala golaliogh.AL collotangipAL mentoq̃ilan.ALa barbabonghotAle ſpallebagha.A la ſchenalicud.AL petodughanAL corpotiamSoto li braciJlotAL braciobotchenAL gomedoſicoAL polſomolanghaiALa manocamatA la palma de la manpalanAL ditodudloAla ongiacocoAL LombelicopuſutAL membrovtinAli teſticolibotoAla natura de le donnebillatAL vzar cõ loroJiamAle cullateſamputAla coſsapahaAL ginochiotuhud.AL Schinchobaſsag baſsagALa polpa de la gambabitisALa cauechiabolboLAL calcagniotiochidAla ſolla deL pieLapa lapaAL horobalaoanAL argentopillaAL LatonconcachAL ferobutanAle canne dolcetubeAL cuchiarogandanAL rizobughax barasAL melledeghexALa ceratalhoAL ſalleacinAL vinotuba nio nipaAL bereMinuncubiLAL mangiaremaCan.AL porchobabuiALa capracandinALa galinamonochAL migliohumasAL ſorgobatatAL panizodanaAL peueremaniſſaAli garofolichianche.ALa Cannellamana.AL gengeroluiaAL ayoLaxunaAli naranſiacſuaAL ouoſilogAL cocolubi.AL accetozluchaAL acquatubinAL fuocoClayo.AL fumoassu.AL ſofiaretigban.Alle belancietinbanAL pezotahiLAla perlamutiara.Ale madre de le perletipay.Ala zampogniaSubinAL mal de stoJob.Alupalanportamepalatin comoricaAcerte fogacie de rizotinapaibuonomainNõti da leAL cortellocapol ſundanAle forficecatleA tosarechunthinchAL homo ben hornatopixaoAla tellabalandanA li panni q̃ ſe coprenoAbacaAL conagliocolon colonAli pater nr̃j dogni ſortetacleAL petinecutlei miſsamisAL pentinaremonssughud.ALa CamizaSabun.ALa gugia de coſiredaghuAL cuſiremamisA La porcelanamobulucAL canaaian ydoAL gatoepos.Ali ſui veligapasAli criſtalinibalusVien qimaricaAla cazaJlaga balaiAL legniametatamueAlle ſtore doue dormenoTagichanAle ſtore de palmabaniAle cuſſini de foglieVlimanA li piati de legniodulanAL ſuo ydioAbba.AL ſolleadloALa lunaſonghotAla ſtelabolan bunthun.ALa aurorameneAla matinavemaAla tazataghagrandebaſsaLAL archoboſsugh.ALa frezaoghon.Ali targonicalaſsan.A le veſte inbotide ꝓ combaterbalutiAle ſue daghecalix baladaoAli ſui tertiadiCampilan.A la Lanciabancan.El talletuan.Ali figuiſaghinAle zuchebaghinAle corde dele ſue viollegotzapAL fiumetau.AL riſaio ꝓ peſcarepucat laiaAL batelloſampan.A le canne grandecauaghan.Ale picolebonbon.Ale ſue barche grandebalanghaiAle ſue barque picollebolotoAli granciCubanAL peſceJcam yſſidaA vno peſcie tuto depintopanap ſapãA vno altoroſſotimuan.A vno certo altopilaxA vno altoemaluan.Tuto e vnoSiama siamaA vno ſchiauobonſuLA la forcabolleALa nauebenaoaA vno re o capogñaleraia.Words of those heathen peopleFor Manlacfor Womanparanpaonfor Young womanbeni benifor Married womanbabayfor Hairbohofor Faceguayfor Eyelidspilacfor Eyebrowschileifor Eyemattafor Noseilonfor Jawsapinfor Lipsololfor Mouthbabafor Teethnipinfor Gumsleghexfor Tonguedillafor Earsdelenganfor Throatlioghfor Necktangipfor Chinqueilanfor Beardbonghotfor Shouldersbaghafor Spinelicudfor Breastdughan367for BodytiamArmpitilotfor Armbotchenfor Elbowsicofor Pulsemolanghaifor Handcamatfor the Palm of the handpalanfor Fingerdudlofor Fingernailcocofor Navelpusutfor Penisutinfor Testiclesbotofor Vagina368billatfor to have Communication with womenjiamfor Buttockssamputfor Thighpahafor Kneetuhudfor Shinbassag bassag369for Calf of the legbitisfor Anklebolbolfor Heeltiochidfor Sole of the footlapa lapafor Goldbalaoanfor Silverpillafor Brassconcachfor Ironbutanfor Sugarcanetubefor Spoongandanfor Ricebughax barasfor Honeydeghexfor Waxtalhofor Saltacinfor Winetuba nio nipafor to Drinkminuncubilfor to Eatmacanfor Hogbabuifor Goatcandinfor Chickenmonochfor Millethumasfor Sorgobatatfor Panicumdana370for Peppermanissafor Cloveschianchefor Cinnamonmanafor Gingerluiafor Garliclaxunafor Orangesacsuafor Eggsilogfor Cocoanutlubifor Vinegarzluchafor Watertubinfor Fireclayofor Smokeassufor to Blowtigbanfor Balancestinbanfor Weighttahil371for Pearlmutiarafor Mother of pearltipayfor Pipe [a musical instrument]sub infor Disease of St. Jobalupalan372Bring mepalatin comoricafor certain Rice cakestinapai373GoodmainNotidalefor Knifecapol, sundanfor ScissorscatleTo shavechunthinchfor a well adorned Manpixaofor Linenbalandanfor the cloth with which they cover themselvesabacafor hawk’sbellcoloncolon374for Pater nosters of all classestaclefor Combcutlei, missamisfor to Combmonssughudfor Shirtsabunfor Sewing-needledaghufor to Sewmamisfor Porcelainmobulucfor Dogaian, ydofor Cateposfor their Scarfsgapasfor Glass BeadsbalusCome heremaricafor Houseilaga, balaifor Timbertatamuefor the Mats on which they sleeptagichanfor Palm-matsbanifor their Leaf cushionsulimanfor Wooden plattersdulanfor their Godabbafor Sunadlofor Moonsonghotfor Starbolan, bunthunfor Dawnmenefor Morninguemafor CuptaghaLargebassalfor Bowbossughfor Arrowoghonfor Shieldscalassanfor Quilted garments used for fightingbalutifor their daggerscalix, baladaofor their Cutlassescampilanfor Spearbancanfor Liketuanfor Figs [i.e., bananas]saghinfor Gourdsbaghinfor the Cords of their violinsgotzapfor Rivertaufor Fishing-netpucat, laiafor small Boatsampanfor large Canescauaghanfor the small onesbonbonfor their large Boatsbalanghaifor their small Boatsboloto375for Crabscubanfor Fishicam, yssidafor a Fish that is all coloredpanapsapanfor another red [Fish]timuanfor a certain other [kind of Fish]pilaxfor another [kind of Fish]emaluanAll the samesiama siamafor a Slavebonsulfor Gallowsbollefor Shipbenaoafor a King or Captain-generalraiaNumero:VnoVzzaduyduatretolo.QuatovpatCinquelimaSeyonomSettepittooctogualuNoueCiam.Diecepolo.NumbersOneuzzatwoduathreetolofourupatfivelimasixonomsevenpittoeightgualunineciamtenpolo376Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola zzubu aL capo de qeLa altaq̃ ſe chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo de queſto arcipelago la naue conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy la via deL garbin et mezo di coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe panilongon nela qalle ſonno homini negiComo in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a vna yſola grande Lo re delaqalle ꝓ fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga in ſegnio de magior amitiſia    coſi faceſſemo ancho nui    Jo ſolo anday cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta yſola    ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono peſce al re    poy lo re ſe cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le ſue ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et cantando Co minciorono a vogare paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano ſoura Lo fiume    ariuaſſemo a due hore de nocte in caſa ſua    daL principio de qʒſto fiume doue eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re erão due legue    entrãdo nela caſa ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna et de foglie de palma    Queſte torcie erano deanime Como li dete de soura    fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene lo re con dui principali et due ſue femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo de vino pienno de palma ſenza mangiare niente    Jo eſcuſandomi hauere cennato non volce berre ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão tute le cerimonie Como eL re de mazaua    venne poy La Cena de rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in ſcutelle de porcelana    mangiauão lo rizo ꝓ panne    Cocono Lo rizo in queſto modo prima meteno dentoin pigniate de terra como le nr̃e vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata    poy li meteno lacque et iL rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne    poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi    in tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in queſta ſorte    Cenato q̃ haueſſemo Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne con vnaltade palma et vna cucino de foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte    iL re con le due femine ando a dormire in vno luoco ſeparato    dormi cõ vno ſuo principali    Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla    vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie    finito Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni vederia La reyna    me reſpoſe era contento    andaſſemo de Compania in çima duno alto monte doue era la caſa de la reyna Quando entray in caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi verſo de me    ſedeti apreſſo a ella Laqalle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatroborquie de metalo vna magiore de Laltaet due piu picole ꝓ ſenare    gli eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La ſeruiuão    Queſte caſe ſonno facte como le alteJa dete    pigliata liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re    ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de canne dolce    La magior abundantia q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro    mi moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi ſegnio que in qelli era tanto horo como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno qela fatiga    Queſta parte de La yſola e vna medeſma terra con butuan et calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et confina cõ mazaua per che tornaremo vna altafiata in queſta izolla non dico altopaſſato mezo di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe venire et li altiprincipali et cuſſi veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai    retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman drita ſopavno monticello tre huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ haueua tagliati li ramy    Domanday al re qieran qelli    riſpoſi q̃ erano maLfactorj et robatorj    Queſti populi vano nudi Como li altide ſupaLo re ſe chiama raia Calanao    eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua rizo gengero porci capre galine et altecoſe    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento ſexantaſete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipitdue Jornate de qlaL maiſtrale ſe troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo Junci deli populi lechijIn the midst of that archipelago,377at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship “Conceptione,” for too few men of us were left [to work it].378We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and the laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,379where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king’s house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas. When we entered the house, we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,380which were of theanime,of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt381fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.382When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.383When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses384but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen’s house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jarsand four metal gongs—one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller—for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king’s house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,385making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not dare to go to the trouble [to get it].386That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.387As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked as do the others above mentioned. The king’s name is Raia Calanao.388The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees389from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu,and is called Chipit.390Two days’ journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,391where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.392Partendone de qlala meza partita de ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna yſola non molto grande et caſi deſhabitata    La gente de queſta ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna yſola deta burne    vano nudi Como li altianno za robotane con li carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con erba venenata    anno pugnialli con li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi ſancti    Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandiſſimj    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et chiamaſſe caghaian.Leaving there and laying our course west southwest, we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.393They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas394from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.395Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni altiLongui vno palmo et altimancho molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne dolci radice como rapi aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo fuocho in canne o in legnio    queſto dura piu que qello coto in pigniatte    Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay volte ſteſſemo in force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra ꝓ non morire de fame.    Lo re fece pace cõ noitagliandoſſe vno pocho cõ vno nr̃o cortello in mezo deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy    Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in noue gradi et vno terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno terſo de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitiõe pulaoan.About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.396The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third397degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.398Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li altiQuaſi tucti Lauaranno li ſui campi    hanno zarabotanne cõ freze de legnio groſſe piu duno palmo arponate et algune con ſpine de peſce con erba venenata at altecõ ponte de cana arponate et venenate anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in cambio de le penne neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno tracte le freze combateno cõ queſto precianno aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ ligare li ſui ami da peſcare    anno gally grandi molto domeſtici    nõ li mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe alguna volta li fanno combatere luno cõ laltoet ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL vincitore he ſuo eL premio    et anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et meglior̃ de qello de palma.Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all399of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.400At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head;401and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.402Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et coſteandola ne pareua alquanto aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eLcorpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo oſcuriſſimo    daL principio de queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno cinquanta legue    Lo Jorno ſequente a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta yſola ne mando vno prao molto bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate doro    era ſupala proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne de pauonne in cima    alguni ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma die    li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le almadie ſonno le ſue barche da peſcare    octo homini vecqideli principali entrarono nele naui et ſederonno neLa popa ſopavno tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de legnio de pinto pieno de betre et areca che e qeL fructo que maſticano ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de naranci coperto de vno panno de ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone pigliaronno liſentia    eL vino de rizo he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto grande q̃ molti deli noſtiſembriacarõ et lo chiamano arach.Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holybody [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty leguas403from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Twoalmadies404came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while thealmadiesare their small fishing boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), and jessamine405and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is calledarach[i.e., arrack].Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnaltavolta tre prao con molta pompa ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la cima deL capo    li ſalutaſſemo cõle bonbarde ſenza pietre    poy ne detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj dezucharo et alguni altifacti amodo de torte con oui et melle    ne diſſero como lo ſue re era contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃o piacer̃    vdendo queſto montaſſemo ſette de nuy altiſopalo prao et portaſſemo vno pñte al re elqalle era vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto morello cinque bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro dorato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [roſso:crossed out in original MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe argentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno bichier dorato    aL re darme q̃ era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa turcheſca vno bonnet et vno quinterno de carta a li altiſete principali a qitella a qibonnetj et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et ſubito ſe partiſſemo.Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves,while others were made in the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven406of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,407a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red:crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land].Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ coprire nr̃i preſenti poy montaſſemo ſopali elefanty et queſti dodice hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li linſoli de cambaia    lo giorno ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del reſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo ſoura li elefanti    ne la corte deL palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et altiprincipali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala grande piena de molti baronj oue ſedeſſemo ſopavno tapeto cõ li pñti neli vazi apreſſo noi    AL capo de Queſta ſala nehe vnaltapiu alta ma alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due feneſtre con due cortine de brocato daliqalli veniua la luce nella ſala    iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ ſtocqinudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna grande feneſtadalaqalle ſe tiro vna cortina de brocato dentode queſta vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare betre    dietro da lui erano ſinon donne Alhora ne diſſe vno principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno piu principale et Quello avno fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dentocõlore et ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo altoet poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li diceſſemo como eramo deLre deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace ſeco et nõ domandauão altoſaluo potere mẽcadã tare    ne fece dire el re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃o piacere    poi li deſſemo li preſenti    faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy altifo dacto brocadelo et panny de oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſopala ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando negli    ne deteno vna Colatiõe de garofoli et canella    alora foreno tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre    li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti haueuão panni de oro [de oro:doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre precioſe et molti aneli nele mani    retornaſſemo Soura le elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃    Sete homini portorono iL prezente del re ſempre dinanzi Quando foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura la ſpala Siniſtra    aliqalli ꝓ ſua fatica donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de Cortelli    venirono in caſa deL gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ altitanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte de re    in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi galine pauonj et altry animali et de peſce    cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce et altecoſe    beue uão a ogni bocone pieno vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de qeL vino lanbicato    mangiaſſemo rizo et altre viuandede ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro Como li nr̃j    oue dormiſſemo le due nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Candellieri de argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne dolio cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão    Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj    Queſta cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focqile caſe ſonno tute de legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti da tera Quando lo mare creſcie vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo viuere    dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno muro de Cadreli groſſo con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel qalle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde de metalo et ſey de fero    in li dui giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte    Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia Siripada era de Quaranta anny et graſſo    ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non donne figliole deli principali    non ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non Quando va ala caza    ninguno li po par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a Queſti chiamano Xiritoles.When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,408whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to theking’s palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor’s to the king’s house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king’s orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,409where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.410At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.411No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance.We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.412They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor’s house, seven men carrying the king’s presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor’s house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet foodwith gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city413is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families].414The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king’s house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters415of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,416who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark.Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con altitanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole    Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe qalque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibilenela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo catoamazando molte ꝓ ſonne    tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon    coſtui era capogñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata    giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto capoet Lo Jonco ſenza noſtoconſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo    ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo capone haueria dato tuto qello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto capoera molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro.    in queſto porto glie vnaltacita de gentilli magiori de qella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto    il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo    facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſtiq̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão contali gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõede queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce    de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL caporeteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpagama Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue.On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli417(which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible,abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,418which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack theheathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.419LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto    ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime    ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore    la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina    lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo    ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe    la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolamteduna parte quatoſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis    per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſtene dauano ſey ſcutellede porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana    ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola    vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL    Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali    Queſti morj vano nudi como li altibeueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno.Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.420Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.421The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that moneypicis.422They gave us six porcelain dishes for onecathil423(which is equivalent to two of our libras)of quicksilver; one hundredpicisfor one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils), of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar ofanimeto calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo].424Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,425wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles426more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quicksilver—the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health.Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe laltogiorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute.The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen’s eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king’s presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them.Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denticõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro    ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei.Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter’s law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;427not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, butnot to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.428They are circumcised like the Jews.Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa    e menuta como li remole    Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor    li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe    Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne.Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.429If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call itcapor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.430That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.431Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua    vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo    vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno    ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne    le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre altifugirono de drieto da certe yſollete.Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,432because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.433Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we captured it.434Three other praus escaped behind certain islets.AL capo de burne faqueſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno portoꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dentoet ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni    Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qiin vna coſa qiin vnaltama la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe    Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnaltaloqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi    gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte    fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et laltaquaranta catro    pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni    eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo    haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo    Ancora qiſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue    apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delaltaanno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qile coca fugino    yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola    Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de altoſenon de arie.At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eightdegrees and seven minutes,435is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,436and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the other forty-four.437We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.438Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches439them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.440I believe those leaves live on nothing but air.Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa etLo ſacquegiaſſemo    ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine    poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et altecoſe    vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi    poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et altecoſe    ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fala yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandissoQuando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno altomare    reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle    le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo    Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle    coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo    ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle.Having left that island,441that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we capturedthe junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two island, Zolo and Taghima,442which lie toward the west, and near which pearls are found.443The two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,444he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him.Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli    La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue    in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare    ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj    ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    larbore de queſta Cannella he altotre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti    la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro    La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella    La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella    la chiamão caiu mana    Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce.Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.445The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island, we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people call itcaiu mana.Caiumeans wood, andmana, sweet, hence, “sweet wood.”446Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti    Quanto alguni altivedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue eramalucho    ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco    in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi    Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco, we captured by force abigniday,447a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.448All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao,and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.449Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty450leguas from Cavit.451Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſtiſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et stachiara ſoura lo trinqueto    ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a stonicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina    ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle    Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli altiQueſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit.Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452Sarangani, and Candighar.453One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.454St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghani and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit.Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho    facendo nr̃oviagio famezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere    ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette    Queſta yſola tenne quatore raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu    ſonno gentili    ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir.Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might showus where Malucho lay.455Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.456Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father’s shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut    poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau    paſſate queſte due yſollemercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quatoyſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue    Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria    non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle:doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho    eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato.Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.458The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.459[Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.460After passing those two islands, onWednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with us told us that those four islands were Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.461Among all those islands [among all those islands:doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.462Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria    neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta    ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo    ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe    lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno    dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amalucoda luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuyeramo qelli    Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo    li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui    eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſteꝓ che daqiindietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore    li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue altiſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti altiaqibonneti et aqicortelli    deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare    dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer altoſinon la ꝓpiavita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s.    doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la citaet se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti    partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare    pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde    Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo    alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo    haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo:doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor.Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,463we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined toconsult the moon,464whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.465Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece ofberania(the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups,466and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives;467and to each of nine others—all of them his chiefs—a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoevercame to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head.468When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,469and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head,doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqiinanzi La ſua Jſola et vnaltachiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio:crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpagalui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃    ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui degaroſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare    JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere.On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada471the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons:crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,472named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk473which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king’s servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.474He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner tofurnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.Açcio vr̃a JILmasa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian    tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre    Tadore et qella doue eramo    tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente    La vltima e bachian et tienne re    tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho.    non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno francoſeranno portugueſe capogñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore    poy facta faloro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno francoſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj    il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducentobahar de garofoli    coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capoamalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui    D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capogñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare    paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de francoſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali    li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.475At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno476had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major,and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general’s pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.477Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.478Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui    coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li altecoſe de francoſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto    ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo    Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui    li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno pannode oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice    accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti    Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun petoalfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de francoſeranno vene de bandan ataranate    iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia    mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno.On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with theboat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa,479a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We480sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta    il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ altetante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco altoComo vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte    finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera.    Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato    ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole    Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine    Dinanzi a queſta yſolanehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli    ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et laltocinque cento et vinticinque    li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno    JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dentone layſola    in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi.Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king’s house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very largeisland, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.481The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482We bought many of them from those people.Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia    gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo    ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quatoqʒiet ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre deqelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar    tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqibonny Ly volſe el re    molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi    la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto    ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte.On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483one bahar; for threeof those gongs of theirs, two bahars;484for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.485Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.486Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama    alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta    JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne    ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuãonele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine    gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta    Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore.On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen’s name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had inthe ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,487and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.)(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO][FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſtode Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo.Antonio Pigafeta,1patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],2to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,3renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.4Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmoet exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdomonsor.francochieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL epistodi aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mareocceanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comrede sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopavna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qide ſoto intendera v exasa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandolaquando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna gracami donno et recomando.Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,5with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),6and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,7who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship,I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.8Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,9a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”],10[who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure,11finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement,12you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, althoughyou are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.13Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno altofuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqiſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eLvento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa    Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi    Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj    Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la panel principio de la nocte    La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La tanel fine    tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli    el poera del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo todel maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capogenneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri.The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.14These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they callfarol.15He always carried thatfarolset at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and calledspartorope16which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together.If he showed two lights besides that of thefarol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall.17If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;18after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.19Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.20When he desired to alter his course, he showed two;21and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight,22and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master.23Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.24Luni a x d̃ agusto gode ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi    Poi venirono ad un altoq̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle    ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqiꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capiꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcunecoſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capogenneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto.On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,25(and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.26Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.27It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port.28From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.29Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish30[providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any31woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose    poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni    Sapera vr̃a IlLmasa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de altahabondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano.We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.32On the 26th33of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood.34We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso35to get pitch,36staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];37but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.38Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqiJnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão    quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqinoſtiq̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqichiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto.At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south,39and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus formany days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.40Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,41before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked,42all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious.43When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes calledtiburoni[i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,44although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night,45with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour46blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm.47Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo.    vn altra quando la femina vol far lioui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li altivcelli et nõ de altoSi como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad altivcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello    anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alticongregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola.I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the femalewishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.48Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Stoauguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne    ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati    ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini    ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate.    qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi    et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta luciaet in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li altiquãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle.After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west49until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin50which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of theanta,51which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.52For a king of diamonds [danari],53which is a playing card, they gave me 654fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day,and on that day had the sun on the zenith;55and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.56Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissaet piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme.    e deL re de portugalo    li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Laltoa legni groſſi    fanno foco infra eſſi in tera    in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore    anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra    queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere    ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte.    vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi    Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro.    fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua mortoSuo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deLſuofigliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala.    qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny    Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono:doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri    portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich    anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gatimaimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima    fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta.    hanno porci q̃ ſopaLa ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga    ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna    Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito    de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi    le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandissopiacere vederli    Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida    era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quandoajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia    queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ.That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,57put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,58and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years.59They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they callboii60and sleep in cotton hammocks calledamache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of thoseboii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,61and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,62hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.63Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,64who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed herson, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,65he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio,66who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are:doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,67have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,68while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots,and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful.69They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.70They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,71and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.72The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.73The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.74But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure75to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76It had been about two months since it had rained inthat land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.77Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno    Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ altoſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito    ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supala camera deL maiſtoet victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo.At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.78One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action.79Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin.AL miglio.MaizAlla farina.huiAL hamo.pindaAL cortellotacseAl petinechigapAlla forficepirameAL ſonaglioJtanmaraczBuono piu q̃ bonotum maragathumSome words of those people of Verzin80For Milletmaizfor Flourhuifor Fishhookpindafor Knifetacsefor Combchigapfor Scissorspiramefor BellitanmaracaGood, bettertum maragathumSteſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera    ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume deacqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li altisuoi    haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li altiportoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dentonella terra ꝓ paura de noi    Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno    fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi.    in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle.    ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de stamaria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui.We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees81toward the Antarctic Pole,where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends.82He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width.83A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.84Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue    Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale.    nõ volano et viueno de peſe    eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſicomo viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi    nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele.    le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie    Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et stachiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna.Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves.85Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf,with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.Partendone de qiariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe    quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capogñalle    Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello    Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqicapili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho.    era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme    el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, legambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui    ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn altapietra. Lo capogenneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quatode li noſtihomini ꝓ terra    da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſtiet mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati    Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſticorſe doue ſtauano li altiSe miſſeno in fila tuti nudi    ariuando li noſtia eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa    li noſtili feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto.    queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando levedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati    anno le tete longue mozo brazo.    ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre    menavano quatode qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino    poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze.    li noſtine canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj.Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.86We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,87singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same, actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet into the presence of the captain-general. When the giant was in the captain-general’s and our presence, he marveled greatly,88and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.89He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That animal has a head and ears as large as those of amule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.90His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.91In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,92and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.93The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink, and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four94of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were, who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them, they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made from the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had nothing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter arenot so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their husbands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. They led four of those young animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals.Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia    haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſtipima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſtiet dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capogñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li altiet tanto trata bile et gratioſo.    ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouanicomo nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima.    poi eL capogñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui    ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capogñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li altima piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy.Six days after the above, a giant painted95and clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,96and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When the captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. He was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths97and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni.He uttered [the words] “Jesu,” “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and “Jovani” [i.e., John97as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captain-general, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us.Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quatode queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente    JL capogenneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se altamente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta    ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqiſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capogñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li altiduy voleuano ajutarli    ma iL caponõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciualaſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi    Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capopur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli altidui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſtidoue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza    ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto    Laltotanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſtilo ferirono vn pocho ſopala teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li altiduy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora    ma ne lalba parloro ale donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece.    laltomenaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori    quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via    li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire    quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della.    li noſtiſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata    Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere.A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them—the youngest and best proportioned—by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.98Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us.99The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.100He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrappedabout them with their hands.101The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly forSetebos102to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured103was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women, and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.104The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman105that night, but determined to sleep there,for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,106but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke107to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.108Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives.Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano certi cardi    Quando li dole eL capo Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela nr̃a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua paſſione    anno li capeli tagliati cõ la quierega amodo de frati ma piu longui cõ vno cordonnedi bambaso intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le freze quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ lo grandiſsimo fredo.    Quando more vno de queſti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti    ne vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu grande gridando et facendo piu grã feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno    quiamano eL demonio magior ſetebos ali alticheleulle anchora coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto li demonj con dui corni in teſta et peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo    JL capogñale nomino queſti populi patagoni    tutti ſe veſtino de la pelle de qello animale gia deto    nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la quiamão chapae    ogni vno de li dui q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata mezo ſechio de hacqua et mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli.When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,109they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more110and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it isleft longer;111and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head, to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.112When one of those people die, x or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others, and he cries out and rejoices more.113They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,114and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.115They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no houses except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani116do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae.117Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them.Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃a IlLmasane ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le altre quatonaue ordinorono vno tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capogenneralle et queſti erano eL vehadorede Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL theſorero alouise de mendoſa eL contadore anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada et ſquartato eL veador de li homini fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento    de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada ꝓ voler fare vno altotradimẽto fo ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera patagonia.    eL Capogenerale nõ volſe far lo amazare perche Lo imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto capoVna naue chiamata ſancto Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la coſta Se perſe    tucti li homini Si ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ bagniandoſſe apenna    dui de queſti venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el tuto ꝓ il que eL capogñale ge mando alguni homini cõ ſacqipienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in machioni nõ trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon giaçio il que ne era grandisima fatiga.    Jn queſto porto era aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le chiamano missiglioni    haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le poteuano mangiare    ancho ſe trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri    Qui in cima deL piu alto monte drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte de xo.In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months.118Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of thefleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.119A ship called “Sancto Jacobo” was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,120or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.121There were very many long shellfish which are calledmissiglioni122in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,123foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ].Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno terſo al antartico trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi ſancti le ajutarono    Jn Queſto fiume tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame.    era molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe partiſſemo de qui eL capogenneralle et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et Comunicaſsemo Como veri chriſtianni.Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third124degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies125aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.126Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.127Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL giorno delle vndici millia vergine vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle chiamão capo dele vndici millia vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a referire in vno altomare chiamato mar pacificho circundato da mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 braza et ſe non era eL capitanio gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et diceuamo como era ſerato tuto intorno.    ma iL capitano gñale q̃ ſapeua de douer fare la ſua nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo como vite nela theſoraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella exelentiſſimo huomo martin de boemia Mando due naui Sto. anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la capitania Se chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo adaſpectarle dentone la baya    La nocte ne souravenne vna grande fortuna q̃ duro fino al altomezo Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et dela per la baia    a le altre due naui li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna boca picola q̃ no [paſaua:crossed out in original MS.] pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno altoſtretto et vnaltabaya piu grande q̃ le due pime    molto alegri subito voltor̃o Jndrieto ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La fortuna grande. Laltaperche eranno paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi.    eſſendo coſi vicine subito ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi    poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda ſemo acercare piu inanzi.Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole,128we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the]129eleven thousand virgins [i.e. October 21], whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.130It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings131on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captain-general who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the “Santo Anthonio” and the “Conceptione” (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de laBaia [i.e., of the Bay].132We, with the other two ships, [namely], the flagship, called “Trinitade,” and the other the “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to await them.133A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape134formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed:crossed out in original MS.] appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].135Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.136And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.137Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captain-general. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.138And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.139Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on.Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua exito neL mare pacifico    la naue ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ retornare in Spagnia como fece iL piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto lo Capogennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capogennerale ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capode la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL capogñale et haueua nome aluaro de meſchita    Lo ferirono et Lo meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero in spagnia in queſto naue. era laltogigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ lo medeſimo [porto:crossed out in originaldiqua et dela sto. antoa la nocte torno indrieto et ſeMS.] ſtrecto    nuy eramo andati a deſcourire laltabocha verſo eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL medeſimo [porto:crossed out in original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare le due naue    in queſti giorni mãdaſemovno batello ben fornito ꝓ deſcoprire eL capo de laltomare venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et diſſero como haueuano [haueuano:doublet in original MS.] veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado perche laueuano Ja grã tempo diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno q̃ era capoet piloto de queſta et ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la boca la Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in qella boca doue ella fugite.    il capogennerale mando indrieto la naue victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto auedere ſe ella era iui et non trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna letera in vna pigniatella ficada in tera apreſſo la bandera acio vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃a et ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le lr̃e luna avno mõticello nela prima baya laltain vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL capogñale leſpeto cõ laltanaue apreſſo eL fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume eL qalle era fra alte montagnie caricate de neue et deſcendeneL mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aLtempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno Jorno.    açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma. saiL creda quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio erba dolce ma gene anche de amare naſce atorno le fontane del qalle mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃ altocredo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de peſci ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra in tanto q̃ queſti volano li altili corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero beliſſima de vedere.After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.140The captain-general sent the ship “Sancto Anthonio” together with the “Concitione” to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio” would not await the “Conceptione,” because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia—which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,141and he hated the captain-general exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin142of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The “Conceptione,” as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at night and fled along the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait.143We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.144So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore thecape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],145for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,146but we found only the “Conceptione.” Upon asking them where the other one was, Johan Seranno,147who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captain-general sent the ship “Victoria” back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.148Two banners were planted with their letters—one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay149where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo,150and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-fivedegrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.151The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast152and was low. We called that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,153water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,154a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.155In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.156Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,157which are one palmo and more158in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet—more than a crossbow’s flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch.Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoniAL capoher.aL ochio.other.AL nazoorAlle cillieocchecheLALe palpebreSechechieLAli bussi deL nazoorescheALa bocaxiamAli LabriSchiahameAli dentiphor.ALa lingaSchiaLAL mentoSechenA li pelliarchizAL voltocogecheLAla goloohumezALa copaSchialeschinALe ſpallepelles.AL gomedoCoteLALa mancheneALa palma de LamanCaimeghinAL ditoCoriAle orechieSaneSoto eL broçoSalischinAla mamelaothenAL petoochijAL corpogecheLAL menbroſachetAli teſticuliSacancasAla natura de le donneJsseAL vzar cõ eſſeJo hoiALe coſſechianeAL genochiotepinAL chuloSchiaguenAle culatehoijAL brazomazAL polsoholionA le gambecossAL piedetheeAL calcagnotereALa chauequie deL pieperchiAla ſola deL piecaotſcheniAle onguieColimAL corethoLAL grataregechareAl homo ſguercoCalischenAL giuaneCalemiAL hacquaholiAL fuocoghialemeAL fumogiaicheAl noehenAL siReyAL oropelpeliALe petre lazureSechegAL solleCalexcheniAlle ſtelleſettere.AL mareAroAL ventooniALa fortunaohoneAL peſsehoiAL mangiaremechiereALa ſcutellaeloALa pigniataaschanieAL demandareghelheVien quihai siAL gardarchonneAL andarReyAL CombateroamaghceAle frezeSetheAL CaneholLAL lupoAniAL andare longiSchienALa guidaantiALa neuetheuAL courirehianiAL Seruzo ucelohoihoiA li sui ouiJaniAla poluere derba che mangiãoCapac.AL odorareosAL papagalochecheALa gabiota uceloCleoAL misiglioniSiameni.AL panno roſsoTerechae.AL bonetAicheLAl colore nego.AineLAL roſsotaicheAL gialopeperiAL coçinareyrocolesALa cinturaCatechinAL ochacacheAL diauolo grandeSetebosAli picolicheleule.Words of the Patagonian giantsFor Headherfor Eyeotherfor Noseorfor Eyebrowsocchechelfor Eyelidssechechielfor Nostrilsoreschefor Mouthxiamfor Lipsschiahamefor Teethphorfor Tongueschialfor Chinsechenfor Hairarchizfor Facecogechelfor Throatohumezfor Occiputschialeschin159for Shoulderspellesfor Elbowcotelfor Handchenefor Palm of the handcaimeghinfor Fingercorifor EarssaneArmpitsalischinfor Teatothenfor Bosomochijfor Bodygechelfor Penissachetfor Testiclessacancasfor Vagina160issefor Communication with womenjo hoifor Thighschianefor Kneetepinfor Rumpschiaguenfor Buttockshoijfor Armmazfor Pulseholionfor Legscossfor Foottheefor Heelterefor Ankleperchifor Sole of the footcaotschenifor Fingernailscolimfor Hearttholfor to Scratchgecharefor Cross-eyed mancalischenfor Young mancalemifor Waterholifor Fireghialemefor Smokegiaichefor Noehenfor Yesreyfor Goldpelpelifor Lapis lazulisechegfor Suncalexchenifor Starssetterefor Seaarofor Windonifor Stormohonefor Fishhoifor to Eatmechierefor Bowlelofor Potaschaniefor to AskghelheCome herehai sifor to Lookchonnefor to Walkreyfor to Fightoamaghcefor Arrowssethefor Doghollfor Wolfanifor to Go a long distanceschienfor Guideantifor Snowtheufor to Coverhianifor Ostrich, a birdhoihoifor its Eggsjanifor the powder of the herb which they eatcapacfor to Smellosfor Parrotchechefor Birdcagecleofor Misiglionisiamenifor Red Clothterechaefor Capaichelfor Blackainelfor Redtaichefor Yellowpeperifor to Cookyrocolesfor Beltcatechinfor Goosecachefor their big DevilSetebosfor their small DevilsCheleuleTucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão Loro.All the above words are pronounced in the throat, for such is their method of pronunciation.161Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ domandandome Capac çioepane che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe hacqua    Quando eL me vite ſcriuer queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li alticõ la penna in mano me Jntendeua    vna volta feci la croce et la basai moſtrandoglila    Subito grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL corpo et farebe crepare    Quando queſto gigante ſtaua male domando la croce abraſsandola et baſandola molto Se volse far Xp̃iano inanzi la ſua morte    eL chiamaſemo paulo Queſta gente Quando voleno far fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ vno altoin fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra queſti dui legni.That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me forcapac,162that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, andoli, that is to say, water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out “Setebos,” and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.163Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto ma poluere de qello cõ vermi apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano mãgiato iL buono    puzaua grã damẽte de orina de Sorzi    et beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopaLantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo ꝓ quatoho cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopale braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe    li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le altiſquiagu re Queſta era lapegiore.    Creſsiuano le gengiue ad alguni ſopali denti Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare et coſſi moriuano    ꝓ queſta infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL verzin    vinti cinque ho trenta homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi neli gambe o in altoloco ſicque poqireſta rono ſani    ꝓ La gratia de dio yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade.    Jn Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni andaſemo circa de quatro millia legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle qaL nõ trouaſſemo altoſenon vcelli et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle infortunate    Sono longi luna da laltaducento legue nõ trouauamo fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de latitudine aL hauſtralle, et laltain noue    ogni Jorno faceuamo cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo    Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu taL viagio.Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.164We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.165We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.166We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.167But above all the othermisfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.168Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.169In truth it is very pacific,170for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.171The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.172Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again].Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjosvergine che he capo de queſto ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL polo antarticho.When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we would have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Virgins.173The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.JL polo antartico no ne cosi ſtellato como Lo artico ſe vede molto ſtelle picolle congregate inſieme q̃ fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco ſeparate luna de laltaet vno poco ofuſche in mezo de leqalle ſtanno due ſtelle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et poco ſe moueno.    Queſte due ſtelle ſonno iL polo antarticho    La Calamita noſtra Zauariando vno sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero Quando eramo in Queſto golfo iL Capogeneralle domando a tucti li piloti andando ſempre a la vela ꝓ qaL Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte riſpoſero tucti ꝓ la Sua via puntaLmẽte datta li riſpoſi q̃ pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua agiutare la guchia deL nauegare ꝓ che nõ receueua tanta forza da la parte ſua. Quando eramo in mezo di queſto golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque ſtelle lucidiſſime drito aL ponente, et Suono iuſtiſſime luna cõ lalta.The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic. Many small stars clustered together are seen, which have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There is but little distance between them, and they are somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large and not very luminous stars, which move only slightly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, always pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although it did not have so much strength as on its own side. And on that account when we were in that open expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots whether they were always sailing forward in the course which we had laid down on the maps, all replied: “By your course exactly as laid down.” He answered them that they were pointing wrongly—which was a fact—and that it would be fitting to adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not receiving so much force from its side. When we were in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross with five extremely bright stars straight toward the west, those stars being exactly placed with regard to one another.174Jn queſti giorni mauigaſſemo fra iL ponente et iL maeſtralle et a La quarta deL maeſtralle in verſo ponente et aL maeſtralle fin p̃ ajungeſſemo a la linea equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitiõe Cento et vinti dui gradi    la linea de la ripartitiõe e trenta gradi longi daL meridionale    el meridionale e tre gradi al leuante longi de capo verde    Jn queſto Camino paſaſſemo poco longi da due Jzolle richisie vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo antarticho q̃ Se chiama Cipangu Laltain quindicigradi chiamata Sũbdit pradit paſſata la linea equinotialle nauigaſſemo tra ponente et maiſtralle et a la carta deL ponente verſo eL maeſtralle poi duzente legue aL ponente mudando eL viago. a La Quarta in verſo garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho ꝓ apropinquarſe piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara iL qaL capo cõ perdon de li Coſmo grafi ꝓ q̃ nõ Lo viſteno nõ ſi troua doue loro iL penſauão ma aL ſetentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho.During those days175we sailed west northwest, northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward from Capo Verde.176We passed while on that course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other infifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit.177After we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west northwest, and west by north, and then for two hundred leguas toward the west, changing our course to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might approach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they have not seen it), is not found where it is imagined to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or thereabouts.178Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a 6 de marſo diſcopreſſemo vna yſola aL maiſtralle picola et due alteaL garbino    vna era piu alta et piu granda de Laltre due    iL capogenerale voleua firmarſe nella grande ꝓ pigliare qalque refrigerio ma nõ puote perche la gente de queſta Jzolla entrauano nele naui et robauano qivna coſa qilaltatalmente q̃ non poteuamo gardarſi. Voleuano calare le vele acio andaſemo in tera    ne roborono lo ſquifo q̃ eſtaua ligato a La popa de la naue capacõ grandissapreſteza ꝓ il que corozato eL capogeneralle ando in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono da quaranta o cinquanta caze cõ­­ molti barquiti et amazorono ſette huomini et rehebe lo ſquifo Subito ne parti ſemo ſequendo Lo medeſimo camino.    Jnanzi q̃ diſmontaſemo in tera alguni noſtiinfermi ne pregorono ſe amazauamo huomo o donna li portaſemo Ly interiori ꝓ che Subito ſarebenno ſani.About seventy179leguas on the above course, and lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longitude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small island to the northwest, and two others toward the southwest, one of which was higher and larger than the other two. The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat180that was fastened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men.181He recovered the small boat, and we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.182Quando feriuamo alguni de queſti cõ li veretuni q̃ li paſſauano li fianqida luna banda alaltra tirauano il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo tirauano fuora marauigliandoſe molto et cuſſi moriuano    et altiq̃ erano feriti neL peto faceuano eL Simille ne moſſeno agrã compaſione Coſtoro vedendõe partire ne ſeguitorono cõ piu de Cento barchiti piu de vna legua    Se acoſtauano ale naui moſſtrandone peſce cõ ſimulatiõe de darnello ma traheuano ſaxi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cõ velle piene paſa vano fra loro et li batelli con qelli ſui barcheti molto deſtriſſimi vedeſemo algune femine in li barqueti gridare et ſcapigliarſe credo ꝓ amore de li Suoi morti.When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through their loins from one side to the other, they, looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that side,183and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion. Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred184boats for more than one legua. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and the small boats [fastened astern], very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.185Ognuno de queſti vive ſecondo la Sua volonta non anno ſignori    vano nudi et alguni barbati con li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati    portano capeleti de palma como li albanezi    ſonno grandi como nui et ben diſpoſti    nõ adorão niente ſonno aliuaſtri ma naſcono bianqianno li denti roſſi et negri ꝓ che la reputano beliſſima coſa    le femine vano nude ſenon q̃ dinanzi a la ſua natura portano vna ſcorſa ſtreta ſotille come la carta q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorza de la palma    ſonno belle delicate et bianque piu que li huomini cõ li capilli ſparſiet longui negriſſimi fino in tera    Queſte nõ lauorano ma ſtanno in caſa teſſendo ſtore casse de palma et altre coſe neceſſarie acaſa ſua    mangiano cochi batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et peſci volatori cõ altre coſe    ſe ongieno eL corpo et li capili cõ oleo de cocho et de giongioli    le ſue caſe tute ſonno facte di legnio coperte de taule cõ foglie defigaro de ſopalongue due braza con ſolari et cõ feneſtre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di ſtore beliſſime de palma    dormeno ſoura paglia di palma molto mole et menuta    nõ anno arme Senon certe aſte cõ vno oſſo pontino de peſce ne La cima Queſta gente e pouera ma ingenioſa et molto ladra ꝓ queſto chiamaſſemo queſte tre Jſole le yſole de li ladroni    eL ſuo ſpaſo e andare cõ Le donne ꝓ mare cõ qelle ſue barquete    Sono como le fucelere ma piu ſtrecti alguni negri bianqiet altiroſſi anno da laltaparte dela vella vno legno groſſo pontino nele cime cõ pali atrauerſadi qeL ſuſtentano neL acqua ꝓ andare piu ſeguri aLa vela    la vela e di foglie de palma cosite inſieme et facta amodo de latina    ꝓ timone anno certe pale como da for no cõ vno legnio in cima    fanno de la popa proua et de la proua popa et ſonno Como delfini ſaltar a lacqua de onda in onda    Queſti ladroni penſauano aliſegni q̃ faceuão nõ fuſero altihomini aL mondo ſenon loro.Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior.186They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The womendo not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats,187baskets [casse: literally boxes], and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate],188birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They189anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats.190They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves].191Their amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs.192Those boats resemblefucelere,193but are narrower, and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boats may sail more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern],194and those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers]thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world but themselves.195Sabato a ſedize de marſo 1521 deſſemo neLa aurora soura vna tera alta lõgi trecento legue delle yſolle de li latroni laqaL e yſola et ſe chiama Zamal eL capogñale nel giorno ſeguente volſe diſmontare in vnaltayſola deſhabitata ꝓ eſſere piu seguro q̃ era di dietro de queſta ꝓ pigliare hacqua et qalque diporto fece fare due tende in terra ꝓ li infermi et feceli amazare vna porcha    Luni a 18. de marſo vedeſſemo dapoi diſnare venire ꝟſo de nui vna barca cõ noue homini ꝓ ilque lo capogenerale comando q̃ niuno Si moueſſe ne diceſſe parolla alguna ſenza ſua liſentia    Quando ariuorono queſti in terra ſubito Lo ſuo principalle ando aL capogñale moſtrandoſe alegro ꝓ la nr̃a venuta    reſtarono cinqʒ de queſti piu ornati cõ nuy li altiandorono a leuare alguni altiq̃ peſcauano et cuſſi venirono tucti vedendo Lo capogñale que queſti erano homini cõ ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti roſſi spequi petini ſonagli Auorio bocaſſini et altecoſe    Quando viſtenno la corteſia deL capoli preſentorono peſci vno vaſo de vino de palma q̃ Lo chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri piu picoli piu ſaporiti et dui cochi alhora nõ haueuano altone fecoro ſegni cõ La mano q̃ in fino aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q̃ e riſo cochi et molta altra victuuaglia.At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen,1961521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni—an island named Zamal [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the captain-general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the abovementioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,197and other things. When they saw the captain’s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they calluraca[i.e., arrack], figs more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas],198and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bringumayor rice,199and cocoanuts and many other articles of food within four days.Li coqiſonno fructi deLa palma    coſi como nui hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto coſi anno queſti populi ogni coſa da queſti arbori    anno eL vino in queſto modo forano La dicta palma in cima neL coreſino de to palmito dalqalle ſtilla vna lichore como e moſto biancho dolce ma vn pocho bruſqueto in canne groſſe come La gamba et piu    latacano alarbor̃ la ſera ꝓ la matina et la matina ꝓ la ſera Queſta palma fa vno fructo iL qalle he lo cocho Queſto cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno La ſua pima ſcorſa e ꝟde et groſſa piu de dui diti nelaqalle trouano Certi filittj q̃ fanno le corde q̃ liganno le ſue barque    ſoto di queſta ne he vna dura et molto piu groſſa di quella de la noce    queſta la bruſano et fano poluere bonna ꝓ loro ſoto di queſto e vna medola biancha groſſa come vn dito LaqaL mangiano freſca cõ La carne et peſſi como nui lo panne et de qeL ſapore q̃ he la mandola qui la ſecaſſe ſe farebe panne    in mezo di queſta medola e vna hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando queſta hacqua ſta vn pocho acolta ſe congella et diuenta como vno pomo    Quando voleno fare oglio piglianno queſto cocho et laſſano putrefare qella medola cõ lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo como butiro    Quando voleno far aceto laſanno putrefare lacqua ſolamente poi lameteno aL ſolle et e aceto como de vino biancho    ſi po fare ancholatte como nui faceuamo    gratauamo qʒſta medola poi la miſquiauamo cō lacqua ſua medeſima ſtrucandola in vno panno et coſi era late como di capra. Queſte palme ſonno como palme deli datali ma non coſi nodoſe ſe non liſce. Vna famiglia de x perſonne cō dui de queſte ſe manteneno fruando octo giorni luna et octo giorni La altaꝓ Lo vino ꝓ che ſe altramenti faceſſeno Se ſecharebenno et durano cento anny.Cocoanuts are the fruit of the palmtree.200Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get everything from that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor201which resembles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is made cord for binding together their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them.202Under that shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine.Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat’s milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.203Grande familliaritade pigliarono cō nui Queſti populi    ne diſcero molte coſe como le chiamauano et li nomi de algune yſole q̃ ſe vedeuano de qiLa ſua ſe chiama Zuluan laqalle non etropo grande pigliaſcemo grā piacere cā queſti perche eranno aſay piaceuoli et conuerſabili    iL capogñale ꝓ farli piu honnore li meno ala ſua naue et li moſtro tuta la ſua mercadanſia garofoli cannella peuere gengero noſce moſcade Matia oro et tute le coſe q̃ eranno nella naue fece deſcaricare algune bombarde hebero grā paura et volſero ſaltar fuora de la naue ne fecero ſegni que li doue nuj andauamo naſceſſeuano coſe Ja dete    Quando ſi volſero partire pigliarono liſentia con molta gratia et gentileza dicendo q̃ tornarebeno ſegondo la ſua ꝓmeſſa    La yſola doue eramo ſe chiama humunu ma noy ꝓ trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiariſſima la chiameſſemo lacquada dali buoni ſe gnialli ꝓ che fu iL pimo ſegnio de oro q̃ trouaſſemo in queſtaparte. Qiui ſi troua grā cantitade de coralli biancho et arbori grandi q̃ fanno fructi pocho menori de La mandola et ſonno Como li pignioli et ancho molte palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue    in Queſto Locho ſonno molte yſole. ꝓ ilque Lo chiamaſſemo larcipelago de s. lazaro deſcourendo lo nella ſua dominicha iL quale ſta in x gradi de latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e ſesanta vno di longitudine della linea deLa repartitiõe.Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not very large.204We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general205took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise—cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.206They made signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise. The island where we were is called Humunu; but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-place of good Signs”], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts.207We found a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds. There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus.208They lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di qelli homini Secondo ne haueuano ꝓmeſſo in due barcque cõ cochi naranſi dolci vno vaſo de vino de palma et vno galo ꝓ dimoſtrare que in queſte parte eranno galine se moſtrarono molto alegri verſo de noi compraſſemo tute qelle ſue coſe iL ſuo sorera vechio et de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreqie li altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi cõ fazoli in torno Lo capo Steſemo quiui octo [giorni] neliqalli eL nr̃o capoandaua ogni di in terra auiſitare ly infirmi et ogni matina li daua cõ le ſue mani acqua deL cocho q̃ molto li confortaua di dietro de queſta yſola ſtanno homini q̃ anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie q̃ portanno le braci ficati in loro    Queſti popoli ſonno caphri çioe gentili vanno nudi cõ tella de ſcorſa darbore intorno le ſue vergonie se nõ alguni principali cõ telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cõ ſeda aguchia sonno oliuaſtigraſſi de pinti et ſe ongeno cõ olio de cocho et de giongioli ꝓ lo ſolle et ꝓ iL vento    annoli capili negriſſimi fina a La cinta et anno dague cortelli lanſe fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et rete da peſcare come Rizali    le ſue barche ſonno corno le noſteAt noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,209in order to show us that there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us.210We purchased all those articles from them. Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in his ears,211and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and212every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living near that island213who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those people are caphri,214that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protectionagainst sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and spears215ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines,216javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali;217and their boats are like ours.NeL luni ſancto a vinticinqʒ de marſo giorno de La nr̃a donna paſſato mezo di eſſendo de hora in ora ꝓ leuarſi anday abordo de la naue ꝓ peſcare et metendo li piedi ſopra vna antena ꝓ deſcedere nela mesa degarni tiõe me slizegarono ꝓ che era pioueſto et coſi caſtai neL mare q̃ ninguno me viſte et eſſendo quaſi ſumerſo me venne ne La mano Siniſtra La ſcota de La vella magiore q̃ era aſcoſa ne lacqua me teni forte et Comenſai agridare tanto q̃ fui ajutato cõ Lo batelo    nõ credo Ja per mey meriti ma ꝓ la miſericordia di qella fonte de pieta foſſe ajutato. neL medeſimo Jorno pigliaſſemo tra iL ponente et garbĩ infra quatoyſolle çioe Cenalo hiunanghan Jbusson et abarienOn the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between four small islands, namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan,218Ibusson, and Abarien.Joue a vinti octo de marzo ꝓ hauere viſto la nocte paſſata fuocho in vna yſola ne la matina ſurgiſſemo apreſſo de queſta vedeſemo vna barcha picola q̃ la chiamano boloto cõ octo nomini de dentoaꝓpincarſe nela naue Ca pitanea    Vno ſchiauo deL capogñale q̃ era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo ilqalle ſubito inteſeno venero neL bordo de la naue nõ volendo intrare dento, ma ſtauano vno pocho diſcoſti vedendo eL capoq̃ nõ voleuano fidarſi de nui li buto vn bonnet roſſo et altre coſe ligate ſupavn pezo de taula    La piglioronno molto alegri etSubito Se partirono ꝓ auiſare el ſuo re deli circa due hore vedeſſemo vegnire due balanghai ſonno barche grande et cuſſe le chiamano pienni de huomini neL magior̃ era Lo suo re Sedendo ſoto vno coperto de ſtore    Quando eL giunſe ap̃ſſo La capitania iL Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inteſe ꝓ che in queſte parte li re ſanno piu linguagij q̃ li alticomando q̃ alguni ſoi intraſſeno nele naue    luy ſempre ſtete neL ſuo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li ſuoi tornoronno et ſubito tornati ſe parti. iL Capogñalle fece grande honnore aqelli q̃ venirono nela naue et donnoli algune coſe per ilche il re inanzi la ſua partita volſe donnare aL capovna bava de oro grande et vna ſporta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL molto nõ volce acceptarle    neL tardi andaſemo cõ le naue apreſſo la habitatiõe deL re.On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we anchored near it.219We saw a small boat which the natives callbolotowith eight men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance.220The captain seeing that they would not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. Theyreceived them very gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming. They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship, and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar221of gold and a basketful of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.JL giorno ſeguente q̃ era eL venerdi ſancto eL capogñale mando lo ſquia ua q̃ era lo interprete nr̃o in tera in vno batello adire aL re ſe haueua alguna coſa da mangiare la faceſſe portar̃ in naue q̃ reſtariano bene ſatiſfati da noi et como amici et nõ Como nimici era venuti a laſua yſola eL re venne cõ ſey vero octo homini neL medeſimo batello et entro nela naue abrazandoſi col capogñale et donoli tre vazi di porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et due orade molto grande cõ altre coſe    eL capodete al re vna veſte de panno roſſo et giallo fato a La torcheſca et vno bonnet roſſo fino ali altiSui aqicortelli et aqiſpecqipoy le fece dare la Colatiõe et ꝓ il chiauo li fece dire q̃ voleua eſſere cun lui caſi caſi cioe fratello    riſpoſe q̃ coſſi voleua eſſere ꝟſo de lui dapoy lo capoge moſtro panno de diverſi colori tela corali et molta altamercantia et tuta lartigliaria facendola deſcargare alguni molto ſi ſpauentorno poi fece armare vno homo cõ vno homo darme et li meſſe atorno tre cõ ſpade et pugniale q̃ li dauano ꝓ tuto iL corpo ꝓ laqaL coſa eL re reſto caſi fora diſe li diſſe ꝓ il Schiauo q̃ vno de queſti armati valeua ꝓ cento de li suoi reſpoſe q̃ era cuſſi et q̃ in ogni naue ne menaua duzento q̃ ſe armauano de qella ſorte li moſtro Corazine ſpade et rodelle et fece fare a vno vna leuata poi Lo conduſſe ſupala tolda dela naue q̃ he in cima de la popa et fece portare la ſua carta de nauigare et La buſſola et li diſſe ꝓ linterprete como trouo Lo ſtreto ꝓ vegnire alui et Quante lune ſonno ſtati ſenza vedere terra    Se marauiglio in vltimo li diſce q̃ voleua ſe li piaceſſe mandare ſeco dui homini acio li moſtraſſe algune de le ſue coſe reſpoſe q̃ era contento yo ge anday cõ vno altoNext day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships;222and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men223in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very largeorade,224and other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king’s men), to some knives and to others mirrors. Then the captain-generalhad a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he desired to becasi casi225with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral [ornaments], and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened. Then the captain-general had a man armed as a soldier,226and placed him in the midst of three men armed with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner.227He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him.228Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought.229He told the king through the interpreter how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.230Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello etpoi ſe volta contanuy dui    faceſſemo lo ſimille verſo de lui coſi tuti li altifecero il re me piglio ꝓ La mano vno ſuo principale piglio laltocompagoet cuſſi ne menorõ ſoto vno coperto de cane doue era vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille a vna fuſta ne sedeſſemo ſopala popa de queſto ſempre parlando con ſegni li suoi ne ſtauano in piedi atorno atorno cõ ſpade dague Lanze et targoni fece portare vno piato de carne de porco cõ vño vazo grande pienno de vino    beueuamo adogni boconne vna taſſa de vino    lo vino q̃ li auanſaua qalque volta ben q̃ foſceno poche ſe meteua in vno vazo da ꝓ ſi la ſua taſa ſempre ſtaua coperta    ninguno altoli beueua Se nõ il re et yo    Jnanzi q̃ lo re pigliaſſe la taſſa ꝓ bere alzaua li mani giunte al çielo et ꝟſo de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio dela mano sini ſtra verſo dime prima penſaua me voleſſe dare vn pognio et poi beueua faceua coſi yo verſo il re    Queſti ſegni fanno tuti luno verſo de Laltro quando beueno    cõ queſte cerimonie et altiſegni de amiſitia merenda ſemo    mangiay neL vennere ſancto carne ꝓ nõ potere fare altoJnanzi q̃ veniſſe lora de cenare donay molte coſe al re q̃ haueua portati ſcriſſe aſai coſſe como le chiamanão Quanto Lo re et li altime viſtenno fcriuere et li diceua qelle ſue parolle tutti reſtorono atoniti    in queſto mezo venne lora de cenare    portoronno duy plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et laltode carne de porcho cõ ſuo brodo    cenaſſemocõ li medeſimj ſegni et cerimonie poi andaſſemo aL palatio deL re eLqalle era facto como vna teza da fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era edificato ſoura legni groſſi alti de terra qeL ſe conuiene andare cõ ſcalle ne fece ſedere ſopavna ſtora de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli ameza ora fo portato vno piato de peſce bruſtolato in pezi et gengero ꝓ alora colto et vino eL figliolo magiore deL re chera iL principe    vene doue eramo    il re li diſſe q̃ ſedeſſe apreſſo noi et coſſi ſedete    fu portato dui piati vno de peſce cõ lo ſue brodo et laltode rizo acio q̃ mangiaſſemo col principe    il nr̃o compagop̃ tanto bere et mangiare diuento briaco    Vzano ꝓ lume goma de arbore q̃ la quiamão anime voltata in foglie de palma o de figaro    el re ne fece ſegno qeL voleua andare adormire    laſſo cõ nui lo principe cõ qalle dormiſemo ſopavna ſtora de canne cõ coſſini de foglie venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio ꝓ La mano coſſi andaſſemo doue aveuamo cenato ꝓ fare colatiõe ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare    Jnanzi la partita eL re molto alegro ne baſo le mani et noi le ſue    venne cõ nui vno ſuo fratello re dunaltayſola cõ tre homini    Lo capogñale lo retenete adiſnare cõ nui et donoli molte coſe.When I reached shore, the king raised his handstoward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him231as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion;and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai,232as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The king’s men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.233The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king’s cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished.234While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy.We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig [i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders.235The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king’s eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum of a tree calledanimewrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king came and took me by the hand, and in that manner we went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things.236Nella yſola de queſto re que conduſſi ale naui ſe troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando la terra    tutti li vaſo de queſto re ſonno de oro etanche alguna parte de dela caſa ſua coſi ne referite Lo medeſimo re ſe gondo lo ſue coſtume era molto in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vedeſſemo fra queſti populi haueua li capili negriſſimi fin alle ſpalle cõ vno velo de ſeta ſopaLo capo et due ſquione grande de horo tacatte ale orechie    portaua vno panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de ſeta q̃ copriua dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga cõ Lo manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de legnio lauorato    in ogni dente haueua tre machie doro q̃ pareuano foſſeno ligati cõ oro    oleua de ſtorac et beligioui    era oliuaſtro et tuto depinto. Queſta ſua yſola ſe chiama butuan et calagan. Quando queſti re ſe voleuano vedere ve neno tuti due aLa caza in queſta yſola doue eramo eL re pimo ſe qiama raia colambu iL ſegundo raia siaui.Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of thatking are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine],237and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk oh his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.238He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.239When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.240Domenicha vltimo de marſo giorno de paſca nela matina ꝓ tempo eL capogñale mando il prete cõ alcanti aparechiare ꝓ douere dire meſſa cõ lo interprete a dire al re q̃ nõ voleuamo diſcendere in terra ꝓ diſinar ſecho ma ꝓ aldire meſſa ꝓ ilque Lo re ne mando dui porqimorti    Quando fu hora de meſſa andaſſemo in terra forſe cinquanta huomini nõ armati la ꝓſo na ma cõ le altre nr̃e arme et meglio veſtite q̃ poteſſemo    Jnanzi que aruaſſemo aLa riua cõ li bateli forenno ſcaricati sej pezi de bombarde in ſegnio de pace    ſaltaſſemo in terra    li dui reabraſſarono lo capogñale et Lo meſſeno in mezo de loro andaſſemo in ordinanza fino aL locho conſacrato non molto longi de la riua    Jnanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capobagno tuto eL corpo de li dui re con hacqua moſta da    Se oferſe ala meſſa    li re andorono abaſſiare la croce como nuy ma nõ oferſeno    Quando ſe leuaua lo corpo de nr̃o sorſtauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo cõ le mane gionte    le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno tempo quando ſe leuo Lo corpo de xodando ge Lo ſegnio de la tera cõ li ſchiopetj    finita la meſſa alquanti deli noſtiſe comunicorono    Lo capogenerale fece fare vno ballo cõ le ſpade deque le re hebenno grã piacere    poi fece portare vna croce cõ li quiodi et la coronna alaqaL ſubito fecero reuerentia    li diſſe per Lo interprete como queſto era iL vessilo datoli daLo inperator̃ ſuo ſignore açio in ogni parte doue andaſſe meteſſe queſto ſuo ſegnialle et che voleua meterlo iui ꝓ ſua vtilita ꝓ che ſe veneſſeno algune naue dele nr̃e ſaperianno cõ queſta croce noj eſſere ſtati in queſto locho et nõ farebenno deſpiacere aloro ne ale coſe [coſe:doublet in original MS.] et ſe pigliaſſeno alguno de li ſoi ſubito moſtrandoli queſto ſegnialle le laſſerianno andare et q̃ conueniua meter̃ queſta croce in cima deL piu alto monte que foſſe açio vedendola ogni matina La adoraſſeno et ſeqʒſto faceuano ne troui ne fulmini ni tempeſta li nocerebe in coſa alguna    lo ringratiorno molto et q̃ farebenno ogni coſa volentieriancho li fece dire ſe eranno morj ho gentili o inque credeuão    riſpoſero q̃ nõ adorauão altoſinon alſauano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et q̃ chiamauão Lo ſua dio Abba ꝓ laqaL coſa lo capohebe grande alegreſſa    vedendo queſto eL pimo re leuo le mani aL ciello et diſſe q̃ voria ſe foſſe poſſibille farli veder̃ iL ſuo amore verſo de lui Lo interprete ge diſſe ꝓ qaL cagiõe haueua quiui coſi pocho da mangiare    reſpoſe q̃ nõ habitaua in qʒſto Locho ſe nõ quãdo veniua a La caza et a vedere Lo ſuo fratello ma ſtaua in vna altayſola doue haueua tuta la ſua famiglia    li fece dire ſe haueua Jnimici Lo diceſſe ꝓ cio andarebe cõ queſte naue adeſtrugerli et faria lo hobedirianno    Lo rengratio et diſſe q̃ haueua benne due yſolle nemiche maque alhora nõ era tempo de andarui    Lo Capoli diſſe ſe dio faceſſe q̃ vnaltafiatta ritornaſce in queſte parte conduria tanta gente q̃ farebe ꝓ forſa eſerli ſugette et que voleua andare adiſnare et dapoy tornarebe ꝓ far pore la croce in cima deL monte riſpoſero eranno Contenti facendoſſe vn bata glione cõ ſcaricare li ſquiopeti et abraſandoſi lo capocõ li due re pigliaſſemo liſentia.Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said;241together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men, without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.242Before we reached the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. Welanded; the two kings embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water.”243The mass was offered up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.244When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.245The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament,246at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made.247He told the kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came,248they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property:doublet in original MS.]. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would harm them in the least. Theythanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly. The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief. They replied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god “Abba.”249Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family were. The captain-general had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him.250The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king’s enemies subject to him by force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave.Dopo diſnare tornaſſemo tucti in gioponne et andaſsemo inſieme cõ li duy Re neL mezo di in cimadeL piu alto monte q̃ foſſe    Quando ariuaſſemo in cima Lo capogenneralle li diſſe como li era caro hauere ſudato ꝓ loro ꝓ che eſendo iui la croce nõ poteua ſinon grandamẽte Jouarli    et domandoli qaL porto era migliore ꝓ victuuaglie diceſſero q̃ ne erano tre çioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico et ſe proferſenno di darni piloti q̃ ne inſegniarebenno iL viagoLo capogñale li rengratio et delibero de andarli ꝓ q̃ cuſſi voleua la sua infelice ſorte. poſta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater noſter et vna aue maria adorandola coſi li re fecenno    poy deſcendeſſemo ꝓ li ſui campi Lauorattj et andaſſemo doue era lo balanghai    li re feceno portare alquanti cochi açio ſe rinfreſcaſſimo    Lo capoli domando li piloti ꝓ che la matina ſequente voleua partirſi et q̃ li tratarebe como ſe medeſimo Laſandoli vno de li nr̃j ꝓ oſtagio    riſpoſero q̃ ogni ora li voleſſe eranno aL ſuo comãdo    ma nela nocte iL pimo re ſe mudo dopigniõe    La matina quando eramo ꝓ partirſi eL re mando adire aL capogeneralle q̃ per amore ſuo aſpectaſſe duj giornj fin q̃ faceſſe coglire el rizo et altiſui menuti pregandolo mandaſſe alguni homini ꝓ ajutareli açio piu preſto ſe ſpazaſſe q̃ luy medeſimo voleua eſſere lo nr̃o piloto.    lo Capomandoli alguni homini ma li Retanto mangiorono et beueteno q̃ dormiteno tuto il giorno    alguni ꝓ eſcuſarli dicero q̃ haueuano vno pocho de malle ꝓ qeL giorno li noſtinõ fecero niente ma neli altidui ſeguenti lauorono.After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon251went together with the twokings to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in position, each of us repeated aPater Nosterand anAve Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai was.252The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-general, asking him for love of him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so muchthat they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.253Vno de queſti populi ne porte force vna ſcudela de rizo cõ octo o dieze figue ligaty inſieme ꝓ baratarli in vno cortello q̃ valeua iL piu tre catrini    eL capovedendo que queſto nõ voleua altoSenon vno cortello lo chiamo ꝓ vedere piu coſe    miſſe mano a la borſa et li volce dare ꝓ qelle coſe vno realL lui noL volſi    lui moſtro vno ducato mancho    lo accepto    al fine li volce dare vno dopionne de duy ducati    nõ volce mai altoq̃ vn corte lo et cuſſi li lo fece dare    Andando vno de li nr̃i in terra ꝓ tore acqua vno de queſti li volce dare vno coronna pontina de oro maſiçio grãde como vna colona ꝓ ſey filce de criſtalino ma iL caponon volce q̃ la bara taſſe açio que in queſto principio ſapeſſero q̃ pritiauamo piu la nr̃a mercantia q̃ Lo ſuo oro.One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini.254The captain seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain showed him a ducado but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione255worth two ducados, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona256for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more than their gold.257Queſti populi ſonno gentili    vanno nudi et de pinti    portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno le ſue vergonie    Sonno grandiſſimi beuitori    le ſue femi ne vanno veſtite de tella de arbore de la cinta in giu cõ li capili negri fina in terra    anno forate le orechie et pienne de oro.    Queſta gente ſempre maſticanno vno fruto q̃ Lo quiamano Areca e como vno pero lo taglianno in quatoparti et poi lo volueno nele foglie deL ſuo arburo q̃ le nominanobetre ſonno como foglie di moraro cõ vno poco de calcina et quando le anno bē maſticate le ſputano fora    fanno diuentare la boca rociſſima    Tucti li populi de queſta parte deL mondo le vzanno ꝓ che rinfreſcali molto eL core    Se reſtaſſeno de vzarle morirebenno    in queſta izolla ſonno cany gati porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi limoni miglio panizo ſorgo cera et molto oro    ſta de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui terſi aL artico et cento et ſeſanta dui de longitudine della linea de La ripartitiõe et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada et ſe chiama MazauaThose people are heathens,258and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies.259They are very heavy drinkers.260Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they callareca, and which resembles a pear. They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leavesof their tree which they callbetre[i.e., betel]. Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.261It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo,262wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.263Steſsemo sette giorni quiui    poi pigliaſſemo la via deL maiſtrale paſſando facinqʒ yſolle cioe Ceylon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan    in queſta yſola de gatigan ſonno barbaſtili grandi como aquille    ꝓ q̃ era tardi ne amaçaſſemo vno    era como vna galina aL mangiare ge ſonno colombi tortore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine cõ la coda lõga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua li meteno ſoto la ſabia ꝓ lo grã caldo li crea Quando ſonno naſciuti alzano la arena et vieneno fora    queſti oui ſonno bony de mangiare.    De mazaua agatighan ſonno vinti leghe    partendone da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne puote ſeguir̃ ꝓ che lo eſpectaſſemo circa tre yſolle cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gionſe molteſe marauiglio deL nr̃o nauigare Lo capogñale lo fece mõ tare nela ſua naue cõ alguni ſoi principali dilque hebero piacere et coſſi andaſſemo in zubu da gatighan azubu ſonno quindice legue.We remained there seven days, after which we laid our course toward the northwest, passing among264five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.265In the last-named island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them,266which resembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtledoves,267parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand, through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, andPozon.268When he caught up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leguas.269Domeniga a sete de apille amezo di intraſſemo neL porto de Zubu paſſando per molti vilagij vedeuamo molte caze facte ſopra li arbori Apropinquãdone ala cita Lo capogñale comando le naui sinbanderaſſeno furono Calate le velle et poſte amodo de bataglia et ſcarico tuta lartigliaria ꝓ ilque queſti populi hebero grandiſſima paura    Lo capomando vno ſuo alieuo cõ lo interprete inbaſſiatore aL re de Zubo.    Quando ariuorono nela cita trouorono Jnfiniti huomini inſieme cõ Lo re tuti pauroſi ꝓ le bombarde    linterprete li diſſe queſto eſere nr̃o coſtume intrando in ſimili luogui in ſegnio de pace et amiſitia et ꝓ honnorare lo re deL luogo ſcaricauamo tuctele bombarde    eL re et tucti li ſuoi ſe aſegurorono et fece dire ali noſtiꝓ lo ſuo gouuernatore q̃ voleuamo    linterprete riſpoſe como eL ſuo ſigniore era capodeL magiore re et principe foſſe neL mondo et q̃ andaua adiſcourir̃ malucho ma ꝓ la ſua bonna fama Como haueua Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto ſolamente ꝓ vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia cõ la ſua merchadantia li diſſe q̃ in bonna hora foſſe venuto ma q̃ haueua queſta vzanſa tutte le naui q̃ intrauano neL porto ſuo pagauão tributu et q̃ nõ eranno quatogichevno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de ſchiaui li haueua dato tributo et ꝓ ſegnio di queſto li moſtro vno mer chadante de çiama que era reſtato ꝓ merchadantare oro et ſquiaui    Lo interprete li diſſe como eL ſuo ſigniore ꝓ eſſere capode tanto grã re non pagaua tributo ad alguno ſigniore deL mondo et ſe voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ſe non guerra guera Alhoro eL moro merchadante diſſe aL re Cata raia chita çioe garba ben ſigniore queſti ſonno de qelli q̃ anno conquiſtato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia magiore    Si bene ſi li fa ben ſe a ſe male male et pegio como anno facto a calicut et amalaca    linterprete Jnteſo lo tuto et diſſegli qeL re de ſuo ſigniore era piu potente de gente et de nauj q̃ Lo re de portogalo et era re de ſpagnia et Jmperator̃ de tuttj li xp̃iani et ſe nõ voleua eſſerli amicho li mandaria vnaltafiata tanta gente qeL deſtruerião iL moro naro ogni coſa aL re alhora li diſſe ſe conſigliarebe cõ li ſui et nel di ſeguente li riſponderebe poy fece portare vna colatiõe de molte viuãde tute de carne poſte in piati de porcelane cõ molti vazi di vino    data La Colatiõe li noſtiretornoronno et ne diſſero lo tuto    iL re de mazaua q̃ era lo pimo dopo queſto re et ſigniore de alcante yſolle ando in tera ꝓ dire al re la grande cortezia deL nr̃o capogenneralle.At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them270that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured, and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho;271but that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that itwas but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to the kingCata raia chitathat is to say,272“Look well, sire.” “These men are the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major].273If they are treated well, they will give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and Malaca.” The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master’s king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend274he would next time send so many men that they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king,275who said thereupon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of Mazaua,276who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general.Luni matina iL nr̃o ſcriuão inſieme cõ linterprete andorono in zubu    vene iL re con li ſui principali in piaza et fece ſedere li noſtiapreſſo lui    li diſe ſe piu duno capoera in qʒſta compania et ſeL voleua lui pagaſſe tributo aL imperatore ſuo Sor. riſpoſe de nõ ma voleua ſolamente merchadantaſe cõ lui et non con altidiſſe q̃ era contento et ſe Lo caponr̃o voleua eſſere ſuo amicho li mandaſſe von pocho de ſangue deL ſuo bracio drito et coſſi farebe luy ꝓ ſegnio de piu vera amiſitia    reſpoſe q̃ Lo faria    poy Lo re li diſſe como tucti li capiq̃ veniuão quiui se dauano pñti luno cõ laltoet ſe Lo nr̃o capoolui doueua comenſare    linterprete li diſſe poy q̃ lui voleua mantegnire queſto coſtume cominciaſſe et cuſſi comenſo.Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship.277The notary answered that the captain would do it. Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our captain or he ought to commence.278The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, and so he did.279Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne ale naui    ſaluto lo capitano gñale da parte diL re et diſcelli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu victuuaglia poteua ꝓ darnela et como mandarebe dopo diſnare vno ſuo nepote con dui otre de ſui principali ꝓ fare la pace.    lo capogñale fece armare vno de le ſue ꝓprie arme et feceli dire como tuti nuy combateuamo de qella ſorta; iL moro molto ſi ſpauento    iL capoli diſſe nõ ſi ſpauentaſſe perche le nr̃e ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici etaſpere ali nemici    et coſi como li fazoli aſciugano yl ſudore coſi le nr̃e arme ateranno et deſtrugeno tuti li aduerſarj et maleuoli de La nr̃a fede fece queſto acio el moro q̃ pareua eſſere piu aſtuto de li altilo diceſſe aL re.Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to make peace. The captain-general had one of his men armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be frightened for our arms were softtoward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those who hate our faith.280The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others, might tell it to the king.Dopo diſnare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re q̃ era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuernatore et iL barizello magiore cõ octo principali ꝓ fare La pace con noi    Lo capogñale ſedendo in vna cadedra de veluta roſſa li prin cipali in ſedie de corame et li altiin tera ſoura ſtore li diſſe ꝓ Lo interprete ſe Lo ſuo coſtume era de parlare in ſecreto houero in publico et Se queſto principe col re de mazaua haueuão potere de fare la pace    riſpoſero q̃ parla vano in publico et q̃ coſtoro haueuão iL potere de far la pace    Lo capodiſſe molte coſe ſoura la pace et qeL pregaua ydio la confirmaſſe in cielo    diſcero que may nõ haueuão aldite cotalle parolle et que pigliauão grã piacere a vdir le    Vedendo Lo capoq̃ queſto volenti eri aſcoltauão et reſpondeuão li comincio dire coſe per indurli ala fede: Domando qaL dopo la morte deL re ſuccedeſſe aLa sa. riſpoſe q̃ Lo re nõ haueua figlioli ma figliole et q̃ queſto ſuo nipote haueua ꝓ moglie la magiore percio era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno vequi non ſi honorauão piu mali figlioli li comandauão    lo capoli diſſe como ydio fece Lo ciello La terra Lo mare et tucte le altecoſe et como inpoſſe ſedoueſſeno honnorare li padri et madri et qialtramẽte faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como tuti deſcendeuão de adam et eua noſtiprimi parenti et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre coſe pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li ſuplicorono voleſſe laſarli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li amayſtraſſe ne La fede et che li farebẽo grande honnore    gli reſpoſe q̃ alhora nõ poteua laſciarli alguno ma ſe vole uão eſſere xp̃iano Lo prete nr̃o li baptezarebe et q̃ vnaltafiata menaria preti et frati queli inſegniarebẽo la fede nr̃a    riſpoſero que pima voleuão parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno xp̃iani    lagrimaſſemo tuti ꝓ la grande alegreza Lo capoli diſce q̃ non ce facero xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma vo lontariamẽte et acoloro q̃ voleuão viuere ſecondo la ſua lege nõ li farebe facto diſpiacer alguno mali xp̃iani ſerianno meglio viſti et caregiati q̃ li altiTuti gridaronno aduna voce q̃ nõ ſe faceuão xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma ꝓ ſua ſpontanea volontate    Alhora li diſſe q̃ ſi deuentauão xp̃iani gli Laſſarebe vna armatura ꝓ che cuſſi li era ſtato inpoſto deL ſuo re et como nõ poteuão vzare cõ le ſue donne eſendo gentilli ſenza grandiſſimo pecato et como li aſeguraua q̃ eſſendo xiani non li aparerebe piu eL domonio ſinon neL ponto extremo de la ſua morte diceno q̃ no ſapeuano reſponderli ꝓ le ſue belle parolle ma ſe rimeteuano nele ſuemanj et faceſſe de loro como de ſoy fideliſſimi ſeruitori    Lo capopiangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna mano del principe et vna deL re fra le ſue li diſſe ꝓ la fede portaua a dio et alimperator̃ ſuo ſigniore et ꝓ Lo habito q̃ haueua li prometeua q̃ li daua la pace ꝓpe tua col re deſpagnia    reſpoſero que lo ſimille prometeuão    Coneluſa la pace Lo capofece dare vna colatiõe    poy lo principe et re preſentarono aL capoda parte deL ſuo re alquanti ceſtoni de rizo porci capre et galine et li diſcero li perdonaſce ꝓ cio taL coſe erano pocque avno ſimille alui    Lo capodono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella ſotiliſſima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chriſtalino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri ſonno molto apreciati in queſte parte.    AL re di mazaua nõ li deto alguno pñte ꝓ che gia li aueua dato vna veſte de cambaya con altre coſe et ali altri aqivna coſa aqivnalto.    Mando poy aL re de zubu ꝓ mi et vnaltovna veſte de ſeta gialla et morella aguisa Turcheſca vno bonnet roſo fino alquante filce de criſtalino poſto ogni coſa in vno piato dargento et dui biqui eri dorati in mano    Quando focemo nela cita trouaſſemo Lo re in ſuo palatio cõ molti homini q̃ ſe deua in tera ſoura vna ſtora di palma    haueua ſola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale ſue ꝟgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato aguchia vna Colana aL colo de grã precio due ſquione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie cõ petre precioſe atorno    era graſſo et picolo et depinto cõlo fuocho a diuerſe maniere mangiaua in tera ſoura vnaltaſtora oui de bissascutelaza poſti in dui vazi de porcelañ et haueua dinanzi quatovazi piennj de vino de palma ſerati con erbe odiri fere et ficati catro cannuti con ogni vno cõ queſti beueua. Facta la debita reuerentia linterprete li diſſe como lo ſuo ſigniore lo rengratiaua molto deL ſuo pñte et que li mandaua queſto nõ ꝓ il ſuo ma ꝓ lo trinſicho amore li portaua    li veſteſſemo la veſte gli poneſſemo iL bonnet in capo et li deſſemo le altre coſe et poy baſandoli vetri et ponendoli ſoura lo capo le li preſentai et facendo lui eL ſimilli li accepto poi iL re ne fece mãgiare de qelli oui et bere con qelli canuti li altiſui in queſto mezo gli diſſero lo parlamtodeL capoſopala pace et lo exortamento ꝓ farli xp̃iani iL Re ne volce te ner ſecho acene    li diceſſemo non poteuamo aloro reſtare pigliata la liſentia iL principe ne meno ſeco a caſa ſua doue ſonauano catro fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nr̃o ma era poſta in tera    Vnaltadaua vno legnio facto alcanto groſſo neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate mo in la vna mo in laltaLaltain vna borquia grande col medeſimo modo. La vltima cõ due brochiete in mão dando luna ne laltafaceua vno ſuaue ſonno tanto atempo ſonauão que pareua haueſſeno grã ragion deL canto Queſte eranno aſay belle et bian quecaſi como le noſtre et coſi grande    eranno nude ſinon q̃ haueuão tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL ginoquio et algune tute nude col pichieto dele orechie grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo tene tondo et largo cõ li capeli grandi et negri et cõ vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et ſempre diſcalce iL principe ne fece balare cõ tre tutte nude    merendaſſemo et dapoy veniſſemo ale naui    Queſte borchie ſonno de metalo et ſe fanno ne La regiõe deL ſignio magno q̃ e detta La China    Quiui le vzanno Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon.After dinner the king’s nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men281on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace.282They answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, he was answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, they received no further honor, but their children commanded them. The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else,and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal spirit;283and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to leave them two men, or at least one,284to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor. The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, but that if they wished to become Christians, our priest would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king, and that then they would become Christians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them that they should not become Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free wills;285and that he would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, but that the Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,286for so had his king commanded him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great, sin, since they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer appear to them except in the last moment at their death.287They said that they could not answer the beautiful words of thecaptain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and clasping one of the prince’s hands and one of the king’s between his own, said to them that, by his faith in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by the habit which he wore,288he promised them that he would give them perpetual peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same. After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other articles.289To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.290When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with the needle about his head, a necklace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings fastened in his ears set roundwith precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire291in various designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank.292Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him.293We dressed him in the robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we told him that we could not stay then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took us with him to his house, where four young girls were playing [instruments]—one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one would believe they possessed good musical sense.Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white as our girls and as large. They were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees. Some were quite naked and had large holes in their ears with a small round piece of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round and large. They have long black hair, and wear a short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. The prince had three quite naked girls dance for us. We took refreshments and then went to the ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno294which is called China. They are used in those regions as we use bells and are calledaghon.295Mercore matina ꝓ eſſere morto vno deli noſtinella nocte paſſata linterprete et yo andaſſemo adomander aL re doue lo poteriamo ſe pelire trouaſſemo Lo re aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita reuerenſia li lo diſſe riſpoſe ſe io et li mey vaſalli ſemo tucti deL tuo ſigniore Quãto magiormtedebe eſſere la terra et li dice como voleuamo conſacrare il luoco et meterlj vna croce    riſpoſe que era molto contento et q̃ la voleua adorare como nuy altifu ſepolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio poteſſemo ꝓ darli bõ exempio et poy la conſacraſſemo    ſultardi ne sepeliſſemo vno altoportaſſemo molta merchantia in terra et la meteſſemo in vna caſa qaL el re Latolſe ſoura ſua fede et Quatro homini q̃ eranno reſtati per merchadantare in groſſo. Queſti populi viueno cõ Juſtitia peſo et mezura    amano la pace lotio etlaquiete    anno bilancie de legnio    lo legnio a vna corda neL mezo cõ LaqaL ſetiene duno capo e piombo et delaltoſegni como carti terci et librr̃ Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belanſia ch̃ e cõ tre filli como le nr̃e et la meteno ſoura li ſegni et cuſi peſano Juſto    anno mezure grandiſſime ſenza fondo    le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como le nr̃e et le chiamano Subin    le caſe ſonno de legni de taule et de cane edificate ſopapali groſſi alti de terra q̃ biſognia andarui dentocõ ſcalle et anno camare como le nr̃e ſoto le caſe teneno li porci capre et galine ſe trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL vedere q̃ amazano le balene leqalle le Jnguiotano viui Quando loro ſonno neL corpo veneno fuora deL ſuo coperto et li magiano eL core    Queſta gente le trouano poi viui apreſſo deL core dele ballenne morte    Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto biancho et La carne    Sonno boni da mangiare et le chiamano laghan.On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had died during the previous night, the interpreter and I296went to ask the king where we could bury him. We found the king surrounded by many men, of whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked it.297He replied, “If I and my vassals all belong to your sovereign, how much more ought the land.” I told the king that we would like to consecrate the place,298and to set up a cross there. He replied that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the place, and in the evening buried another man. We carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we stored in a house. The king took it under his care as well as four men who were left to trade the goods by wholesale.299Those people live in accordance with justice, and have weights and measures. They lovepeace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other marks like quarter-libras, third-libras, and libras. When they wish to weigh they take the scales which has three wires like ours, and place it above the marks, and so weigh accurately.300They have very large measures without any bottom.301The youth play on pipes made like ours which they callsubin. Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found there which kill whales. For the whale swallows them alive, and when they are in the whale’s body, they come out of their shells and eat the whale’s heart. Those people afterward find them alive near the dead whale’s heart. Those creatures have black teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good to eat. They are calledlaghan.302Vennere li moſtraſſemo vna botega pienna de le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ ilque reſtoronno molto admirati ꝓ metalle fero et laltamerchantia groſſa ne dauano horo ꝓ le altre menute ne dauão riſo porci et capre cõ altre vi tuualgie    Queſti populi ne dauano x peci de oro ꝓ xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo duno ducato emezo    Lo capogñale non volſe ſe pigliaſſe tropo oro perque ſarebe ſtato alguno marinaro q̃ hauerebe dato tuto Lo ſuo ꝓ vno poco de oroet haueria diſconciato Lo trafigo ꝓ semper    Sabato ꝓ hauer̃ ꝓmeſſo Lo re aL capode farſi xp̃iano ne la dominicha ſe fece ne la piaza q̃ era ſacrata vno tribunalle adornato de tapiſſeria et rami de palma ꝓ baptizarlo et mandoli adire q̃ nella matina nõ haueſe paure dele bombarde per cio era noſtocoſtume ne le feſte magiore deſcaricar̃ ſenza pietre.On Friday we showed those people a shop full of our merchandise,303at which they were very much surprised. For metals, iron, and other large merchandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii libras of iron304(one piece being worth about one and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not wish to take too much gold, for there would have been some sailors who would have given all that they owned for a small amount of gold, and would havespoiled the trade for ever.305On Saturday, as the captain had promised the king to make him a Christian on Sunday, a platform was built in the consecrated square, which was adorned with hangings and palm branches for his baptism. The captain-general sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of the pieces that would be discharged in the morning, for it was our custom to discharge them at our greatest feasts without loading with stones.306Domeniga matina a Quatordize de apille andaſſemo in terra Quaranta hõj cõ duy homini tucti armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle    Quante diſmõ taſſemo ſe tira tucta lartigliaria    Queſti populi ſiguião diqua et de la Lo capoet lo re ſe abraciorono li diſſe q̃ la bandera realle nõ ſi portaua in terra ſinon cõ cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati et cõ cinquanta ſchiopeteri ma ꝓ lo ſuo grande amore coſi la haueua portata    poi tuti alegri andaſſemo preſſo aL tribunalle    Lo capoet Lo re ſedeuão in cathedre de veluto roſſo et morello li principalli in cuſſini li altiſoura ſtore    lo Capodiſſe aL re ꝓ lo interprete ringratiaſſe ydio ꝓ cio lo haueua inſpirato a farſe xp̃ano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li ſui nemiſi q̃ prima    riſpoſe q̃ voleua eſſere xp̃iano ma alguni ſui principali nõ voleuano ho bedire ꝓ che diceuano eſſere cuſſi homini como lui    alhora lo nr̃o capofece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et diſſeli ſenon hobediuão aL re como ſuo re li farebe amazare et daria la ſua roba aL re    Riſpoſeno lohebedirebẽo    diſſe aL re ſe andaua in ſpagnia retornarebe vnaltavolta cõ tanto potere q̃ lo faria Lo magior re de qelle parte per che era ſtato pimo a voler farſe xp̃iano    leuando li many aL ciello Lo rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly ſoy rimaneſſe açio meglio lui et li ſui populi focero inſtructi nelafede Lo caporeſpoſe que ꝓ Contentarlo li Laſſarebe duy ma voleua menar ſeco dui fanciulli deli principalli acio in paraſſeno la linga nr̃a et poi aLa ritornato ſapeſſero dire aqueſti altri le coſe deſpagnia    ſe miſſe vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza    Lo capoli diſſe ſeſi voleuão far xp̃iani Como haueuão deto nelli giornj paſſati li biſogniaua bru ſare tucti li ſui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni di cõ le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo farſi lo ſegnio de La croce moſtrandoli como li faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doueſſeno veni re a queſta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et qeL q̃ haueuão Ja deto voleſer̃ cõ le bonne opere confirmarlo    el re cõ tucti li altivoleuão confirmare lo tucto    lo capogñale li diſſe como ſera veſtito tuto de biancho ꝓ moſtrarli Lo ſuo ſincero amore verſo de loro    riſpoſero ꝓ li ſui dolci paroli nõ ſaperli reſpondere. Con queſte bonne parolle lo capoconduſſe lo re ꝓ la mão ſuL tribunalle ꝓ baptizarlo etdiſſeli ſe chiameria don carlo como alinperator̃ ſuo ſigniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello delinperator̃ al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno principalle fernando como iL principalle noſtoçioe Lo capo. Al moro xoforo poy ali altiaqivno nome et aqivno altoforenno baptizati inanzi meſſa cinque cento hominj    Vdita la meſſa lo capoconuito adiſnar ſeco lo re cõ altri principali    nõ volſero ne acompagniarono fina ala riua    le naui ſcaricorono tutte le bombarde et abrazandoſe preſſero Combiatto.On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore, two of whom were completely armed and preceded the royal banner.307When we reached land all the artillery was fired.308Those people followed us hither and thither. The captain and the king embraced. The captain told the king that the royal banner was not taken ashore except with fifty men armed as were those two, and with fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him that he had thus brought the banner.309Then we all approached the platform joyfully. The captain and the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet,310the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats.311The captain told the king through the interpreter that he thanked God for inspiring him to became a Christian; and that [now] he would more easily conquer his enemies than before. The king replied that he wished to become a Christian, but that some of his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said that they were as good men as he. Then our captain had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he would have them killed, and would give their possessions to the king. They replied that they wouldobey him. The captain told the king that he was going to Spagnia, but that he would return again with so many forces that he would make him the greatest king of those regions, as he had been the first to express a determination to become a Christian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked the captain, and requested him to let some of his men remain [with him], so that he and his people might be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs with him, so that they might learn our language, who afterward on their return would be able to tell the others the wonders [cose] of Spagnia. A large cross was set up in the middle of the square. The captain told them that if they wished to become Christians as they had declared on the previous days, that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross in their place. They were to adore that cross daily with clasped hands, and every morning after their [i.e., the Spaniards’] custom, they were to make the sign of the cross (which the captain showed them how to make); and they ought to come hourly, at least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneeling. The intention that they had already declared, they were to confirm with good works. The king and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. The captain-general told the king that he was clad all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward them. They replied that they could not respond to his sweet words. The captain led the king by the hand to the platform while speaking these good words in order to baptize him. He told the kingthat he would call him Don Carlo, after his sovereign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after the emperor’s brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, now one name, and now another. Five hundred men were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and some of the other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompanying us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs and the captain took leave of one another.312Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La reyna laqalle venne cõ quaranta dame la conduceſſemo ſopalo tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura vno coſſino et lalteZirca ella fin qeL prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine de La nr̃a donna vno bambino di legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ piangendo domando lo bateſimo la nomina ſemo Johanna como la madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola moglie deL principe Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre ognuna lo ſuo nome    bap tizaſſemo octo cento anime fra homini donne et fanciulli    la regina era Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et nero haueua la bocha et le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in circa de le medeſme foglie como qella deL papa    ne may va in alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte    ne demando iL banbino ꝓtenerlo in locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti    ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime perſonne vennerono aL lito    lo capoalhora fece tirare molte trombe de fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃    eL capoet lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli    Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ    Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni forenno baptizati tucti de queſta yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re ne a noy la qalle era in vna yſola vicina aqueſta    poneſſemo quiui la croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno gentilli    ſe foſſero ſtato mori li hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha li gentilli.After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.313We named her Johanna, after the emperor’s mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.314The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she wore a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,315with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.316She asked us to give her the little childJesus to keep in place of her idols;317and then she went away. In the afternoon,318the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.319The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king’s name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other island, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathen. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen.Jn queſti giorni lo capogñalle andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de La fede    La regina vene vno giorno cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa    tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle et cõ Lo ſuo capello    aſaiſſime donne la ſeguiuão leqalle erão tute nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno paniocolo de tella de palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li capilli ſparſi    La regina facta la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſupavno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capola ba gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de hacqua roza muſchiata moltoſe delectauão de talle odore    ſapendo Lo capoqeL bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ che era in memoria deL figloL de dio    ringratiandolo molto lo accepto.The captain-general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.320One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.321She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedinglyin such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of her idols, for it was in memory322of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it.Vno giorno lo capogñale inanzi meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se chiamaua bendara vno altofratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti altique laſſo ꝓ non eſſere longo    fece tuti q̃ſti Jurare eſſere hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno la mano poi fece qeL re deſſere ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re deſpagnia    coſi lo Juro    alhora iL capocauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la ymagina de nr̃a donna et diſſe aL re Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto doueriaſi morire que aromper vno ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de limperator̃ ſuo se. et ꝓ il ſuo habito deſſerle ſempre fidelle    facto queſto lo capodonno aL re vna cathedra de veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore ſuo et diſce aL capoComo faceua far vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laqaL era due ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali oreqie due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre precioſe ꝓadornare le orechie    Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande liqalli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno panno de tella de la cinta fina aL ginochio.Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king’s brother and prince’s father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king’s brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.323The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter’s hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.324Thereupon, the captain drew his Sword before the image of our Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,325if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten326in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other preciousgems to adorn327the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.JL capogñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et ali altiꝓ qaL cagionne nõ bruzauão li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly ſacrificaua tanta Carne    riſpoſero qeL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli li daſſe ſalute laqeL non parlaua Ja catogiorni    era fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de La yſolo Lo capogli diſſe q̃ bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che varamẽte credeua in chriſto faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que non poteua parlare ne mouerſe    Lo baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et x donzelle poi lo capoli fece dire como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe como ꝓ la gracade nr̃o sor. ſtaua aſſay benne    Queſto fu vno manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi noſtiQuando Lo capoLo vdi parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia laueua facta fare ꝓ lui    poi mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa oleorozato et algune conſerue de zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni qeL comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie in caſa ſua in p̃ntia deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece diſfare molti tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare neliqalli mangiauão la carne conſacrata    Loro medeſimi Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia    li rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li parti de drieto    anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ quatodenti grandiſſimj como porci cingiari et ſonno tucti depintjOne day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians; and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince’s brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater,oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,328in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and destroyed329those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life, they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king’s house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over.Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li nomi de leqalle et deli suoi et deli ſuiprincipaliſonno queſti Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et vnaltalubucun    Tucti qʒſti ne hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan laqaL faceua Lo porto doue eramo iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu    Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaiaThere are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.330All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan, which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia.Açio que vr̃a ilLmasaſapia le Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonanoqelle borchie grandi poi ſe porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in foglie con peche bruſtolato. Laltocon panne de Cambaia et due banderete di palma    Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende in terra    poi veneno duy femine Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno tronbonne de cana in mão    Quando ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et piglia vnaltofaciolo ne le manj et balando et ſunando con qello chiama iL ſolle    laltapiglia vna de qelle banderete et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle    Quella deL faciolo piglia laltabandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla tacitamẽte aL ſolle et qeLa altali riſponde    poy aqella de li corni li e apreſentato vna taça de vino et balando et dicendo certe parolle et laltareſpondendoli et facendo vista catoho cinque volte de beuere eL vino ſparge qello ſoura eL core deL porcho    poy ſubito torna aballare    a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle ſempre tute due balando et moſtrã do catoho cinque volte de dare [de dare:doublet in original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza Lo paſſa da parte aparte    preſto ſi ſera la ferita con erbaqe’lla q̃ amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laqalle ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte Ceremonie LaltacoL capo deL trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo dito La fronte pima ali ſoi mariti poy ali altima nõ veñeroño may a noi    poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et Conuitano Senon femine    Lo porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni ſuno altoque Le vequie conſacrano La carne di porcho et nõ La magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de queſta ſorte.In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those largegongs.331Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia332and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and making pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped333withgrass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.334The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.335Queſti populi vano nudi portano ſolamente vno pezo de tella de palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo membro circa dela teſta de luna parte alaltacon vno fero de oro houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna penna de ocha et in vno capo et laltodeL medeſimo fero alguni anno Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li capi alticomo vna teſta de chiodo da caro    aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi vedere da molti coſi veqiComo Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere    neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ ilqalle vrinano    iL fero et le ſtelle ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli    quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a meterſi dentoopimo qella ſtella de ſoura et poy LaltaQuanto edentodiuenta in ordine et cuſi ſempre ſta dentofin que diuenta molle perche altramẽti nõ Loporianno cauare fuora.    Queſti populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de debille natura    anno Quante moglie voleno ma vna principalle    Se vno deli nr̃i andaua in tera coſi dedi Como de nocte ogni uno Lo Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et qeL beueſſe    Le ſue viuande ſonno mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno ſpeſſo et molto con qelli ſui Cannuti dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore vno ſuo mangiare    Le donne amauão aſay piu noy que queſti atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de qelli ſui membrj.Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm-tree cloth about336their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwisethey could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.337Whenever any of our men went ashore, both by day and by night, every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars338through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men’s penises.339Quando vno deli ſui principali emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie    pima mente tutte le donne principale de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte    in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna caſa    in torno la caſa poneno corde a mo do duno ſtecato neliqali atachano molti ramy de arbore    in mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu principali tute coperte de panne bianqide bombaſo per vna donzella ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno ſparauentolo di palma    le alteſedeanno intorno la camera meſte    poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto vnaltaq̃ era ſtata la moglie principale deL morto giaceua ſoura lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue many et li ſui piedi con qelli deL morto.    Quando qella tagliaua li capilj queſta piangeua et Quando reſtaua de tagliarliqueſta Cantaua    atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et ſupaqello mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano olere la caſa grandemẽte    lo teneno in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte Cerimonie    Credo ſia onto de canfora    poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de legni. ogni nocte in queſta cita circa de la meza nocte veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua quatoocinque ore queL ſuo gridare et vrlare    nõ ne volſeno may dire la cagiõ de queſto.They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief340women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.341Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are manyporcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.342Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that screeching and howling would last for four or five hours,343but those people would never tell us the reason of it.Vennere a vintiſey de aqilLe Zula principale de qella yſola matan mando vno ſuo figliolo con due capre apreſentarle aL capogñale et dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de laltoprincipalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua potuto mandarglila et que neLa nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe ſolamente vno batello pienno de homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et combateria    Lo capogñale delibero de andarui cõ tre batelli    Lo pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme col re xp̃iano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno ariuaſſemo a matan    Lo caponon volſe Combater alhora mali mando adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano hobedireaL re de spagnia et recognioſcere Lo re xp̃iano ꝓ ſuo se. et darne lo nr̃a tributo li ſarebe amicho maſe voleuano altramente aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃e Lance    riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte et pali bruſtolate et que nõ andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le caze ꝓ farne caſcare dento.    Venuto Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina ale coſſie caranta noue homini et cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de baleſtainanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto    li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL acqua    li altivndici homini reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli    Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ fiancho et Laltoꝓ contro.    Lo capoquã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de tauole ſotille et li brazi    Lo cappogridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li valeua niente. Quando queſti viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in vano gridando deliborono a ſtar forte ma molto piu gridauão    Quando erano deſcarigati li ſquiopetimay nõ ſtauano fermi ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie Lance de canna alguno di fero aL capogñalle pali pontini bruſtolati pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo capogñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze deuentorono piu fero    ci apreſſo de le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo    ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba drita aL capoper il que comando q̃ ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o octo cõ lo capitanio    Queſti non ne tirauão in altoſinon ale gambe per q̃ erano nude    ꝓ tante Lancie et pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo reſiſtere    le bombarde de li batelli ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de la riua ſempre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne ſeguitoro et repigliando vna medeſima Lancie quatooſey volte ne La Lanciauano    queſti Connioſſendo Lo capotanti ſi voltorono ſopade lui q̃ dui volte li botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre ſtaua forte cõ alguni altipiu de vno hora coſſi combateſſemo et non volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui    ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar demano a La ſpada non puote cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo    Quando viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo alui    vno cõ vno grã terciado che e como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ Laqalle caſco coL volto inanzi    subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie de fero et de cana et con qelli ſui terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃a amazarono    Quando lo feriuão molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ vedere ſe eramo tucti dentoneli bateli    poi vedendolo morto aL meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão    Lo re xp̃iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo capoinanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que modo Combateuão    Quando lo re ſepe como era morto piance ſe non era queſto pouero caponiuno de noy Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando lui Combateua li altiſe retiravão ali batelli. Spero in vr̃a IlLmasaLa fama duno ſi generoſo caponon debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſtifra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima fortuna q̃ may alguno altofoſſe ſupõ taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li altiet piu Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente ninguno altohauer̃ auuto tantoJngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta aL Sabato vintiſete de apille 1521. iL capoLa volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaqalle foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃i et catoJndij facto xp̃iani dale bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici Se non Quindici ma molti de noy feriti.On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,344sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the kingof Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.345They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the nativeswould never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body. Then, tryingto lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,346which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts347and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talentnor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.348The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,349and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded.Dopo diſnare le re xp̃iano mando adire cõ Lo noſtoconſentimẽto aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare lo capocon li altimorti q̃ li dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ memoria ſua.In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.350Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo capoqelli catoq̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare fecero portare le noſtre merchantie alle naui    poy faceſſemo dui gu bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe parente deL capo. et Johã ſeranno ſpagniolo    linterprete nr̃o q̃ ſe chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare le coſe nr̃e neceſſarie ma ſtaua ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la naue capali grido et diſſegli ſe benne e morto Lo capoſuo se. ꝓ queſto non era libero anzi voleuaQuando foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL capogñale et minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et moſtro de non far cõto de queſte parolle et ando in tera adire al re xp̃iano Como ſe voleuão partire preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nr̃e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente que pimaOn Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,351a Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.352As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would seeto it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should still be the slave of Doña Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.353And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king354that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning355than before.Mercore matina pimo de magio Lo re xp̃ono mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano preparate le gioie haueu    ꝓmeſſo de mandare aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ li altiſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho qella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono 24 homini in tera    cõ queſti ando Lo nr̃o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. martín de siuilla yo non li pote andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de freza venenata che haueua nela fronte    Jouan caruaio cõ Lo barizello tornorono indietro et ne diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per che dubitauão de qalque malle    nõ diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti    ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele caſe ne aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ doueſſemo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno    lidomandaſſemo ſe tucti li alticon lo interprete erano morti    diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo linterprete ne prego molto Lo doueſſemo reſcatare cõ qalque merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera    Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a Johan caruiao ſuo compadre    ſubito ſe partiſſemo    nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo lui reſtaſſe.On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders that the jewels356which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martín de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable357returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.358Consequently, they had left that place, because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would killhim.359We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.360But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.361Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte ſorte vino de palma et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente laltaaL grego et leuante    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe cento ſexanta catogradi et ſe chiama Zubu    Quiui inanzi q̃ moriſſe lo capogenneralle haueſſemo noua de malucho    Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ corde de ramo.In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,362gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.363It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances—one to the west and the other to the east northeast.364It lies in x degrees365of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-four366degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili.AL homo:lacALa donnaparanpaonALa Jouenebeni beniAla maritatababayAli capillibo hoAL vizoguayAle palpebrepilacAle cigliechilei.Al ocquiomatta.AL nazoJlon.Ale maſſelleapinAli labrioloL.A la boccababa.A li dentinipinAle gengiueleghex.Ala lingadillaAlle orechiedelengan.Ala golaliogh.AL collotangipAL mentoq̃ilan.ALa barbabonghotAle ſpallebagha.A la ſchenalicud.AL petodughanAL corpotiamSoto li braciJlotAL braciobotchenAL gomedoſicoAL polſomolanghaiALa manocamatA la palma de la manpalanAL ditodudloAla ongiacocoAL LombelicopuſutAL membrovtinAli teſticolibotoAla natura de le donnebillatAL vzar cõ loroJiamAle cullateſamputAla coſsapahaAL ginochiotuhud.AL Schinchobaſsag baſsagALa polpa de la gambabitisALa cauechiabolboLAL calcagniotiochidAla ſolla deL pieLapa lapaAL horobalaoanAL argentopillaAL LatonconcachAL ferobutanAle canne dolcetubeAL cuchiarogandanAL rizobughax barasAL melledeghexALa ceratalhoAL ſalleacinAL vinotuba nio nipaAL bereMinuncubiLAL mangiaremaCan.AL porchobabuiALa capracandinALa galinamonochAL migliohumasAL ſorgobatatAL panizodanaAL peueremaniſſaAli garofolichianche.ALa Cannellamana.AL gengeroluiaAL ayoLaxunaAli naranſiacſuaAL ouoſilogAL cocolubi.AL accetozluchaAL acquatubinAL fuocoClayo.AL fumoassu.AL ſofiaretigban.Alle belancietinbanAL pezotahiLAla perlamutiara.Ale madre de le perletipay.Ala zampogniaSubinAL mal de stoJob.Alupalanportamepalatin comoricaAcerte fogacie de rizotinapaibuonomainNõti da leAL cortellocapol ſundanAle forficecatleA tosarechunthinchAL homo ben hornatopixaoAla tellabalandanA li panni q̃ ſe coprenoAbacaAL conagliocolon colonAli pater nr̃j dogni ſortetacleAL petinecutlei miſsamisAL pentinaremonssughud.ALa CamizaSabun.ALa gugia de coſiredaghuAL cuſiremamisA La porcelanamobulucAL canaaian ydoAL gatoepos.Ali ſui veligapasAli criſtalinibalusVien qimaricaAla cazaJlaga balaiAL legniametatamueAlle ſtore doue dormenoTagichanAle ſtore de palmabaniAle cuſſini de foglieVlimanA li piati de legniodulanAL ſuo ydioAbba.AL ſolleadloALa lunaſonghotAla ſtelabolan bunthun.ALa aurorameneAla matinavemaAla tazataghagrandebaſsaLAL archoboſsugh.ALa frezaoghon.Ali targonicalaſsan.A le veſte inbotide ꝓ combaterbalutiAle ſue daghecalix baladaoAli ſui tertiadiCampilan.A la Lanciabancan.El talletuan.Ali figuiſaghinAle zuchebaghinAle corde dele ſue viollegotzapAL fiumetau.AL riſaio ꝓ peſcarepucat laiaAL batelloſampan.A le canne grandecauaghan.Ale picolebonbon.Ale ſue barche grandebalanghaiAle ſue barque picollebolotoAli granciCubanAL peſceJcam yſſidaA vno peſcie tuto depintopanap ſapãA vno altoroſſotimuan.A vno certo altopilaxA vno altoemaluan.Tuto e vnoSiama siamaA vno ſchiauobonſuLA la forcabolleALa nauebenaoaA vno re o capogñaleraia.Words of those heathen peopleFor Manlacfor Womanparanpaonfor Young womanbeni benifor Married womanbabayfor Hairbohofor Faceguayfor Eyelidspilacfor Eyebrowschileifor Eyemattafor Noseilonfor Jawsapinfor Lipsololfor Mouthbabafor Teethnipinfor Gumsleghexfor Tonguedillafor Earsdelenganfor Throatlioghfor Necktangipfor Chinqueilanfor Beardbonghotfor Shouldersbaghafor Spinelicudfor Breastdughan367for BodytiamArmpitilotfor Armbotchenfor Elbowsicofor Pulsemolanghaifor Handcamatfor the Palm of the handpalanfor Fingerdudlofor Fingernailcocofor Navelpusutfor Penisutinfor Testiclesbotofor Vagina368billatfor to have Communication with womenjiamfor Buttockssamputfor Thighpahafor Kneetuhudfor Shinbassag bassag369for Calf of the legbitisfor Anklebolbolfor Heeltiochidfor Sole of the footlapa lapafor Goldbalaoanfor Silverpillafor Brassconcachfor Ironbutanfor Sugarcanetubefor Spoongandanfor Ricebughax barasfor Honeydeghexfor Waxtalhofor Saltacinfor Winetuba nio nipafor to Drinkminuncubilfor to Eatmacanfor Hogbabuifor Goatcandinfor Chickenmonochfor Millethumasfor Sorgobatatfor Panicumdana370for Peppermanissafor Cloveschianchefor Cinnamonmanafor Gingerluiafor Garliclaxunafor Orangesacsuafor Eggsilogfor Cocoanutlubifor Vinegarzluchafor Watertubinfor Fireclayofor Smokeassufor to Blowtigbanfor Balancestinbanfor Weighttahil371for Pearlmutiarafor Mother of pearltipayfor Pipe [a musical instrument]sub infor Disease of St. Jobalupalan372Bring mepalatin comoricafor certain Rice cakestinapai373GoodmainNotidalefor Knifecapol, sundanfor ScissorscatleTo shavechunthinchfor a well adorned Manpixaofor Linenbalandanfor the cloth with which they cover themselvesabacafor hawk’sbellcoloncolon374for Pater nosters of all classestaclefor Combcutlei, missamisfor to Combmonssughudfor Shirtsabunfor Sewing-needledaghufor to Sewmamisfor Porcelainmobulucfor Dogaian, ydofor Cateposfor their Scarfsgapasfor Glass BeadsbalusCome heremaricafor Houseilaga, balaifor Timbertatamuefor the Mats on which they sleeptagichanfor Palm-matsbanifor their Leaf cushionsulimanfor Wooden plattersdulanfor their Godabbafor Sunadlofor Moonsonghotfor Starbolan, bunthunfor Dawnmenefor Morninguemafor CuptaghaLargebassalfor Bowbossughfor Arrowoghonfor Shieldscalassanfor Quilted garments used for fightingbalutifor their daggerscalix, baladaofor their Cutlassescampilanfor Spearbancanfor Liketuanfor Figs [i.e., bananas]saghinfor Gourdsbaghinfor the Cords of their violinsgotzapfor Rivertaufor Fishing-netpucat, laiafor small Boatsampanfor large Canescauaghanfor the small onesbonbonfor their large Boatsbalanghaifor their small Boatsboloto375for Crabscubanfor Fishicam, yssidafor a Fish that is all coloredpanapsapanfor another red [Fish]timuanfor a certain other [kind of Fish]pilaxfor another [kind of Fish]emaluanAll the samesiama siamafor a Slavebonsulfor Gallowsbollefor Shipbenaoafor a King or Captain-generalraiaNumero:VnoVzzaduyduatretolo.QuatovpatCinquelimaSeyonomSettepittooctogualuNoueCiam.Diecepolo.NumbersOneuzzatwoduathreetolofourupatfivelimasixonomsevenpittoeightgualunineciamtenpolo376Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola zzubu aL capo de qeLa altaq̃ ſe chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo de queſto arcipelago la naue conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy la via deL garbin et mezo di coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe panilongon nela qalle ſonno homini negiComo in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a vna yſola grande Lo re delaqalle ꝓ fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga in ſegnio de magior amitiſia    coſi faceſſemo ancho nui    Jo ſolo anday cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta yſola    ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono peſce al re    poy lo re ſe cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le ſue ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et cantando Co minciorono a vogare paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano ſoura Lo fiume    ariuaſſemo a due hore de nocte in caſa ſua    daL principio de qʒſto fiume doue eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re erão due legue    entrãdo nela caſa ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna et de foglie de palma    Queſte torcie erano deanime Como li dete de soura    fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene lo re con dui principali et due ſue femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo de vino pienno de palma ſenza mangiare niente    Jo eſcuſandomi hauere cennato non volce berre ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão tute le cerimonie Como eL re de mazaua    venne poy La Cena de rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in ſcutelle de porcelana    mangiauão lo rizo ꝓ panne    Cocono Lo rizo in queſto modo prima meteno dentoin pigniate de terra como le nr̃e vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata    poy li meteno lacque et iL rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne    poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi    in tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in queſta ſorte    Cenato q̃ haueſſemo Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne con vnaltade palma et vna cucino de foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte    iL re con le due femine ando a dormire in vno luoco ſeparato    dormi cõ vno ſuo principali    Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla    vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie    finito Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni vederia La reyna    me reſpoſe era contento    andaſſemo de Compania in çima duno alto monte doue era la caſa de la reyna Quando entray in caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi verſo de me    ſedeti apreſſo a ella Laqalle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatroborquie de metalo vna magiore de Laltaet due piu picole ꝓ ſenare    gli eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La ſeruiuão    Queſte caſe ſonno facte como le alteJa dete    pigliata liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re    ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de canne dolce    La magior abundantia q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro    mi moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi ſegnio que in qelli era tanto horo como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno qela fatiga    Queſta parte de La yſola e vna medeſma terra con butuan et calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et confina cõ mazaua per che tornaremo vna altafiata in queſta izolla non dico altopaſſato mezo di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe venire et li altiprincipali et cuſſi veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai    retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman drita ſopavno monticello tre huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ haueua tagliati li ramy    Domanday al re qieran qelli    riſpoſi q̃ erano maLfactorj et robatorj    Queſti populi vano nudi Como li altide ſupaLo re ſe chiama raia Calanao    eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua rizo gengero porci capre galine et altecoſe    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento ſexantaſete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipitdue Jornate de qlaL maiſtrale ſe troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo Junci deli populi lechijIn the midst of that archipelago,377at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship “Conceptione,” for too few men of us were left [to work it].378We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and the laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,379where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king’s house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas. When we entered the house, we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,380which were of theanime,of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt381fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.382When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.383When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses384but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen’s house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jarsand four metal gongs—one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller—for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king’s house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,385making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not dare to go to the trouble [to get it].386That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.387As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked as do the others above mentioned. The king’s name is Raia Calanao.388The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees389from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu,and is called Chipit.390Two days’ journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,391where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.392Partendone de qlala meza partita de ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna yſola non molto grande et caſi deſhabitata    La gente de queſta ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna yſola deta burne    vano nudi Como li altianno za robotane con li carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con erba venenata    anno pugnialli con li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi ſancti    Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandiſſimj    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et chiamaſſe caghaian.Leaving there and laying our course west southwest, we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.393They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas394from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.395Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni altiLongui vno palmo et altimancho molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne dolci radice como rapi aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo fuocho in canne o in legnio    queſto dura piu que qello coto in pigniatte    Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay volte ſteſſemo in force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra ꝓ non morire de fame.    Lo re fece pace cõ noitagliandoſſe vno pocho cõ vno nr̃o cortello in mezo deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy    Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in noue gradi et vno terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno terſo de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitiõe pulaoan.About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.396The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third397degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.398Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li altiQuaſi tucti Lauaranno li ſui campi    hanno zarabotanne cõ freze de legnio groſſe piu duno palmo arponate et algune con ſpine de peſce con erba venenata at altecõ ponte de cana arponate et venenate anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in cambio de le penne neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno tracte le freze combateno cõ queſto precianno aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ ligare li ſui ami da peſcare    anno gally grandi molto domeſtici    nõ li mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe alguna volta li fanno combatere luno cõ laltoet ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL vincitore he ſuo eL premio    et anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et meglior̃ de qello de palma.Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all399of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.400At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head;401and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.402Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et coſteandola ne pareua alquanto aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eLcorpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo oſcuriſſimo    daL principio de queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno cinquanta legue    Lo Jorno ſequente a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta yſola ne mando vno prao molto bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate doro    era ſupala proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne de pauonne in cima    alguni ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma die    li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le almadie ſonno le ſue barche da peſcare    octo homini vecqideli principali entrarono nele naui et ſederonno neLa popa ſopavno tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de legnio de pinto pieno de betre et areca che e qeL fructo que maſticano ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de naranci coperto de vno panno de ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone pigliaronno liſentia    eL vino de rizo he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto grande q̃ molti deli noſtiſembriacarõ et lo chiamano arach.Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holybody [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty leguas403from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Twoalmadies404came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while thealmadiesare their small fishing boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), and jessamine405and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is calledarach[i.e., arrack].Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnaltavolta tre prao con molta pompa ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la cima deL capo    li ſalutaſſemo cõle bonbarde ſenza pietre    poy ne detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj dezucharo et alguni altifacti amodo de torte con oui et melle    ne diſſero como lo ſue re era contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃o piacer̃    vdendo queſto montaſſemo ſette de nuy altiſopalo prao et portaſſemo vno pñte al re elqalle era vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto morello cinque bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro dorato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [roſso:crossed out in original MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe argentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno bichier dorato    aL re darme q̃ era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa turcheſca vno bonnet et vno quinterno de carta a li altiſete principali a qitella a qibonnetj et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et ſubito ſe partiſſemo.Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves,while others were made in the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven406of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,407a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red:crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land].Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ coprire nr̃i preſenti poy montaſſemo ſopali elefanty et queſti dodice hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li linſoli de cambaia    lo giorno ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del reſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo ſoura li elefanti    ne la corte deL palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et altiprincipali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala grande piena de molti baronj oue ſedeſſemo ſopavno tapeto cõ li pñti neli vazi apreſſo noi    AL capo de Queſta ſala nehe vnaltapiu alta ma alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due feneſtre con due cortine de brocato daliqalli veniua la luce nella ſala    iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ ſtocqinudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna grande feneſtadalaqalle ſe tiro vna cortina de brocato dentode queſta vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare betre    dietro da lui erano ſinon donne Alhora ne diſſe vno principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno piu principale et Quello avno fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dentocõlore et ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo altoet poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li diceſſemo como eramo deLre deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace ſeco et nõ domandauão altoſaluo potere mẽcadã tare    ne fece dire el re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃o piacere    poi li deſſemo li preſenti    faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy altifo dacto brocadelo et panny de oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſopala ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando negli    ne deteno vna Colatiõe de garofoli et canella    alora foreno tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre    li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti haueuão panni de oro [de oro:doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre precioſe et molti aneli nele mani    retornaſſemo Soura le elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃    Sete homini portorono iL prezente del re ſempre dinanzi Quando foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura la ſpala Siniſtra    aliqalli ꝓ ſua fatica donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de Cortelli    venirono in caſa deL gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ altitanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte de re    in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi galine pauonj et altry animali et de peſce    cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce et altecoſe    beue uão a ogni bocone pieno vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de qeL vino lanbicato    mangiaſſemo rizo et altre viuandede ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro Como li nr̃j    oue dormiſſemo le due nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Candellieri de argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne dolio cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão    Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj    Queſta cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focqile caſe ſonno tute de legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti da tera Quando lo mare creſcie vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo viuere    dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno muro de Cadreli groſſo con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel qalle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde de metalo et ſey de fero    in li dui giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte    Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia Siripada era de Quaranta anny et graſſo    ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non donne figliole deli principali    non ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non Quando va ala caza    ninguno li po par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a Queſti chiamano Xiritoles.When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,408whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to theking’s palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor’s to the king’s house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king’s orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,409where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.410At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.411No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance.We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.412They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor’s house, seven men carrying the king’s presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor’s house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet foodwith gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city413is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families].414The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king’s house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters415of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,416who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark.Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con altitanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole    Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe qalque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibilenela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo catoamazando molte ꝓ ſonne    tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon    coſtui era capogñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata    giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto capoet Lo Jonco ſenza noſtoconſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo    ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo capone haueria dato tuto qello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto capoera molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro.    in queſto porto glie vnaltacita de gentilli magiori de qella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto    il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo    facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſtiq̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão contali gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõede queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce    de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL caporeteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpagama Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue.On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli417(which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible,abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,418which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack theheathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.419LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto    ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime    ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore    la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina    lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo    ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe    la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolamteduna parte quatoſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis    per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſtene dauano ſey ſcutellede porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana    ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola    vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL    Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali    Queſti morj vano nudi como li altibeueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno.Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.420Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.421The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that moneypicis.422They gave us six porcelain dishes for onecathil423(which is equivalent to two of our libras)of quicksilver; one hundredpicisfor one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils), of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar ofanimeto calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo].424Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,425wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles426more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quicksilver—the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health.Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe laltogiorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute.The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen’s eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king’s presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them.Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denticõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro    ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei.Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter’s law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;427not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, butnot to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.428They are circumcised like the Jews.Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa    e menuta como li remole    Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor    li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe    Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne.Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.429If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call itcapor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.430That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.431Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua    vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo    vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno    ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne    le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre altifugirono de drieto da certe yſollete.Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,432because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.433Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we captured it.434Three other praus escaped behind certain islets.AL capo de burne faqueſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno portoꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dentoet ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni    Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qiin vna coſa qiin vnaltama la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe    Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnaltaloqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi    gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte    fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et laltaquaranta catro    pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni    eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo    haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo    Ancora qiſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue    apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delaltaanno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qile coca fugino    yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola    Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de altoſenon de arie.At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eightdegrees and seven minutes,435is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,436and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the other forty-four.437We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.438Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches439them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.440I believe those leaves live on nothing but air.Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa etLo ſacquegiaſſemo    ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine    poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et altecoſe    vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi    poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et altecoſe    ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fala yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandissoQuando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno altomare    reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle    le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo    Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle    coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo    ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle.Having left that island,441that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we capturedthe junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two island, Zolo and Taghima,442which lie toward the west, and near which pearls are found.443The two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,444he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him.Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli    La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue    in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare    ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj    ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    larbore de queſta Cannella he altotre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti    la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro    La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella    La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella    la chiamão caiu mana    Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce.Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.445The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island, we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people call itcaiu mana.Caiumeans wood, andmana, sweet, hence, “sweet wood.”446Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti    Quanto alguni altivedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue eramalucho    ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco    in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi    Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco, we captured by force abigniday,447a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.448All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao,and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.449Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty450leguas from Cavit.451Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſtiſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et stachiara ſoura lo trinqueto    ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a stonicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina    ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle    Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli altiQueſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit.Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452Sarangani, and Candighar.453One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.454St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghani and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit.Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho    facendo nr̃oviagio famezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere    ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette    Queſta yſola tenne quatore raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu    ſonno gentili    ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir.Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might showus where Malucho lay.455Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.456Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father’s shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut    poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau    paſſate queſte due yſollemercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quatoyſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue    Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria    non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle:doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho    eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato.Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.458The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.459[Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.460After passing those two islands, onWednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with us told us that those four islands were Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.461Among all those islands [among all those islands:doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.462Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria    neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta    ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo    ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe    lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno    dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amalucoda luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuyeramo qelli    Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo    li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui    eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſteꝓ che daqiindietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore    li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue altiſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti altiaqibonneti et aqicortelli    deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare    dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer altoſinon la ꝓpiavita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s.    doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la citaet se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti    partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare    pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde    Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo    alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo    haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo:doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor.Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,463we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined toconsult the moon,464whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.465Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece ofberania(the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups,466and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives;467and to each of nine others—all of them his chiefs—a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoevercame to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head.468When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,469and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head,doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqiinanzi La ſua Jſola et vnaltachiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio:crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpagalui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃    ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui degaroſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare    JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere.On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada471the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons:crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,472named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk473which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king’s servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.474He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner tofurnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.Açcio vr̃a JILmasa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian    tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre    Tadore et qella doue eramo    tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente    La vltima e bachian et tienne re    tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho.    non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno francoſeranno portugueſe capogñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore    poy facta faloro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno francoſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj    il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducentobahar de garofoli    coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capoamalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui    D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capogñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare    paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de francoſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali    li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.475At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno476had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major,and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general’s pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.477Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.478Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui    coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li altecoſe de francoſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto    ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo    Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui    li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno pannode oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice    accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti    Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun petoalfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de francoſeranno vene de bandan ataranate    iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia    mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno.On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with theboat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa,479a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We480sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta    il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ altetante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco altoComo vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte    finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera.    Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato    ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole    Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine    Dinanzi a queſta yſolanehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli    ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et laltocinque cento et vinticinque    li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno    JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dentone layſola    in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi.Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king’s house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very largeisland, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.481The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482We bought many of them from those people.Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia    gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo    ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quatoqʒiet ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre deqelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar    tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqibonny Ly volſe el re    molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi    la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto    ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte.On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483one bahar; for threeof those gongs of theirs, two bahars;484for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.485Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.486Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama    alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta    JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne    ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuãonele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine    gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta    Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore.On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen’s name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had inthe ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,487and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.)(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)

Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſtode Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo.

Antonio Pigafeta,1patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],2to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,3renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.4

Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmoet exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdomonsor.francochieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL epistodi aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mareocceanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comrede sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopavna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qide ſoto intendera v exasa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandolaquando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna gracami donno et recomando.

Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,5with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),6and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,7who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship,I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.8Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,9a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”],10[who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure,11finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement,12you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, althoughyou are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.13

Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno altofuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqiſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eLvento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa    Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi    Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj    Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la panel principio de la nocte    La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La tanel fine    tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli    el poera del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo todel maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capogenneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri.

The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.14These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they callfarol.15He always carried thatfarolset at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and calledspartorope16which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together.If he showed two lights besides that of thefarol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall.17If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;18after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.19Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.20When he desired to alter his course, he showed two;21and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight,22and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master.23Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.24

Luni a x d̃ agusto gode ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi    Poi venirono ad un altoq̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle    ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqiꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capiꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcunecoſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capogenneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto.

On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,25(and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.26Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.27It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port.28From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.29Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish30[providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any31woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.

Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose    poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni    Sapera vr̃a IlLmasa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de altahabondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano.

We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.32On the 26th33of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood.34We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso35to get pitch,36staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];37but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.38

Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqiJnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão    quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqinoſtiq̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqichiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto.

At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south,39and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus formany days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.40Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,41before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked,42all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious.43When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes calledtiburoni[i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,44although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night,45with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour46blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm.47

Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo.    vn altra quando la femina vol far lioui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li altivcelli et nõ de altoSi como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad altivcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello    anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alticongregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola.

I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the femalewishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.48

Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Stoauguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne    ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati    ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini    ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate.    qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi    et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta luciaet in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li altiquãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle.

After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west49until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin50which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of theanta,51which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.52For a king of diamonds [danari],53which is a playing card, they gave me 654fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day,and on that day had the sun on the zenith;55and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.56

Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissaet piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme.    e deL re de portugalo    li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Laltoa legni groſſi    fanno foco infra eſſi in tera    in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore    anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra    queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere    ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte.    vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi    Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro.    fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua mortoSuo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deLſuofigliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala.    qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny    Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono:doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri    portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich    anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gatimaimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima    fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta.    hanno porci q̃ ſopaLa ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga    ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna    Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito    de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi    le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandissopiacere vederli    Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida    era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quandoajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia    queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ.

That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,57put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,58and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years.59They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they callboii60and sleep in cotton hammocks calledamache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of thoseboii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,61and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,62hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.63Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,64who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed herson, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,65he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio,66who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are:doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,67have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,68while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots,and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful.69They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.70They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,71and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.72The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.73The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.74But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure75to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76It had been about two months since it had rained inthat land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.77Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.

Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno    Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ altoſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito    ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supala camera deL maiſtoet victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo.

At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.78One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action.79

Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin.

AL miglio.MaizAlla farina.huiAL hamo.pindaAL cortellotacseAl petinechigapAlla forficepirameAL ſonaglioJtanmaraczBuono piu q̃ bonotum maragathum

Some words of those people of Verzin80

For Milletmaizfor Flourhuifor Fishhookpindafor Knifetacsefor Combchigapfor Scissorspiramefor BellitanmaracaGood, bettertum maragathum

Steſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera    ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume deacqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li altisuoi    haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li altiportoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dentonella terra ꝓ paura de noi    Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno    fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi.    in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle.    ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de stamaria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui.

We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees81toward the Antarctic Pole,where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends.82He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width.83A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.84

Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue    Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale.    nõ volano et viueno de peſe    eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſicomo viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi    nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele.    le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie    Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et stachiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna.

Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves.85Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf,with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.

Partendone de qiariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe    quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capogñalle    Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello    Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqicapili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho.    era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme    el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, legambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui    ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn altapietra. Lo capogenneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quatode li noſtihomini ꝓ terra    da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſtiet mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati    Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſticorſe doue ſtauano li altiSe miſſeno in fila tuti nudi    ariuando li noſtia eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa    li noſtili feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto.    queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando levedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati    anno le tete longue mozo brazo.    ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre    menavano quatode qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino    poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze.    li noſtine canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj.

Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.86We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,87singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same, actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet into the presence of the captain-general. When the giant was in the captain-general’s and our presence, he marveled greatly,88and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.89He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That animal has a head and ears as large as those of amule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.90His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.91In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,92and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.93The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink, and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four94of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were, who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them, they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made from the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had nothing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter arenot so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their husbands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. They led four of those young animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals.

Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia    haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſtipima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſtiet dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capogñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li altiet tanto trata bile et gratioſo.    ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouanicomo nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima.    poi eL capogñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui    ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capogñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li altima piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy.

Six days after the above, a giant painted95and clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,96and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When the captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. He was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths97and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni.He uttered [the words] “Jesu,” “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and “Jovani” [i.e., John97as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captain-general, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us.

Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quatode queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente    JL capogenneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se altamente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta    ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqiſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capogñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li altiduy voleuano ajutarli    ma iL caponõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciualaſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi    Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capopur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli altidui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſtidoue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza    ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto    Laltotanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſtilo ferirono vn pocho ſopala teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li altiduy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora    ma ne lalba parloro ale donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece.    laltomenaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori    quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via    li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire    quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della.    li noſtiſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata    Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere.

A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them—the youngest and best proportioned—by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.98Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us.99The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.100He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrappedabout them with their hands.101The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly forSetebos102to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured103was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women, and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.104The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman105that night, but determined to sleep there,for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,106but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke107to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.108Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives.

Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano certi cardi    Quando li dole eL capo Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela nr̃a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua paſſione    anno li capeli tagliati cõ la quierega amodo de frati ma piu longui cõ vno cordonnedi bambaso intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le freze quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ lo grandiſsimo fredo.    Quando more vno de queſti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti    ne vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu grande gridando et facendo piu grã feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno    quiamano eL demonio magior ſetebos ali alticheleulle anchora coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto li demonj con dui corni in teſta et peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo    JL capogñale nomino queſti populi patagoni    tutti ſe veſtino de la pelle de qello animale gia deto    nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la quiamão chapae    ogni vno de li dui q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata mezo ſechio de hacqua et mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli.

When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,109they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more110and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it isleft longer;111and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head, to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.112When one of those people die, x or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others, and he cries out and rejoices more.113They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,114and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.115They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no houses except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani116do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae.117Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them.

Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃a IlLmasane ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le altre quatonaue ordinorono vno tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capogenneralle et queſti erano eL vehadorede Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL theſorero alouise de mendoſa eL contadore anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada et ſquartato eL veador de li homini fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento    de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada ꝓ voler fare vno altotradimẽto fo ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera patagonia.    eL Capogenerale nõ volſe far lo amazare perche Lo imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto capoVna naue chiamata ſancto Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la coſta Se perſe    tucti li homini Si ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ bagniandoſſe apenna    dui de queſti venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el tuto ꝓ il que eL capogñale ge mando alguni homini cõ ſacqipienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in machioni nõ trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon giaçio il que ne era grandisima fatiga.    Jn queſto porto era aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le chiamano missiglioni    haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le poteuano mangiare    ancho ſe trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri    Qui in cima deL piu alto monte drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte de xo.

In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months.118Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of thefleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.119A ship called “Sancto Jacobo” was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,120or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.121There were very many long shellfish which are calledmissiglioni122in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,123foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ].

Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno terſo al antartico trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi ſancti le ajutarono    Jn Queſto fiume tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame.    era molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe partiſſemo de qui eL capogenneralle et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et Comunicaſsemo Como veri chriſtianni.

Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third124degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies125aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.126Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.127

Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL giorno delle vndici millia vergine vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle chiamão capo dele vndici millia vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a referire in vno altomare chiamato mar pacificho circundato da mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 braza et ſe non era eL capitanio gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et diceuamo como era ſerato tuto intorno.    ma iL capitano gñale q̃ ſapeua de douer fare la ſua nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo como vite nela theſoraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella exelentiſſimo huomo martin de boemia Mando due naui Sto. anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la capitania Se chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo adaſpectarle dentone la baya    La nocte ne souravenne vna grande fortuna q̃ duro fino al altomezo Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et dela per la baia    a le altre due naui li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna boca picola q̃ no [paſaua:crossed out in original MS.] pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno altoſtretto et vnaltabaya piu grande q̃ le due pime    molto alegri subito voltor̃o Jndrieto ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La fortuna grande. Laltaperche eranno paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi.    eſſendo coſi vicine subito ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi    poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda ſemo acercare piu inanzi.

Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole,128we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the]129eleven thousand virgins [i.e. October 21], whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.130It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings131on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captain-general who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the “Santo Anthonio” and the “Conceptione” (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de laBaia [i.e., of the Bay].132We, with the other two ships, [namely], the flagship, called “Trinitade,” and the other the “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to await them.133A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape134formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed:crossed out in original MS.] appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].135Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.136And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.137Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captain-general. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.138And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.139Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on.

Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua exito neL mare pacifico    la naue ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ retornare in Spagnia como fece iL piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto lo Capogennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capogennerale ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capode la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL capogñale et haueua nome aluaro de meſchita    Lo ferirono et Lo meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero in spagnia in queſto naue. era laltogigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ lo medeſimo [porto:crossed out in originaldiqua et dela sto. antoa la nocte torno indrieto et ſeMS.] ſtrecto    nuy eramo andati a deſcourire laltabocha verſo eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL medeſimo [porto:crossed out in original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare le due naue    in queſti giorni mãdaſemovno batello ben fornito ꝓ deſcoprire eL capo de laltomare venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et diſſero como haueuano [haueuano:doublet in original MS.] veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado perche laueuano Ja grã tempo diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno q̃ era capoet piloto de queſta et ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la boca la Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in qella boca doue ella fugite.    il capogennerale mando indrieto la naue victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto auedere ſe ella era iui et non trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna letera in vna pigniatella ficada in tera apreſſo la bandera acio vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃a et ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le lr̃e luna avno mõticello nela prima baya laltain vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL capogñale leſpeto cõ laltanaue apreſſo eL fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume eL qalle era fra alte montagnie caricate de neue et deſcendeneL mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aLtempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno Jorno.    açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma. saiL creda quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio erba dolce ma gene anche de amare naſce atorno le fontane del qalle mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃ altocredo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de peſci ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra in tanto q̃ queſti volano li altili corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero beliſſima de vedere.

After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.140The captain-general sent the ship “Sancto Anthonio” together with the “Concitione” to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio” would not await the “Conceptione,” because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia—which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,141and he hated the captain-general exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin142of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The “Conceptione,” as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at night and fled along the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait.143We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port:crossed out in original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.144So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore thecape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],145for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,146but we found only the “Conceptione.” Upon asking them where the other one was, Johan Seranno,147who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captain-general sent the ship “Victoria” back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.148Two banners were planted with their letters—one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay149where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo,150and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-fivedegrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.151The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast152and was low. We called that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,153water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,154a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.155In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.156Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,157which are one palmo and more158in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet—more than a crossbow’s flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch.

Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoni

AL capoher.aL ochio.other.AL nazoorAlle cillieocchecheLALe palpebreSechechieLAli bussi deL nazoorescheALa bocaxiamAli LabriSchiahameAli dentiphor.ALa lingaSchiaLAL mentoSechenA li pelliarchizAL voltocogecheLAla goloohumezALa copaSchialeschinALe ſpallepelles.AL gomedoCoteLALa mancheneALa palma de LamanCaimeghinAL ditoCoriAle orechieSaneSoto eL broçoSalischinAla mamelaothenAL petoochijAL corpogecheLAL menbroſachetAli teſticuliSacancasAla natura de le donneJsseAL vzar cõ eſſeJo hoiALe coſſechianeAL genochiotepinAL chuloSchiaguenAle culatehoijAL brazomazAL polsoholionA le gambecossAL piedetheeAL calcagnotereALa chauequie deL pieperchiAla ſola deL piecaotſcheniAle onguieColimAL corethoLAL grataregechareAl homo ſguercoCalischenAL giuaneCalemiAL hacquaholiAL fuocoghialemeAL fumogiaicheAl noehenAL siReyAL oropelpeliALe petre lazureSechegAL solleCalexcheniAlle ſtelleſettere.AL mareAroAL ventooniALa fortunaohoneAL peſsehoiAL mangiaremechiereALa ſcutellaeloALa pigniataaschanieAL demandareghelheVien quihai siAL gardarchonneAL andarReyAL CombateroamaghceAle frezeSetheAL CaneholLAL lupoAniAL andare longiSchienALa guidaantiALa neuetheuAL courirehianiAL Seruzo ucelohoihoiA li sui ouiJaniAla poluere derba che mangiãoCapac.AL odorareosAL papagalochecheALa gabiota uceloCleoAL misiglioniSiameni.AL panno roſsoTerechae.AL bonetAicheLAl colore nego.AineLAL roſsotaicheAL gialopeperiAL coçinareyrocolesALa cinturaCatechinAL ochacacheAL diauolo grandeSetebosAli picolicheleule.

Words of the Patagonian giants

For Headherfor Eyeotherfor Noseorfor Eyebrowsocchechelfor Eyelidssechechielfor Nostrilsoreschefor Mouthxiamfor Lipsschiahamefor Teethphorfor Tongueschialfor Chinsechenfor Hairarchizfor Facecogechelfor Throatohumezfor Occiputschialeschin159for Shoulderspellesfor Elbowcotelfor Handchenefor Palm of the handcaimeghinfor Fingercorifor EarssaneArmpitsalischinfor Teatothenfor Bosomochijfor Bodygechelfor Penissachetfor Testiclessacancasfor Vagina160issefor Communication with womenjo hoifor Thighschianefor Kneetepinfor Rumpschiaguenfor Buttockshoijfor Armmazfor Pulseholionfor Legscossfor Foottheefor Heelterefor Ankleperchifor Sole of the footcaotschenifor Fingernailscolimfor Hearttholfor to Scratchgecharefor Cross-eyed mancalischenfor Young mancalemifor Waterholifor Fireghialemefor Smokegiaichefor Noehenfor Yesreyfor Goldpelpelifor Lapis lazulisechegfor Suncalexchenifor Starssetterefor Seaarofor Windonifor Stormohonefor Fishhoifor to Eatmechierefor Bowlelofor Potaschaniefor to AskghelheCome herehai sifor to Lookchonnefor to Walkreyfor to Fightoamaghcefor Arrowssethefor Doghollfor Wolfanifor to Go a long distanceschienfor Guideantifor Snowtheufor to Coverhianifor Ostrich, a birdhoihoifor its Eggsjanifor the powder of the herb which they eatcapacfor to Smellosfor Parrotchechefor Birdcagecleofor Misiglionisiamenifor Red Clothterechaefor Capaichelfor Blackainelfor Redtaichefor Yellowpeperifor to Cookyrocolesfor Beltcatechinfor Goosecachefor their big DevilSetebosfor their small DevilsCheleule

Tucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão Loro.

All the above words are pronounced in the throat, for such is their method of pronunciation.161

Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ domandandome Capac çioepane che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe hacqua    Quando eL me vite ſcriuer queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li alticõ la penna in mano me Jntendeua    vna volta feci la croce et la basai moſtrandoglila    Subito grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL corpo et farebe crepare    Quando queſto gigante ſtaua male domando la croce abraſsandola et baſandola molto Se volse far Xp̃iano inanzi la ſua morte    eL chiamaſemo paulo Queſta gente Quando voleno far fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ vno altoin fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra queſti dui legni.

That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me forcapac,162that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, andoli, that is to say, water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out “Setebos,” and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.163

Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto ma poluere de qello cõ vermi apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano mãgiato iL buono    puzaua grã damẽte de orina de Sorzi    et beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopaLantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo ꝓ quatoho cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopale braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe    li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le altiſquiagu re Queſta era lapegiore.    Creſsiuano le gengiue ad alguni ſopali denti Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare et coſſi moriuano    ꝓ queſta infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL verzin    vinti cinque ho trenta homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi neli gambe o in altoloco ſicque poqireſta rono ſani    ꝓ La gratia de dio yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade.    Jn Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni andaſemo circa de quatro millia legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle qaL nõ trouaſſemo altoſenon vcelli et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle infortunate    Sono longi luna da laltaducento legue nõ trouauamo fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de latitudine aL hauſtralle, et laltain noue    ogni Jorno faceuamo cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo    Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu taL viagio.

Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.164We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.165We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.166We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.167But above all the othermisfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.168Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.169In truth it is very pacific,170for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.171The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.172Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again].

Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjosvergine che he capo de queſto ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL polo antarticho.

When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we would have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Virgins.173The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.

JL polo antartico no ne cosi ſtellato como Lo artico ſe vede molto ſtelle picolle congregate inſieme q̃ fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco ſeparate luna de laltaet vno poco ofuſche in mezo de leqalle ſtanno due ſtelle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et poco ſe moueno.    Queſte due ſtelle ſonno iL polo antarticho    La Calamita noſtra Zauariando vno sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero Quando eramo in Queſto golfo iL Capogeneralle domando a tucti li piloti andando ſempre a la vela ꝓ qaL Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte riſpoſero tucti ꝓ la Sua via puntaLmẽte datta li riſpoſi q̃ pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua agiutare la guchia deL nauegare ꝓ che nõ receueua tanta forza da la parte ſua. Quando eramo in mezo di queſto golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque ſtelle lucidiſſime drito aL ponente, et Suono iuſtiſſime luna cõ lalta.

The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic. Many small stars clustered together are seen, which have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There is but little distance between them, and they are somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large and not very luminous stars, which move only slightly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, always pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although it did not have so much strength as on its own side. And on that account when we were in that open expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots whether they were always sailing forward in the course which we had laid down on the maps, all replied: “By your course exactly as laid down.” He answered them that they were pointing wrongly—which was a fact—and that it would be fitting to adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not receiving so much force from its side. When we were in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross with five extremely bright stars straight toward the west, those stars being exactly placed with regard to one another.174

Jn queſti giorni mauigaſſemo fra iL ponente et iL maeſtralle et a La quarta deL maeſtralle in verſo ponente et aL maeſtralle fin p̃ ajungeſſemo a la linea equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitiõe Cento et vinti dui gradi    la linea de la ripartitiõe e trenta gradi longi daL meridionale    el meridionale e tre gradi al leuante longi de capo verde    Jn queſto Camino paſaſſemo poco longi da due Jzolle richisie vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo antarticho q̃ Se chiama Cipangu Laltain quindicigradi chiamata Sũbdit pradit paſſata la linea equinotialle nauigaſſemo tra ponente et maiſtralle et a la carta deL ponente verſo eL maeſtralle poi duzente legue aL ponente mudando eL viago. a La Quarta in verſo garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho ꝓ apropinquarſe piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara iL qaL capo cõ perdon de li Coſmo grafi ꝓ q̃ nõ Lo viſteno nõ ſi troua doue loro iL penſauão ma aL ſetentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho.

During those days175we sailed west northwest, northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward from Capo Verde.176We passed while on that course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other infifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit.177After we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west northwest, and west by north, and then for two hundred leguas toward the west, changing our course to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might approach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they have not seen it), is not found where it is imagined to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or thereabouts.178

Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a 6 de marſo diſcopreſſemo vna yſola aL maiſtralle picola et due alteaL garbino    vna era piu alta et piu granda de Laltre due    iL capogenerale voleua firmarſe nella grande ꝓ pigliare qalque refrigerio ma nõ puote perche la gente de queſta Jzolla entrauano nele naui et robauano qivna coſa qilaltatalmente q̃ non poteuamo gardarſi. Voleuano calare le vele acio andaſemo in tera    ne roborono lo ſquifo q̃ eſtaua ligato a La popa de la naue capacõ grandissapreſteza ꝓ il que corozato eL capogeneralle ando in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono da quaranta o cinquanta caze cõ­­ molti barquiti et amazorono ſette huomini et rehebe lo ſquifo Subito ne parti ſemo ſequendo Lo medeſimo camino.    Jnanzi q̃ diſmontaſemo in tera alguni noſtiinfermi ne pregorono ſe amazauamo huomo o donna li portaſemo Ly interiori ꝓ che Subito ſarebenno ſani.

About seventy179leguas on the above course, and lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longitude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small island to the northwest, and two others toward the southwest, one of which was higher and larger than the other two. The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat180that was fastened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men.181He recovered the small boat, and we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.182

Quando feriuamo alguni de queſti cõ li veretuni q̃ li paſſauano li fianqida luna banda alaltra tirauano il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo tirauano fuora marauigliandoſe molto et cuſſi moriuano    et altiq̃ erano feriti neL peto faceuano eL Simille ne moſſeno agrã compaſione Coſtoro vedendõe partire ne ſeguitorono cõ piu de Cento barchiti piu de vna legua    Se acoſtauano ale naui moſſtrandone peſce cõ ſimulatiõe de darnello ma traheuano ſaxi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cõ velle piene paſa vano fra loro et li batelli con qelli ſui barcheti molto deſtriſſimi vedeſemo algune femine in li barqueti gridare et ſcapigliarſe credo ꝓ amore de li Suoi morti.

When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through their loins from one side to the other, they, looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that side,183and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion. Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred184boats for more than one legua. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and the small boats [fastened astern], very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.185

Ognuno de queſti vive ſecondo la Sua volonta non anno ſignori    vano nudi et alguni barbati con li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati    portano capeleti de palma como li albanezi    ſonno grandi como nui et ben diſpoſti    nõ adorão niente ſonno aliuaſtri ma naſcono bianqianno li denti roſſi et negri ꝓ che la reputano beliſſima coſa    le femine vano nude ſenon q̃ dinanzi a la ſua natura portano vna ſcorſa ſtreta ſotille come la carta q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorza de la palma    ſonno belle delicate et bianque piu que li huomini cõ li capilli ſparſiet longui negriſſimi fino in tera    Queſte nõ lauorano ma ſtanno in caſa teſſendo ſtore casse de palma et altre coſe neceſſarie acaſa ſua    mangiano cochi batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et peſci volatori cõ altre coſe    ſe ongieno eL corpo et li capili cõ oleo de cocho et de giongioli    le ſue caſe tute ſonno facte di legnio coperte de taule cõ foglie defigaro de ſopalongue due braza con ſolari et cõ feneſtre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di ſtore beliſſime de palma    dormeno ſoura paglia di palma molto mole et menuta    nõ anno arme Senon certe aſte cõ vno oſſo pontino de peſce ne La cima Queſta gente e pouera ma ingenioſa et molto ladra ꝓ queſto chiamaſſemo queſte tre Jſole le yſole de li ladroni    eL ſuo ſpaſo e andare cõ Le donne ꝓ mare cõ qelle ſue barquete    Sono como le fucelere ma piu ſtrecti alguni negri bianqiet altiroſſi anno da laltaparte dela vella vno legno groſſo pontino nele cime cõ pali atrauerſadi qeL ſuſtentano neL acqua ꝓ andare piu ſeguri aLa vela    la vela e di foglie de palma cosite inſieme et facta amodo de latina    ꝓ timone anno certe pale como da for no cõ vno legnio in cima    fanno de la popa proua et de la proua popa et ſonno Como delfini ſaltar a lacqua de onda in onda    Queſti ladroni penſauano aliſegni q̃ faceuão nõ fuſero altihomini aL mondo ſenon loro.

Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior.186They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The womendo not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats,187baskets [casse: literally boxes], and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate],188birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They189anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats.190They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves].191Their amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs.192Those boats resemblefucelere,193but are narrower, and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boats may sail more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern],194and those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers]thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world but themselves.195

Sabato a ſedize de marſo 1521 deſſemo neLa aurora soura vna tera alta lõgi trecento legue delle yſolle de li latroni laqaL e yſola et ſe chiama Zamal eL capogñale nel giorno ſeguente volſe diſmontare in vnaltayſola deſhabitata ꝓ eſſere piu seguro q̃ era di dietro de queſta ꝓ pigliare hacqua et qalque diporto fece fare due tende in terra ꝓ li infermi et feceli amazare vna porcha    Luni a 18. de marſo vedeſſemo dapoi diſnare venire ꝟſo de nui vna barca cõ noue homini ꝓ ilque lo capogenerale comando q̃ niuno Si moueſſe ne diceſſe parolla alguna ſenza ſua liſentia    Quando ariuorono queſti in terra ſubito Lo ſuo principalle ando aL capogñale moſtrandoſe alegro ꝓ la nr̃a venuta    reſtarono cinqʒ de queſti piu ornati cõ nuy li altiandorono a leuare alguni altiq̃ peſcauano et cuſſi venirono tucti vedendo Lo capogñale que queſti erano homini cõ ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti roſſi spequi petini ſonagli Auorio bocaſſini et altecoſe    Quando viſtenno la corteſia deL capoli preſentorono peſci vno vaſo de vino de palma q̃ Lo chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri piu picoli piu ſaporiti et dui cochi alhora nõ haueuano altone fecoro ſegni cõ La mano q̃ in fino aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q̃ e riſo cochi et molta altra victuuaglia.

At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen,1961521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni—an island named Zamal [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the captain-general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the abovementioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,197and other things. When they saw the captain’s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they calluraca[i.e., arrack], figs more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas],198and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bringumayor rice,199and cocoanuts and many other articles of food within four days.

Li coqiſonno fructi deLa palma    coſi como nui hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto coſi anno queſti populi ogni coſa da queſti arbori    anno eL vino in queſto modo forano La dicta palma in cima neL coreſino de to palmito dalqalle ſtilla vna lichore como e moſto biancho dolce ma vn pocho bruſqueto in canne groſſe come La gamba et piu    latacano alarbor̃ la ſera ꝓ la matina et la matina ꝓ la ſera Queſta palma fa vno fructo iL qalle he lo cocho Queſto cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno La ſua pima ſcorſa e ꝟde et groſſa piu de dui diti nelaqalle trouano Certi filittj q̃ fanno le corde q̃ liganno le ſue barque    ſoto di queſta ne he vna dura et molto piu groſſa di quella de la noce    queſta la bruſano et fano poluere bonna ꝓ loro ſoto di queſto e vna medola biancha groſſa come vn dito LaqaL mangiano freſca cõ La carne et peſſi como nui lo panne et de qeL ſapore q̃ he la mandola qui la ſecaſſe ſe farebe panne    in mezo di queſta medola e vna hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando queſta hacqua ſta vn pocho acolta ſe congella et diuenta como vno pomo    Quando voleno fare oglio piglianno queſto cocho et laſſano putrefare qella medola cõ lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo como butiro    Quando voleno far aceto laſanno putrefare lacqua ſolamente poi lameteno aL ſolle et e aceto como de vino biancho    ſi po fare ancholatte como nui faceuamo    gratauamo qʒſta medola poi la miſquiauamo cō lacqua ſua medeſima ſtrucandola in vno panno et coſi era late como di capra. Queſte palme ſonno como palme deli datali ma non coſi nodoſe ſe non liſce. Vna famiglia de x perſonne cō dui de queſte ſe manteneno fruando octo giorni luna et octo giorni La altaꝓ Lo vino ꝓ che ſe altramenti faceſſeno Se ſecharebenno et durano cento anny.

Cocoanuts are the fruit of the palmtree.200Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get everything from that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor201which resembles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is made cord for binding together their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them.202Under that shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine.Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat’s milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.203

Grande familliaritade pigliarono cō nui Queſti populi    ne diſcero molte coſe como le chiamauano et li nomi de algune yſole q̃ ſe vedeuano de qiLa ſua ſe chiama Zuluan laqalle non etropo grande pigliaſcemo grā piacere cā queſti perche eranno aſay piaceuoli et conuerſabili    iL capogñale ꝓ farli piu honnore li meno ala ſua naue et li moſtro tuta la ſua mercadanſia garofoli cannella peuere gengero noſce moſcade Matia oro et tute le coſe q̃ eranno nella naue fece deſcaricare algune bombarde hebero grā paura et volſero ſaltar fuora de la naue ne fecero ſegni que li doue nuj andauamo naſceſſeuano coſe Ja dete    Quando ſi volſero partire pigliarono liſentia con molta gratia et gentileza dicendo q̃ tornarebeno ſegondo la ſua ꝓmeſſa    La yſola doue eramo ſe chiama humunu ma noy ꝓ trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiariſſima la chiameſſemo lacquada dali buoni ſe gnialli ꝓ che fu iL pimo ſegnio de oro q̃ trouaſſemo in queſtaparte. Qiui ſi troua grā cantitade de coralli biancho et arbori grandi q̃ fanno fructi pocho menori de La mandola et ſonno Como li pignioli et ancho molte palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue    in Queſto Locho ſonno molte yſole. ꝓ ilque Lo chiamaſſemo larcipelago de s. lazaro deſcourendo lo nella ſua dominicha iL quale ſta in x gradi de latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e ſesanta vno di longitudine della linea deLa repartitiõe.

Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not very large.204We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general205took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise—cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.206They made signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise. The island where we were is called Humunu; but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-place of good Signs”], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts.207We found a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds. There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus.208They lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.

Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di qelli homini Secondo ne haueuano ꝓmeſſo in due barcque cõ cochi naranſi dolci vno vaſo de vino de palma et vno galo ꝓ dimoſtrare que in queſte parte eranno galine se moſtrarono molto alegri verſo de noi compraſſemo tute qelle ſue coſe iL ſuo sorera vechio et de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreqie li altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi cõ fazoli in torno Lo capo Steſemo quiui octo [giorni] neliqalli eL nr̃o capoandaua ogni di in terra auiſitare ly infirmi et ogni matina li daua cõ le ſue mani acqua deL cocho q̃ molto li confortaua di dietro de queſta yſola ſtanno homini q̃ anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie q̃ portanno le braci ficati in loro    Queſti popoli ſonno caphri çioe gentili vanno nudi cõ tella de ſcorſa darbore intorno le ſue vergonie se nõ alguni principali cõ telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cõ ſeda aguchia sonno oliuaſtigraſſi de pinti et ſe ongeno cõ olio de cocho et de giongioli ꝓ lo ſolle et ꝓ iL vento    annoli capili negriſſimi fina a La cinta et anno dague cortelli lanſe fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et rete da peſcare come Rizali    le ſue barche ſonno corno le noſte

At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,209in order to show us that there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us.210We purchased all those articles from them. Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in his ears,211and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and212every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living near that island213who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those people are caphri,214that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protectionagainst sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and spears215ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines,216javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali;217and their boats are like ours.

NeL luni ſancto a vinticinqʒ de marſo giorno de La nr̃a donna paſſato mezo di eſſendo de hora in ora ꝓ leuarſi anday abordo de la naue ꝓ peſcare et metendo li piedi ſopra vna antena ꝓ deſcedere nela mesa degarni tiõe me slizegarono ꝓ che era pioueſto et coſi caſtai neL mare q̃ ninguno me viſte et eſſendo quaſi ſumerſo me venne ne La mano Siniſtra La ſcota de La vella magiore q̃ era aſcoſa ne lacqua me teni forte et Comenſai agridare tanto q̃ fui ajutato cõ Lo batelo    nõ credo Ja per mey meriti ma ꝓ la miſericordia di qella fonte de pieta foſſe ajutato. neL medeſimo Jorno pigliaſſemo tra iL ponente et garbĩ infra quatoyſolle çioe Cenalo hiunanghan Jbusson et abarien

On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between four small islands, namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan,218Ibusson, and Abarien.

Joue a vinti octo de marzo ꝓ hauere viſto la nocte paſſata fuocho in vna yſola ne la matina ſurgiſſemo apreſſo de queſta vedeſemo vna barcha picola q̃ la chiamano boloto cõ octo nomini de dentoaꝓpincarſe nela naue Ca pitanea    Vno ſchiauo deL capogñale q̃ era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo ilqalle ſubito inteſeno venero neL bordo de la naue nõ volendo intrare dento, ma ſtauano vno pocho diſcoſti vedendo eL capoq̃ nõ voleuano fidarſi de nui li buto vn bonnet roſſo et altre coſe ligate ſupavn pezo de taula    La piglioronno molto alegri etSubito Se partirono ꝓ auiſare el ſuo re deli circa due hore vedeſſemo vegnire due balanghai ſonno barche grande et cuſſe le chiamano pienni de huomini neL magior̃ era Lo suo re Sedendo ſoto vno coperto de ſtore    Quando eL giunſe ap̃ſſo La capitania iL Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inteſe ꝓ che in queſte parte li re ſanno piu linguagij q̃ li alticomando q̃ alguni ſoi intraſſeno nele naue    luy ſempre ſtete neL ſuo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li ſuoi tornoronno et ſubito tornati ſe parti. iL Capogñalle fece grande honnore aqelli q̃ venirono nela naue et donnoli algune coſe per ilche il re inanzi la ſua partita volſe donnare aL capovna bava de oro grande et vna ſporta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL molto nõ volce acceptarle    neL tardi andaſemo cõ le naue apreſſo la habitatiõe deL re.

On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we anchored near it.219We saw a small boat which the natives callbolotowith eight men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance.220The captain seeing that they would not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. Theyreceived them very gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming. They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship, and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar221of gold and a basketful of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.

JL giorno ſeguente q̃ era eL venerdi ſancto eL capogñale mando lo ſquia ua q̃ era lo interprete nr̃o in tera in vno batello adire aL re ſe haueua alguna coſa da mangiare la faceſſe portar̃ in naue q̃ reſtariano bene ſatiſfati da noi et como amici et nõ Como nimici era venuti a laſua yſola eL re venne cõ ſey vero octo homini neL medeſimo batello et entro nela naue abrazandoſi col capogñale et donoli tre vazi di porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et due orade molto grande cõ altre coſe    eL capodete al re vna veſte de panno roſſo et giallo fato a La torcheſca et vno bonnet roſſo fino ali altiSui aqicortelli et aqiſpecqipoy le fece dare la Colatiõe et ꝓ il chiauo li fece dire q̃ voleua eſſere cun lui caſi caſi cioe fratello    riſpoſe q̃ coſſi voleua eſſere ꝟſo de lui dapoy lo capoge moſtro panno de diverſi colori tela corali et molta altamercantia et tuta lartigliaria facendola deſcargare alguni molto ſi ſpauentorno poi fece armare vno homo cõ vno homo darme et li meſſe atorno tre cõ ſpade et pugniale q̃ li dauano ꝓ tuto iL corpo ꝓ laqaL coſa eL re reſto caſi fora diſe li diſſe ꝓ il Schiauo q̃ vno de queſti armati valeua ꝓ cento de li suoi reſpoſe q̃ era cuſſi et q̃ in ogni naue ne menaua duzento q̃ ſe armauano de qella ſorte li moſtro Corazine ſpade et rodelle et fece fare a vno vna leuata poi Lo conduſſe ſupala tolda dela naue q̃ he in cima de la popa et fece portare la ſua carta de nauigare et La buſſola et li diſſe ꝓ linterprete como trouo Lo ſtreto ꝓ vegnire alui et Quante lune ſonno ſtati ſenza vedere terra    Se marauiglio in vltimo li diſce q̃ voleua ſe li piaceſſe mandare ſeco dui homini acio li moſtraſſe algune de le ſue coſe reſpoſe q̃ era contento yo ge anday cõ vno alto

Next day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships;222and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men223in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very largeorade,224and other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king’s men), to some knives and to others mirrors. Then the captain-generalhad a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he desired to becasi casi225with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral [ornaments], and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened. Then the captain-general had a man armed as a soldier,226and placed him in the midst of three men armed with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner.227He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him.228Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought.229He told the king through the interpreter how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.230

Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello etpoi ſe volta contanuy dui    faceſſemo lo ſimille verſo de lui coſi tuti li altifecero il re me piglio ꝓ La mano vno ſuo principale piglio laltocompagoet cuſſi ne menorõ ſoto vno coperto de cane doue era vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille a vna fuſta ne sedeſſemo ſopala popa de queſto ſempre parlando con ſegni li suoi ne ſtauano in piedi atorno atorno cõ ſpade dague Lanze et targoni fece portare vno piato de carne de porco cõ vño vazo grande pienno de vino    beueuamo adogni boconne vna taſſa de vino    lo vino q̃ li auanſaua qalque volta ben q̃ foſceno poche ſe meteua in vno vazo da ꝓ ſi la ſua taſa ſempre ſtaua coperta    ninguno altoli beueua Se nõ il re et yo    Jnanzi q̃ lo re pigliaſſe la taſſa ꝓ bere alzaua li mani giunte al çielo et ꝟſo de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio dela mano sini ſtra verſo dime prima penſaua me voleſſe dare vn pognio et poi beueua faceua coſi yo verſo il re    Queſti ſegni fanno tuti luno verſo de Laltro quando beueno    cõ queſte cerimonie et altiſegni de amiſitia merenda ſemo    mangiay neL vennere ſancto carne ꝓ nõ potere fare altoJnanzi q̃ veniſſe lora de cenare donay molte coſe al re q̃ haueua portati ſcriſſe aſai coſſe como le chiamanão Quanto Lo re et li altime viſtenno fcriuere et li diceua qelle ſue parolle tutti reſtorono atoniti    in queſto mezo venne lora de cenare    portoronno duy plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et laltode carne de porcho cõ ſuo brodo    cenaſſemocõ li medeſimj ſegni et cerimonie poi andaſſemo aL palatio deL re eLqalle era facto como vna teza da fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era edificato ſoura legni groſſi alti de terra qeL ſe conuiene andare cõ ſcalle ne fece ſedere ſopavna ſtora de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli ameza ora fo portato vno piato de peſce bruſtolato in pezi et gengero ꝓ alora colto et vino eL figliolo magiore deL re chera iL principe    vene doue eramo    il re li diſſe q̃ ſedeſſe apreſſo noi et coſſi ſedete    fu portato dui piati vno de peſce cõ lo ſue brodo et laltode rizo acio q̃ mangiaſſemo col principe    il nr̃o compagop̃ tanto bere et mangiare diuento briaco    Vzano ꝓ lume goma de arbore q̃ la quiamão anime voltata in foglie de palma o de figaro    el re ne fece ſegno qeL voleua andare adormire    laſſo cõ nui lo principe cõ qalle dormiſemo ſopavna ſtora de canne cõ coſſini de foglie venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio ꝓ La mano coſſi andaſſemo doue aveuamo cenato ꝓ fare colatiõe ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare    Jnanzi la partita eL re molto alegro ne baſo le mani et noi le ſue    venne cõ nui vno ſuo fratello re dunaltayſola cõ tre homini    Lo capogñale lo retenete adiſnare cõ nui et donoli molte coſe.

When I reached shore, the king raised his handstoward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him231as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion;and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai,232as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The king’s men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.233The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king’s cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished.234While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy.We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig [i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders.235The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king’s eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum of a tree calledanimewrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king came and took me by the hand, and in that manner we went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things.236

Nella yſola de queſto re que conduſſi ale naui ſe troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando la terra    tutti li vaſo de queſto re ſonno de oro etanche alguna parte de dela caſa ſua coſi ne referite Lo medeſimo re ſe gondo lo ſue coſtume era molto in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vedeſſemo fra queſti populi haueua li capili negriſſimi fin alle ſpalle cõ vno velo de ſeta ſopaLo capo et due ſquione grande de horo tacatte ale orechie    portaua vno panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de ſeta q̃ copriua dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga cõ Lo manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de legnio lauorato    in ogni dente haueua tre machie doro q̃ pareuano foſſeno ligati cõ oro    oleua de ſtorac et beligioui    era oliuaſtro et tuto depinto. Queſta ſua yſola ſe chiama butuan et calagan. Quando queſti re ſe voleuano vedere ve neno tuti due aLa caza in queſta yſola doue eramo eL re pimo ſe qiama raia colambu iL ſegundo raia siaui.

Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of thatking are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine],237and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk oh his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.238He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.239When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.240

Domenicha vltimo de marſo giorno de paſca nela matina ꝓ tempo eL capogñale mando il prete cõ alcanti aparechiare ꝓ douere dire meſſa cõ lo interprete a dire al re q̃ nõ voleuamo diſcendere in terra ꝓ diſinar ſecho ma ꝓ aldire meſſa ꝓ ilque Lo re ne mando dui porqimorti    Quando fu hora de meſſa andaſſemo in terra forſe cinquanta huomini nõ armati la ꝓſo na ma cõ le altre nr̃e arme et meglio veſtite q̃ poteſſemo    Jnanzi que aruaſſemo aLa riua cõ li bateli forenno ſcaricati sej pezi de bombarde in ſegnio de pace    ſaltaſſemo in terra    li dui reabraſſarono lo capogñale et Lo meſſeno in mezo de loro andaſſemo in ordinanza fino aL locho conſacrato non molto longi de la riua    Jnanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capobagno tuto eL corpo de li dui re con hacqua moſta da    Se oferſe ala meſſa    li re andorono abaſſiare la croce como nuy ma nõ oferſeno    Quando ſe leuaua lo corpo de nr̃o sorſtauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo cõ le mane gionte    le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno tempo quando ſe leuo Lo corpo de xodando ge Lo ſegnio de la tera cõ li ſchiopetj    finita la meſſa alquanti deli noſtiſe comunicorono    Lo capogenerale fece fare vno ballo cõ le ſpade deque le re hebenno grã piacere    poi fece portare vna croce cõ li quiodi et la coronna alaqaL ſubito fecero reuerentia    li diſſe per Lo interprete como queſto era iL vessilo datoli daLo inperator̃ ſuo ſignore açio in ogni parte doue andaſſe meteſſe queſto ſuo ſegnialle et che voleua meterlo iui ꝓ ſua vtilita ꝓ che ſe veneſſeno algune naue dele nr̃e ſaperianno cõ queſta croce noj eſſere ſtati in queſto locho et nõ farebenno deſpiacere aloro ne ale coſe [coſe:doublet in original MS.] et ſe pigliaſſeno alguno de li ſoi ſubito moſtrandoli queſto ſegnialle le laſſerianno andare et q̃ conueniua meter̃ queſta croce in cima deL piu alto monte que foſſe açio vedendola ogni matina La adoraſſeno et ſeqʒſto faceuano ne troui ne fulmini ni tempeſta li nocerebe in coſa alguna    lo ringratiorno molto et q̃ farebenno ogni coſa volentieriancho li fece dire ſe eranno morj ho gentili o inque credeuão    riſpoſero q̃ nõ adorauão altoſinon alſauano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et q̃ chiamauão Lo ſua dio Abba ꝓ laqaL coſa lo capohebe grande alegreſſa    vedendo queſto eL pimo re leuo le mani aL ciello et diſſe q̃ voria ſe foſſe poſſibille farli veder̃ iL ſuo amore verſo de lui Lo interprete ge diſſe ꝓ qaL cagiõe haueua quiui coſi pocho da mangiare    reſpoſe q̃ nõ habitaua in qʒſto Locho ſe nõ quãdo veniua a La caza et a vedere Lo ſuo fratello ma ſtaua in vna altayſola doue haueua tuta la ſua famiglia    li fece dire ſe haueua Jnimici Lo diceſſe ꝓ cio andarebe cõ queſte naue adeſtrugerli et faria lo hobedirianno    Lo rengratio et diſſe q̃ haueua benne due yſolle nemiche maque alhora nõ era tempo de andarui    Lo Capoli diſſe ſe dio faceſſe q̃ vnaltafiatta ritornaſce in queſte parte conduria tanta gente q̃ farebe ꝓ forſa eſerli ſugette et que voleua andare adiſnare et dapoy tornarebe ꝓ far pore la croce in cima deL monte riſpoſero eranno Contenti facendoſſe vn bata glione cõ ſcaricare li ſquiopeti et abraſandoſi lo capocõ li due re pigliaſſemo liſentia.

Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said;241together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men, without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.242Before we reached the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. Welanded; the two kings embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water.”243The mass was offered up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.244When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.245The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament,246at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made.247He told the kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came,248they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property:doublet in original MS.]. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would harm them in the least. Theythanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly. The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief. They replied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god “Abba.”249Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family were. The captain-general had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him.250The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king’s enemies subject to him by force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave.

Dopo diſnare tornaſſemo tucti in gioponne et andaſsemo inſieme cõ li duy Re neL mezo di in cimadeL piu alto monte q̃ foſſe    Quando ariuaſſemo in cima Lo capogenneralle li diſſe como li era caro hauere ſudato ꝓ loro ꝓ che eſendo iui la croce nõ poteua ſinon grandamẽte Jouarli    et domandoli qaL porto era migliore ꝓ victuuaglie diceſſero q̃ ne erano tre çioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico et ſe proferſenno di darni piloti q̃ ne inſegniarebenno iL viagoLo capogñale li rengratio et delibero de andarli ꝓ q̃ cuſſi voleua la sua infelice ſorte. poſta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater noſter et vna aue maria adorandola coſi li re fecenno    poy deſcendeſſemo ꝓ li ſui campi Lauorattj et andaſſemo doue era lo balanghai    li re feceno portare alquanti cochi açio ſe rinfreſcaſſimo    Lo capoli domando li piloti ꝓ che la matina ſequente voleua partirſi et q̃ li tratarebe como ſe medeſimo Laſandoli vno de li nr̃j ꝓ oſtagio    riſpoſero q̃ ogni ora li voleſſe eranno aL ſuo comãdo    ma nela nocte iL pimo re ſe mudo dopigniõe    La matina quando eramo ꝓ partirſi eL re mando adire aL capogeneralle q̃ per amore ſuo aſpectaſſe duj giornj fin q̃ faceſſe coglire el rizo et altiſui menuti pregandolo mandaſſe alguni homini ꝓ ajutareli açio piu preſto ſe ſpazaſſe q̃ luy medeſimo voleua eſſere lo nr̃o piloto.    lo Capomandoli alguni homini ma li Retanto mangiorono et beueteno q̃ dormiteno tuto il giorno    alguni ꝓ eſcuſarli dicero q̃ haueuano vno pocho de malle ꝓ qeL giorno li noſtinõ fecero niente ma neli altidui ſeguenti lauorono.

After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon251went together with the twokings to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in position, each of us repeated aPater Nosterand anAve Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai was.252The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-general, asking him for love of him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so muchthat they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.253

Vno de queſti populi ne porte force vna ſcudela de rizo cõ octo o dieze figue ligaty inſieme ꝓ baratarli in vno cortello q̃ valeua iL piu tre catrini    eL capovedendo que queſto nõ voleua altoSenon vno cortello lo chiamo ꝓ vedere piu coſe    miſſe mano a la borſa et li volce dare ꝓ qelle coſe vno realL lui noL volſi    lui moſtro vno ducato mancho    lo accepto    al fine li volce dare vno dopionne de duy ducati    nõ volce mai altoq̃ vn corte lo et cuſſi li lo fece dare    Andando vno de li nr̃i in terra ꝓ tore acqua vno de queſti li volce dare vno coronna pontina de oro maſiçio grãde como vna colona ꝓ ſey filce de criſtalino ma iL caponon volce q̃ la bara taſſe açio que in queſto principio ſapeſſero q̃ pritiauamo piu la nr̃a mercantia q̃ Lo ſuo oro.

One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini.254The captain seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain showed him a ducado but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione255worth two ducados, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona256for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more than their gold.257

Queſti populi ſonno gentili    vanno nudi et de pinti    portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno le ſue vergonie    Sonno grandiſſimi beuitori    le ſue femi ne vanno veſtite de tella de arbore de la cinta in giu cõ li capili negri fina in terra    anno forate le orechie et pienne de oro.    Queſta gente ſempre maſticanno vno fruto q̃ Lo quiamano Areca e como vno pero lo taglianno in quatoparti et poi lo volueno nele foglie deL ſuo arburo q̃ le nominanobetre ſonno como foglie di moraro cõ vno poco de calcina et quando le anno bē maſticate le ſputano fora    fanno diuentare la boca rociſſima    Tucti li populi de queſta parte deL mondo le vzanno ꝓ che rinfreſcali molto eL core    Se reſtaſſeno de vzarle morirebenno    in queſta izolla ſonno cany gati porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi limoni miglio panizo ſorgo cera et molto oro    ſta de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui terſi aL artico et cento et ſeſanta dui de longitudine della linea de La ripartitiõe et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada et ſe chiama Mazaua

Those people are heathens,258and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies.259They are very heavy drinkers.260Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they callareca, and which resembles a pear. They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leavesof their tree which they callbetre[i.e., betel]. Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.261It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo,262wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.263

Steſsemo sette giorni quiui    poi pigliaſſemo la via deL maiſtrale paſſando facinqʒ yſolle cioe Ceylon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan    in queſta yſola de gatigan ſonno barbaſtili grandi como aquille    ꝓ q̃ era tardi ne amaçaſſemo vno    era como vna galina aL mangiare ge ſonno colombi tortore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine cõ la coda lõga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua li meteno ſoto la ſabia ꝓ lo grã caldo li crea Quando ſonno naſciuti alzano la arena et vieneno fora    queſti oui ſonno bony de mangiare.    De mazaua agatighan ſonno vinti leghe    partendone da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne puote ſeguir̃ ꝓ che lo eſpectaſſemo circa tre yſolle cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gionſe molteſe marauiglio deL nr̃o nauigare Lo capogñale lo fece mõ tare nela ſua naue cõ alguni ſoi principali dilque hebero piacere et coſſi andaſſemo in zubu da gatighan azubu ſonno quindice legue.

We remained there seven days, after which we laid our course toward the northwest, passing among264five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.265In the last-named island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them,266which resembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtledoves,267parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand, through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, andPozon.268When he caught up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leguas.269

Domeniga a sete de apille amezo di intraſſemo neL porto de Zubu paſſando per molti vilagij vedeuamo molte caze facte ſopra li arbori Apropinquãdone ala cita Lo capogñale comando le naui sinbanderaſſeno furono Calate le velle et poſte amodo de bataglia et ſcarico tuta lartigliaria ꝓ ilque queſti populi hebero grandiſſima paura    Lo capomando vno ſuo alieuo cõ lo interprete inbaſſiatore aL re de Zubo.    Quando ariuorono nela cita trouorono Jnfiniti huomini inſieme cõ Lo re tuti pauroſi ꝓ le bombarde    linterprete li diſſe queſto eſere nr̃o coſtume intrando in ſimili luogui in ſegnio de pace et amiſitia et ꝓ honnorare lo re deL luogo ſcaricauamo tuctele bombarde    eL re et tucti li ſuoi ſe aſegurorono et fece dire ali noſtiꝓ lo ſuo gouuernatore q̃ voleuamo    linterprete riſpoſe como eL ſuo ſigniore era capodeL magiore re et principe foſſe neL mondo et q̃ andaua adiſcourir̃ malucho ma ꝓ la ſua bonna fama Como haueua Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto ſolamente ꝓ vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia cõ la ſua merchadantia li diſſe q̃ in bonna hora foſſe venuto ma q̃ haueua queſta vzanſa tutte le naui q̃ intrauano neL porto ſuo pagauão tributu et q̃ nõ eranno quatogichevno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de ſchiaui li haueua dato tributo et ꝓ ſegnio di queſto li moſtro vno mer chadante de çiama que era reſtato ꝓ merchadantare oro et ſquiaui    Lo interprete li diſſe como eL ſuo ſigniore ꝓ eſſere capode tanto grã re non pagaua tributo ad alguno ſigniore deL mondo et ſe voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ſe non guerra guera Alhoro eL moro merchadante diſſe aL re Cata raia chita çioe garba ben ſigniore queſti ſonno de qelli q̃ anno conquiſtato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia magiore    Si bene ſi li fa ben ſe a ſe male male et pegio como anno facto a calicut et amalaca    linterprete Jnteſo lo tuto et diſſegli qeL re de ſuo ſigniore era piu potente de gente et de nauj q̃ Lo re de portogalo et era re de ſpagnia et Jmperator̃ de tuttj li xp̃iani et ſe nõ voleua eſſerli amicho li mandaria vnaltafiata tanta gente qeL deſtruerião iL moro naro ogni coſa aL re alhora li diſſe ſe conſigliarebe cõ li ſui et nel di ſeguente li riſponderebe poy fece portare vna colatiõe de molte viuãde tute de carne poſte in piati de porcelane cõ molti vazi di vino    data La Colatiõe li noſtiretornoronno et ne diſſero lo tuto    iL re de mazaua q̃ era lo pimo dopo queſto re et ſigniore de alcante yſolle ando in tera ꝓ dire al re la grande cortezia deL nr̃o capogenneralle.

At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them270that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured, and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho;271but that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that itwas but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to the kingCata raia chitathat is to say,272“Look well, sire.” “These men are the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major].273If they are treated well, they will give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and Malaca.” The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master’s king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend274he would next time send so many men that they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king,275who said thereupon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of Mazaua,276who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general.

Luni matina iL nr̃o ſcriuão inſieme cõ linterprete andorono in zubu    vene iL re con li ſui principali in piaza et fece ſedere li noſtiapreſſo lui    li diſe ſe piu duno capoera in qʒſta compania et ſeL voleua lui pagaſſe tributo aL imperatore ſuo Sor. riſpoſe de nõ ma voleua ſolamente merchadantaſe cõ lui et non con altidiſſe q̃ era contento et ſe Lo caponr̃o voleua eſſere ſuo amicho li mandaſſe von pocho de ſangue deL ſuo bracio drito et coſſi farebe luy ꝓ ſegnio de piu vera amiſitia    reſpoſe q̃ Lo faria    poy Lo re li diſſe como tucti li capiq̃ veniuão quiui se dauano pñti luno cõ laltoet ſe Lo nr̃o capoolui doueua comenſare    linterprete li diſſe poy q̃ lui voleua mantegnire queſto coſtume cominciaſſe et cuſſi comenſo.

Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship.277The notary answered that the captain would do it. Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our captain or he ought to commence.278The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, and so he did.279

Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne ale naui    ſaluto lo capitano gñale da parte diL re et diſcelli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu victuuaglia poteua ꝓ darnela et como mandarebe dopo diſnare vno ſuo nepote con dui otre de ſui principali ꝓ fare la pace.    lo capogñale fece armare vno de le ſue ꝓprie arme et feceli dire como tuti nuy combateuamo de qella ſorta; iL moro molto ſi ſpauento    iL capoli diſſe nõ ſi ſpauentaſſe perche le nr̃e ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici etaſpere ali nemici    et coſi como li fazoli aſciugano yl ſudore coſi le nr̃e arme ateranno et deſtrugeno tuti li aduerſarj et maleuoli de La nr̃a fede fece queſto acio el moro q̃ pareua eſſere piu aſtuto de li altilo diceſſe aL re.

Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to make peace. The captain-general had one of his men armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be frightened for our arms were softtoward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those who hate our faith.280The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others, might tell it to the king.

Dopo diſnare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re q̃ era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuernatore et iL barizello magiore cõ octo principali ꝓ fare La pace con noi    Lo capogñale ſedendo in vna cadedra de veluta roſſa li prin cipali in ſedie de corame et li altiin tera ſoura ſtore li diſſe ꝓ Lo interprete ſe Lo ſuo coſtume era de parlare in ſecreto houero in publico et Se queſto principe col re de mazaua haueuão potere de fare la pace    riſpoſero q̃ parla vano in publico et q̃ coſtoro haueuão iL potere de far la pace    Lo capodiſſe molte coſe ſoura la pace et qeL pregaua ydio la confirmaſſe in cielo    diſcero que may nõ haueuão aldite cotalle parolle et que pigliauão grã piacere a vdir le    Vedendo Lo capoq̃ queſto volenti eri aſcoltauão et reſpondeuão li comincio dire coſe per indurli ala fede: Domando qaL dopo la morte deL re ſuccedeſſe aLa sa. riſpoſe q̃ Lo re nõ haueua figlioli ma figliole et q̃ queſto ſuo nipote haueua ꝓ moglie la magiore percio era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno vequi non ſi honorauão piu mali figlioli li comandauão    lo capoli diſſe como ydio fece Lo ciello La terra Lo mare et tucte le altecoſe et como inpoſſe ſedoueſſeno honnorare li padri et madri et qialtramẽte faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como tuti deſcendeuão de adam et eua noſtiprimi parenti et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre coſe pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li ſuplicorono voleſſe laſarli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li amayſtraſſe ne La fede et che li farebẽo grande honnore    gli reſpoſe q̃ alhora nõ poteua laſciarli alguno ma ſe vole uão eſſere xp̃iano Lo prete nr̃o li baptezarebe et q̃ vnaltafiata menaria preti et frati queli inſegniarebẽo la fede nr̃a    riſpoſero que pima voleuão parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno xp̃iani    lagrimaſſemo tuti ꝓ la grande alegreza Lo capoli diſce q̃ non ce facero xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma vo lontariamẽte et acoloro q̃ voleuão viuere ſecondo la ſua lege nõ li farebe facto diſpiacer alguno mali xp̃iani ſerianno meglio viſti et caregiati q̃ li altiTuti gridaronno aduna voce q̃ nõ ſe faceuão xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma ꝓ ſua ſpontanea volontate    Alhora li diſſe q̃ ſi deuentauão xp̃iani gli Laſſarebe vna armatura ꝓ che cuſſi li era ſtato inpoſto deL ſuo re et como nõ poteuão vzare cõ le ſue donne eſendo gentilli ſenza grandiſſimo pecato et como li aſeguraua q̃ eſſendo xiani non li aparerebe piu eL domonio ſinon neL ponto extremo de la ſua morte diceno q̃ no ſapeuano reſponderli ꝓ le ſue belle parolle ma ſe rimeteuano nele ſuemanj et faceſſe de loro como de ſoy fideliſſimi ſeruitori    Lo capopiangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna mano del principe et vna deL re fra le ſue li diſſe ꝓ la fede portaua a dio et alimperator̃ ſuo ſigniore et ꝓ Lo habito q̃ haueua li prometeua q̃ li daua la pace ꝓpe tua col re deſpagnia    reſpoſero que lo ſimille prometeuão    Coneluſa la pace Lo capofece dare vna colatiõe    poy lo principe et re preſentarono aL capoda parte deL ſuo re alquanti ceſtoni de rizo porci capre et galine et li diſcero li perdonaſce ꝓ cio taL coſe erano pocque avno ſimille alui    Lo capodono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella ſotiliſſima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chriſtalino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri ſonno molto apreciati in queſte parte.    AL re di mazaua nõ li deto alguno pñte ꝓ che gia li aueua dato vna veſte de cambaya con altre coſe et ali altri aqivna coſa aqivnalto.    Mando poy aL re de zubu ꝓ mi et vnaltovna veſte de ſeta gialla et morella aguisa Turcheſca vno bonnet roſo fino alquante filce de criſtalino poſto ogni coſa in vno piato dargento et dui biqui eri dorati in mano    Quando focemo nela cita trouaſſemo Lo re in ſuo palatio cõ molti homini q̃ ſe deua in tera ſoura vna ſtora di palma    haueua ſola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale ſue ꝟgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato aguchia vna Colana aL colo de grã precio due ſquione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie cõ petre precioſe atorno    era graſſo et picolo et depinto cõlo fuocho a diuerſe maniere mangiaua in tera ſoura vnaltaſtora oui de bissascutelaza poſti in dui vazi de porcelañ et haueua dinanzi quatovazi piennj de vino de palma ſerati con erbe odiri fere et ficati catro cannuti con ogni vno cõ queſti beueua. Facta la debita reuerentia linterprete li diſſe como lo ſuo ſigniore lo rengratiaua molto deL ſuo pñte et que li mandaua queſto nõ ꝓ il ſuo ma ꝓ lo trinſicho amore li portaua    li veſteſſemo la veſte gli poneſſemo iL bonnet in capo et li deſſemo le altre coſe et poy baſandoli vetri et ponendoli ſoura lo capo le li preſentai et facendo lui eL ſimilli li accepto poi iL re ne fece mãgiare de qelli oui et bere con qelli canuti li altiſui in queſto mezo gli diſſero lo parlamtodeL capoſopala pace et lo exortamento ꝓ farli xp̃iani iL Re ne volce te ner ſecho acene    li diceſſemo non poteuamo aloro reſtare pigliata la liſentia iL principe ne meno ſeco a caſa ſua doue ſonauano catro fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nr̃o ma era poſta in tera    Vnaltadaua vno legnio facto alcanto groſſo neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate mo in la vna mo in laltaLaltain vna borquia grande col medeſimo modo. La vltima cõ due brochiete in mão dando luna ne laltafaceua vno ſuaue ſonno tanto atempo ſonauão que pareua haueſſeno grã ragion deL canto Queſte eranno aſay belle et bian quecaſi como le noſtre et coſi grande    eranno nude ſinon q̃ haueuão tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL ginoquio et algune tute nude col pichieto dele orechie grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo tene tondo et largo cõ li capeli grandi et negri et cõ vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et ſempre diſcalce iL principe ne fece balare cõ tre tutte nude    merendaſſemo et dapoy veniſſemo ale naui    Queſte borchie ſonno de metalo et ſe fanno ne La regiõe deL ſignio magno q̃ e detta La China    Quiui le vzanno Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon.

After dinner the king’s nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men281on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace.282They answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, he was answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, they received no further honor, but their children commanded them. The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else,and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal spirit;283and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to leave them two men, or at least one,284to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor. The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, but that if they wished to become Christians, our priest would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king, and that then they would become Christians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them that they should not become Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free wills;285and that he would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, but that the Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,286for so had his king commanded him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great, sin, since they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer appear to them except in the last moment at their death.287They said that they could not answer the beautiful words of thecaptain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and clasping one of the prince’s hands and one of the king’s between his own, said to them that, by his faith in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by the habit which he wore,288he promised them that he would give them perpetual peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same. After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other articles.289To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.290When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with the needle about his head, a necklace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings fastened in his ears set roundwith precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire291in various designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank.292Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him.293We dressed him in the robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we told him that we could not stay then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took us with him to his house, where four young girls were playing [instruments]—one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one would believe they possessed good musical sense.Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white as our girls and as large. They were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees. Some were quite naked and had large holes in their ears with a small round piece of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round and large. They have long black hair, and wear a short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. The prince had three quite naked girls dance for us. We took refreshments and then went to the ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno294which is called China. They are used in those regions as we use bells and are calledaghon.295

Mercore matina ꝓ eſſere morto vno deli noſtinella nocte paſſata linterprete et yo andaſſemo adomander aL re doue lo poteriamo ſe pelire trouaſſemo Lo re aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita reuerenſia li lo diſſe riſpoſe ſe io et li mey vaſalli ſemo tucti deL tuo ſigniore Quãto magiormtedebe eſſere la terra et li dice como voleuamo conſacrare il luoco et meterlj vna croce    riſpoſe que era molto contento et q̃ la voleua adorare como nuy altifu ſepolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio poteſſemo ꝓ darli bõ exempio et poy la conſacraſſemo    ſultardi ne sepeliſſemo vno altoportaſſemo molta merchantia in terra et la meteſſemo in vna caſa qaL el re Latolſe ſoura ſua fede et Quatro homini q̃ eranno reſtati per merchadantare in groſſo. Queſti populi viueno cõ Juſtitia peſo et mezura    amano la pace lotio etlaquiete    anno bilancie de legnio    lo legnio a vna corda neL mezo cõ LaqaL ſetiene duno capo e piombo et delaltoſegni como carti terci et librr̃ Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belanſia ch̃ e cõ tre filli como le nr̃e et la meteno ſoura li ſegni et cuſi peſano Juſto    anno mezure grandiſſime ſenza fondo    le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como le nr̃e et le chiamano Subin    le caſe ſonno de legni de taule et de cane edificate ſopapali groſſi alti de terra q̃ biſognia andarui dentocõ ſcalle et anno camare como le nr̃e ſoto le caſe teneno li porci capre et galine ſe trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL vedere q̃ amazano le balene leqalle le Jnguiotano viui Quando loro ſonno neL corpo veneno fuora deL ſuo coperto et li magiano eL core    Queſta gente le trouano poi viui apreſſo deL core dele ballenne morte    Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto biancho et La carne    Sonno boni da mangiare et le chiamano laghan.

On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had died during the previous night, the interpreter and I296went to ask the king where we could bury him. We found the king surrounded by many men, of whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked it.297He replied, “If I and my vassals all belong to your sovereign, how much more ought the land.” I told the king that we would like to consecrate the place,298and to set up a cross there. He replied that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the place, and in the evening buried another man. We carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we stored in a house. The king took it under his care as well as four men who were left to trade the goods by wholesale.299Those people live in accordance with justice, and have weights and measures. They lovepeace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other marks like quarter-libras, third-libras, and libras. When they wish to weigh they take the scales which has three wires like ours, and place it above the marks, and so weigh accurately.300They have very large measures without any bottom.301The youth play on pipes made like ours which they callsubin. Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found there which kill whales. For the whale swallows them alive, and when they are in the whale’s body, they come out of their shells and eat the whale’s heart. Those people afterward find them alive near the dead whale’s heart. Those creatures have black teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good to eat. They are calledlaghan.302

Vennere li moſtraſſemo vna botega pienna de le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ ilque reſtoronno molto admirati ꝓ metalle fero et laltamerchantia groſſa ne dauano horo ꝓ le altre menute ne dauão riſo porci et capre cõ altre vi tuualgie    Queſti populi ne dauano x peci de oro ꝓ xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo duno ducato emezo    Lo capogñale non volſe ſe pigliaſſe tropo oro perque ſarebe ſtato alguno marinaro q̃ hauerebe dato tuto Lo ſuo ꝓ vno poco de oroet haueria diſconciato Lo trafigo ꝓ semper    Sabato ꝓ hauer̃ ꝓmeſſo Lo re aL capode farſi xp̃iano ne la dominicha ſe fece ne la piaza q̃ era ſacrata vno tribunalle adornato de tapiſſeria et rami de palma ꝓ baptizarlo et mandoli adire q̃ nella matina nõ haueſe paure dele bombarde per cio era noſtocoſtume ne le feſte magiore deſcaricar̃ ſenza pietre.

On Friday we showed those people a shop full of our merchandise,303at which they were very much surprised. For metals, iron, and other large merchandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii libras of iron304(one piece being worth about one and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not wish to take too much gold, for there would have been some sailors who would have given all that they owned for a small amount of gold, and would havespoiled the trade for ever.305On Saturday, as the captain had promised the king to make him a Christian on Sunday, a platform was built in the consecrated square, which was adorned with hangings and palm branches for his baptism. The captain-general sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of the pieces that would be discharged in the morning, for it was our custom to discharge them at our greatest feasts without loading with stones.306

Domeniga matina a Quatordize de apille andaſſemo in terra Quaranta hõj cõ duy homini tucti armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle    Quante diſmõ taſſemo ſe tira tucta lartigliaria    Queſti populi ſiguião diqua et de la Lo capoet lo re ſe abraciorono li diſſe q̃ la bandera realle nõ ſi portaua in terra ſinon cõ cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati et cõ cinquanta ſchiopeteri ma ꝓ lo ſuo grande amore coſi la haueua portata    poi tuti alegri andaſſemo preſſo aL tribunalle    Lo capoet Lo re ſedeuão in cathedre de veluto roſſo et morello li principalli in cuſſini li altiſoura ſtore    lo Capodiſſe aL re ꝓ lo interprete ringratiaſſe ydio ꝓ cio lo haueua inſpirato a farſe xp̃ano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li ſui nemiſi q̃ prima    riſpoſe q̃ voleua eſſere xp̃iano ma alguni ſui principali nõ voleuano ho bedire ꝓ che diceuano eſſere cuſſi homini como lui    alhora lo nr̃o capofece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et diſſeli ſenon hobediuão aL re como ſuo re li farebe amazare et daria la ſua roba aL re    Riſpoſeno lohebedirebẽo    diſſe aL re ſe andaua in ſpagnia retornarebe vnaltavolta cõ tanto potere q̃ lo faria Lo magior re de qelle parte per che era ſtato pimo a voler farſe xp̃iano    leuando li many aL ciello Lo rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly ſoy rimaneſſe açio meglio lui et li ſui populi focero inſtructi nelafede Lo caporeſpoſe que ꝓ Contentarlo li Laſſarebe duy ma voleua menar ſeco dui fanciulli deli principalli acio in paraſſeno la linga nr̃a et poi aLa ritornato ſapeſſero dire aqueſti altri le coſe deſpagnia    ſe miſſe vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza    Lo capoli diſſe ſeſi voleuão far xp̃iani Como haueuão deto nelli giornj paſſati li biſogniaua bru ſare tucti li ſui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni di cõ le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo farſi lo ſegnio de La croce moſtrandoli como li faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doueſſeno veni re a queſta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et qeL q̃ haueuão Ja deto voleſer̃ cõ le bonne opere confirmarlo    el re cõ tucti li altivoleuão confirmare lo tucto    lo capogñale li diſſe como ſera veſtito tuto de biancho ꝓ moſtrarli Lo ſuo ſincero amore verſo de loro    riſpoſero ꝓ li ſui dolci paroli nõ ſaperli reſpondere. Con queſte bonne parolle lo capoconduſſe lo re ꝓ la mão ſuL tribunalle ꝓ baptizarlo etdiſſeli ſe chiameria don carlo como alinperator̃ ſuo ſigniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello delinperator̃ al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno principalle fernando como iL principalle noſtoçioe Lo capo. Al moro xoforo poy ali altiaqivno nome et aqivno altoforenno baptizati inanzi meſſa cinque cento hominj    Vdita la meſſa lo capoconuito adiſnar ſeco lo re cõ altri principali    nõ volſero ne acompagniarono fina ala riua    le naui ſcaricorono tutte le bombarde et abrazandoſe preſſero Combiatto.

On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore, two of whom were completely armed and preceded the royal banner.307When we reached land all the artillery was fired.308Those people followed us hither and thither. The captain and the king embraced. The captain told the king that the royal banner was not taken ashore except with fifty men armed as were those two, and with fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him that he had thus brought the banner.309Then we all approached the platform joyfully. The captain and the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet,310the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats.311The captain told the king through the interpreter that he thanked God for inspiring him to became a Christian; and that [now] he would more easily conquer his enemies than before. The king replied that he wished to become a Christian, but that some of his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said that they were as good men as he. Then our captain had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he would have them killed, and would give their possessions to the king. They replied that they wouldobey him. The captain told the king that he was going to Spagnia, but that he would return again with so many forces that he would make him the greatest king of those regions, as he had been the first to express a determination to become a Christian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked the captain, and requested him to let some of his men remain [with him], so that he and his people might be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs with him, so that they might learn our language, who afterward on their return would be able to tell the others the wonders [cose] of Spagnia. A large cross was set up in the middle of the square. The captain told them that if they wished to become Christians as they had declared on the previous days, that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross in their place. They were to adore that cross daily with clasped hands, and every morning after their [i.e., the Spaniards’] custom, they were to make the sign of the cross (which the captain showed them how to make); and they ought to come hourly, at least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneeling. The intention that they had already declared, they were to confirm with good works. The king and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. The captain-general told the king that he was clad all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward them. They replied that they could not respond to his sweet words. The captain led the king by the hand to the platform while speaking these good words in order to baptize him. He told the kingthat he would call him Don Carlo, after his sovereign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after the emperor’s brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, now one name, and now another. Five hundred men were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and some of the other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompanying us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs and the captain took leave of one another.312

Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La reyna laqalle venne cõ quaranta dame la conduceſſemo ſopalo tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura vno coſſino et lalteZirca ella fin qeL prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine de La nr̃a donna vno bambino di legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ piangendo domando lo bateſimo la nomina ſemo Johanna como la madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola moglie deL principe Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre ognuna lo ſuo nome    bap tizaſſemo octo cento anime fra homini donne et fanciulli    la regina era Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et nero haueua la bocha et le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in circa de le medeſme foglie como qella deL papa    ne may va in alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte    ne demando iL banbino ꝓtenerlo in locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti    ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime perſonne vennerono aL lito    lo capoalhora fece tirare molte trombe de fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃    eL capoet lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli    Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ    Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni forenno baptizati tucti de queſta yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re ne a noy la qalle era in vna yſola vicina aqueſta    poneſſemo quiui la croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno gentilli    ſe foſſero ſtato mori li hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha li gentilli.

After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.313We named her Johanna, after the emperor’s mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.314The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she wore a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,315with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.316She asked us to give her the little childJesus to keep in place of her idols;317and then she went away. In the afternoon,318the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.319The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king’s name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other island, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathen. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen.

Jn queſti giorni lo capogñalle andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de La fede    La regina vene vno giorno cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa    tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle et cõ Lo ſuo capello    aſaiſſime donne la ſeguiuão leqalle erão tute nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno paniocolo de tella de palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li capilli ſparſi    La regina facta la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſupavno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capola ba gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de hacqua roza muſchiata moltoſe delectauão de talle odore    ſapendo Lo capoqeL bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ che era in memoria deL figloL de dio    ringratiandolo molto lo accepto.

The captain-general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.320One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.321She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedinglyin such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of her idols, for it was in memory322of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it.

Vno giorno lo capogñale inanzi meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se chiamaua bendara vno altofratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti altique laſſo ꝓ non eſſere longo    fece tuti q̃ſti Jurare eſſere hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno la mano poi fece qeL re deſſere ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re deſpagnia    coſi lo Juro    alhora iL capocauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la ymagina de nr̃a donna et diſſe aL re Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto doueriaſi morire que aromper vno ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de limperator̃ ſuo se. et ꝓ il ſuo habito deſſerle ſempre fidelle    facto queſto lo capodonno aL re vna cathedra de veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore ſuo et diſce aL capoComo faceua far vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laqaL era due ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali oreqie due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre precioſe ꝓadornare le orechie    Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande liqalli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno panno de tella de la cinta fina aL ginochio.

Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king’s brother and prince’s father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king’s brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.323The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter’s hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.324Thereupon, the captain drew his Sword before the image of our Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,325if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten326in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other preciousgems to adorn327the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.

JL capogñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et ali altiꝓ qaL cagionne nõ bruzauão li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly ſacrificaua tanta Carne    riſpoſero qeL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli li daſſe ſalute laqeL non parlaua Ja catogiorni    era fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de La yſolo Lo capogli diſſe q̃ bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che varamẽte credeua in chriſto faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que non poteua parlare ne mouerſe    Lo baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et x donzelle poi lo capoli fece dire como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe como ꝓ la gracade nr̃o sor. ſtaua aſſay benne    Queſto fu vno manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi noſtiQuando Lo capoLo vdi parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia laueua facta fare ꝓ lui    poi mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa oleorozato et algune conſerue de zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni qeL comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie in caſa ſua in p̃ntia deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece diſfare molti tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare neliqalli mangiauão la carne conſacrata    Loro medeſimi Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia    li rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li parti de drieto    anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ quatodenti grandiſſimj como porci cingiari et ſonno tucti depintj

One day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians; and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince’s brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater,oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,328in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and destroyed329those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life, they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king’s house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over.

Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li nomi de leqalle et deli suoi et deli ſuiprincipaliſonno queſti Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et vnaltalubucun    Tucti qʒſti ne hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan laqaL faceua Lo porto doue eramo iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu    Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaia

There are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.330All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan, which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia.

Açio que vr̃a ilLmasaſapia le Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonanoqelle borchie grandi poi ſe porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in foglie con peche bruſtolato. Laltocon panne de Cambaia et due banderete di palma    Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende in terra    poi veneno duy femine Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno tronbonne de cana in mão    Quando ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et piglia vnaltofaciolo ne le manj et balando et ſunando con qello chiama iL ſolle    laltapiglia vna de qelle banderete et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle    Quella deL faciolo piglia laltabandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla tacitamẽte aL ſolle et qeLa altali riſponde    poy aqella de li corni li e apreſentato vna taça de vino et balando et dicendo certe parolle et laltareſpondendoli et facendo vista catoho cinque volte de beuere eL vino ſparge qello ſoura eL core deL porcho    poy ſubito torna aballare    a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle ſempre tute due balando et moſtrã do catoho cinque volte de dare [de dare:doublet in original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza Lo paſſa da parte aparte    preſto ſi ſera la ferita con erbaqe’lla q̃ amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laqalle ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte Ceremonie LaltacoL capo deL trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo dito La fronte pima ali ſoi mariti poy ali altima nõ veñeroño may a noi    poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et Conuitano Senon femine    Lo porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni ſuno altoque Le vequie conſacrano La carne di porcho et nõ La magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de queſta ſorte.

In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those largegongs.331Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia332and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and making pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped333withgrass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.334The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.335

Queſti populi vano nudi portano ſolamente vno pezo de tella de palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo membro circa dela teſta de luna parte alaltacon vno fero de oro houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna penna de ocha et in vno capo et laltodeL medeſimo fero alguni anno Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li capi alticomo vna teſta de chiodo da caro    aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi vedere da molti coſi veqiComo Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere    neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ ilqalle vrinano    iL fero et le ſtelle ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli    quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a meterſi dentoopimo qella ſtella de ſoura et poy LaltaQuanto edentodiuenta in ordine et cuſi ſempre ſta dentofin que diuenta molle perche altramẽti nõ Loporianno cauare fuora.    Queſti populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de debille natura    anno Quante moglie voleno ma vna principalle    Se vno deli nr̃i andaua in tera coſi dedi Como de nocte ogni uno Lo Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et qeL beueſſe    Le ſue viuande ſonno mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno ſpeſſo et molto con qelli ſui Cannuti dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore vno ſuo mangiare    Le donne amauão aſay piu noy que queſti atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de qelli ſui membrj.

Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm-tree cloth about336their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwisethey could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.337Whenever any of our men went ashore, both by day and by night, every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars338through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men’s penises.339

Quando vno deli ſui principali emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie    pima mente tutte le donne principale de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte    in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna caſa    in torno la caſa poneno corde a mo do duno ſtecato neliqali atachano molti ramy de arbore    in mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu principali tute coperte de panne bianqide bombaſo per vna donzella ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno ſparauentolo di palma    le alteſedeanno intorno la camera meſte    poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto vnaltaq̃ era ſtata la moglie principale deL morto giaceua ſoura lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue many et li ſui piedi con qelli deL morto.    Quando qella tagliaua li capilj queſta piangeua et Quando reſtaua de tagliarliqueſta Cantaua    atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et ſupaqello mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano olere la caſa grandemẽte    lo teneno in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte Cerimonie    Credo ſia onto de canfora    poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de legni. ogni nocte in queſta cita circa de la meza nocte veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua quatoocinque ore queL ſuo gridare et vrlare    nõ ne volſeno may dire la cagiõ de queſto.

They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief340women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.341Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are manyporcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.342Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that screeching and howling would last for four or five hours,343but those people would never tell us the reason of it.

Vennere a vintiſey de aqilLe Zula principale de qella yſola matan mando vno ſuo figliolo con due capre apreſentarle aL capogñale et dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de laltoprincipalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua potuto mandarglila et que neLa nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe ſolamente vno batello pienno de homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et combateria    Lo capogñale delibero de andarui cõ tre batelli    Lo pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme col re xp̃iano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno ariuaſſemo a matan    Lo caponon volſe Combater alhora mali mando adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano hobedireaL re de spagnia et recognioſcere Lo re xp̃iano ꝓ ſuo se. et darne lo nr̃a tributo li ſarebe amicho maſe voleuano altramente aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃e Lance    riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte et pali bruſtolate et que nõ andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le caze ꝓ farne caſcare dento.    Venuto Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina ale coſſie caranta noue homini et cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de baleſtainanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto    li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL acqua    li altivndici homini reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli    Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ fiancho et Laltoꝓ contro.    Lo capoquã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de tauole ſotille et li brazi    Lo cappogridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li valeua niente. Quando queſti viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in vano gridando deliborono a ſtar forte ma molto piu gridauão    Quando erano deſcarigati li ſquiopetimay nõ ſtauano fermi ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie Lance de canna alguno di fero aL capogñalle pali pontini bruſtolati pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo capogñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze deuentorono piu fero    ci apreſſo de le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo    ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba drita aL capoper il que comando q̃ ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o octo cõ lo capitanio    Queſti non ne tirauão in altoſinon ale gambe per q̃ erano nude    ꝓ tante Lancie et pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo reſiſtere    le bombarde de li batelli ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de la riua ſempre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne ſeguitoro et repigliando vna medeſima Lancie quatooſey volte ne La Lanciauano    queſti Connioſſendo Lo capotanti ſi voltorono ſopade lui q̃ dui volte li botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre ſtaua forte cõ alguni altipiu de vno hora coſſi combateſſemo et non volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui    ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar demano a La ſpada non puote cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo    Quando viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo alui    vno cõ vno grã terciado che e como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ Laqalle caſco coL volto inanzi    subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie de fero et de cana et con qelli ſui terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃a amazarono    Quando lo feriuão molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ vedere ſe eramo tucti dentoneli bateli    poi vedendolo morto aL meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão    Lo re xp̃iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo capoinanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que modo Combateuão    Quando lo re ſepe como era morto piance ſe non era queſto pouero caponiuno de noy Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando lui Combateua li altiſe retiravão ali batelli. Spero in vr̃a IlLmasaLa fama duno ſi generoſo caponon debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſtifra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima fortuna q̃ may alguno altofoſſe ſupõ taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li altiet piu Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente ninguno altohauer̃ auuto tantoJngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta aL Sabato vintiſete de apille 1521. iL capoLa volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaqalle foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃i et catoJndij facto xp̃iani dale bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici Se non Quindici ma molti de noy feriti.

On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,344sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the kingof Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.345They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the nativeswould never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body. Then, tryingto lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,346which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts347and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talentnor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.348The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,349and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded.

Dopo diſnare le re xp̃iano mando adire cõ Lo noſtoconſentimẽto aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare lo capocon li altimorti q̃ li dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ memoria ſua.

In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.350

Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo capoqelli catoq̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare fecero portare le noſtre merchantie alle naui    poy faceſſemo dui gu bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe parente deL capo. et Johã ſeranno ſpagniolo    linterprete nr̃o q̃ ſe chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare le coſe nr̃e neceſſarie ma ſtaua ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la naue capali grido et diſſegli ſe benne e morto Lo capoſuo se. ꝓ queſto non era libero anzi voleuaQuando foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL capogñale et minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et moſtro de non far cõto de queſte parolle et ando in tera adire al re xp̃iano Como ſe voleuão partire preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nr̃e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente que pima

On Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,351a Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.352As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would seeto it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should still be the slave of Doña Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.353And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king354that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning355than before.

Mercore matina pimo de magio Lo re xp̃ono mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano preparate le gioie haueu    ꝓmeſſo de mandare aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ li altiſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho qella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono 24 homini in tera    cõ queſti ando Lo nr̃o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. martín de siuilla yo non li pote andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de freza venenata che haueua nela fronte    Jouan caruaio cõ Lo barizello tornorono indietro et ne diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per che dubitauão de qalque malle    nõ diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti    ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele caſe ne aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ doueſſemo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno    lidomandaſſemo ſe tucti li alticon lo interprete erano morti    diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo linterprete ne prego molto Lo doueſſemo reſcatare cõ qalque merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera    Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a Johan caruiao ſuo compadre    ſubito ſe partiſſemo    nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo lui reſtaſſe.

On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders that the jewels356which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martín de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable357returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.358Consequently, they had left that place, because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would killhim.359We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.360But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.361

Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte ſorte vino de palma et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente laltaaL grego et leuante    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe cento ſexanta catogradi et ſe chiama Zubu    Quiui inanzi q̃ moriſſe lo capogenneralle haueſſemo noua de malucho    Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ corde de ramo.

In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,362gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.363It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances—one to the west and the other to the east northeast.364It lies in x degrees365of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-four366degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.

Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili.

AL homo:lacALa donnaparanpaonALa Jouenebeni beniAla maritatababayAli capillibo hoAL vizoguayAle palpebrepilacAle cigliechilei.Al ocquiomatta.AL nazoJlon.Ale maſſelleapinAli labrioloL.A la boccababa.A li dentinipinAle gengiueleghex.Ala lingadillaAlle orechiedelengan.Ala golaliogh.AL collotangipAL mentoq̃ilan.ALa barbabonghotAle ſpallebagha.A la ſchenalicud.AL petodughanAL corpotiamSoto li braciJlotAL braciobotchenAL gomedoſicoAL polſomolanghaiALa manocamatA la palma de la manpalanAL ditodudloAla ongiacocoAL LombelicopuſutAL membrovtinAli teſticolibotoAla natura de le donnebillatAL vzar cõ loroJiamAle cullateſamputAla coſsapahaAL ginochiotuhud.AL Schinchobaſsag baſsagALa polpa de la gambabitisALa cauechiabolboLAL calcagniotiochidAla ſolla deL pieLapa lapaAL horobalaoanAL argentopillaAL LatonconcachAL ferobutanAle canne dolcetubeAL cuchiarogandanAL rizobughax barasAL melledeghexALa ceratalhoAL ſalleacinAL vinotuba nio nipaAL bereMinuncubiLAL mangiaremaCan.AL porchobabuiALa capracandinALa galinamonochAL migliohumasAL ſorgobatatAL panizodanaAL peueremaniſſaAli garofolichianche.ALa Cannellamana.AL gengeroluiaAL ayoLaxunaAli naranſiacſuaAL ouoſilogAL cocolubi.AL accetozluchaAL acquatubinAL fuocoClayo.AL fumoassu.AL ſofiaretigban.Alle belancietinbanAL pezotahiLAla perlamutiara.Ale madre de le perletipay.Ala zampogniaSubinAL mal de stoJob.Alupalanportamepalatin comoricaAcerte fogacie de rizotinapaibuonomainNõti da leAL cortellocapol ſundanAle forficecatleA tosarechunthinchAL homo ben hornatopixaoAla tellabalandanA li panni q̃ ſe coprenoAbacaAL conagliocolon colonAli pater nr̃j dogni ſortetacleAL petinecutlei miſsamisAL pentinaremonssughud.ALa CamizaSabun.ALa gugia de coſiredaghuAL cuſiremamisA La porcelanamobulucAL canaaian ydoAL gatoepos.Ali ſui veligapasAli criſtalinibalusVien qimaricaAla cazaJlaga balaiAL legniametatamueAlle ſtore doue dormenoTagichanAle ſtore de palmabaniAle cuſſini de foglieVlimanA li piati de legniodulanAL ſuo ydioAbba.AL ſolleadloALa lunaſonghotAla ſtelabolan bunthun.ALa aurorameneAla matinavemaAla tazataghagrandebaſsaLAL archoboſsugh.ALa frezaoghon.Ali targonicalaſsan.A le veſte inbotide ꝓ combaterbalutiAle ſue daghecalix baladaoAli ſui tertiadiCampilan.A la Lanciabancan.El talletuan.Ali figuiſaghinAle zuchebaghinAle corde dele ſue viollegotzapAL fiumetau.AL riſaio ꝓ peſcarepucat laiaAL batelloſampan.A le canne grandecauaghan.Ale picolebonbon.Ale ſue barche grandebalanghaiAle ſue barque picollebolotoAli granciCubanAL peſceJcam yſſidaA vno peſcie tuto depintopanap ſapãA vno altoroſſotimuan.A vno certo altopilaxA vno altoemaluan.Tuto e vnoSiama siamaA vno ſchiauobonſuLA la forcabolleALa nauebenaoaA vno re o capogñaleraia.

Words of those heathen people

For Manlacfor Womanparanpaonfor Young womanbeni benifor Married womanbabayfor Hairbohofor Faceguayfor Eyelidspilacfor Eyebrowschileifor Eyemattafor Noseilonfor Jawsapinfor Lipsololfor Mouthbabafor Teethnipinfor Gumsleghexfor Tonguedillafor Earsdelenganfor Throatlioghfor Necktangipfor Chinqueilanfor Beardbonghotfor Shouldersbaghafor Spinelicudfor Breastdughan367for BodytiamArmpitilotfor Armbotchenfor Elbowsicofor Pulsemolanghaifor Handcamatfor the Palm of the handpalanfor Fingerdudlofor Fingernailcocofor Navelpusutfor Penisutinfor Testiclesbotofor Vagina368billatfor to have Communication with womenjiamfor Buttockssamputfor Thighpahafor Kneetuhudfor Shinbassag bassag369for Calf of the legbitisfor Anklebolbolfor Heeltiochidfor Sole of the footlapa lapafor Goldbalaoanfor Silverpillafor Brassconcachfor Ironbutanfor Sugarcanetubefor Spoongandanfor Ricebughax barasfor Honeydeghexfor Waxtalhofor Saltacinfor Winetuba nio nipafor to Drinkminuncubilfor to Eatmacanfor Hogbabuifor Goatcandinfor Chickenmonochfor Millethumasfor Sorgobatatfor Panicumdana370for Peppermanissafor Cloveschianchefor Cinnamonmanafor Gingerluiafor Garliclaxunafor Orangesacsuafor Eggsilogfor Cocoanutlubifor Vinegarzluchafor Watertubinfor Fireclayofor Smokeassufor to Blowtigbanfor Balancestinbanfor Weighttahil371for Pearlmutiarafor Mother of pearltipayfor Pipe [a musical instrument]sub infor Disease of St. Jobalupalan372Bring mepalatin comoricafor certain Rice cakestinapai373GoodmainNotidalefor Knifecapol, sundanfor ScissorscatleTo shavechunthinchfor a well adorned Manpixaofor Linenbalandanfor the cloth with which they cover themselvesabacafor hawk’sbellcoloncolon374for Pater nosters of all classestaclefor Combcutlei, missamisfor to Combmonssughudfor Shirtsabunfor Sewing-needledaghufor to Sewmamisfor Porcelainmobulucfor Dogaian, ydofor Cateposfor their Scarfsgapasfor Glass BeadsbalusCome heremaricafor Houseilaga, balaifor Timbertatamuefor the Mats on which they sleeptagichanfor Palm-matsbanifor their Leaf cushionsulimanfor Wooden plattersdulanfor their Godabbafor Sunadlofor Moonsonghotfor Starbolan, bunthunfor Dawnmenefor Morninguemafor CuptaghaLargebassalfor Bowbossughfor Arrowoghonfor Shieldscalassanfor Quilted garments used for fightingbalutifor their daggerscalix, baladaofor their Cutlassescampilanfor Spearbancanfor Liketuanfor Figs [i.e., bananas]saghinfor Gourdsbaghinfor the Cords of their violinsgotzapfor Rivertaufor Fishing-netpucat, laiafor small Boatsampanfor large Canescauaghanfor the small onesbonbonfor their large Boatsbalanghaifor their small Boatsboloto375for Crabscubanfor Fishicam, yssidafor a Fish that is all coloredpanapsapanfor another red [Fish]timuanfor a certain other [kind of Fish]pilaxfor another [kind of Fish]emaluanAll the samesiama siamafor a Slavebonsulfor Gallowsbollefor Shipbenaoafor a King or Captain-generalraia

Numero:

VnoVzzaduyduatretolo.QuatovpatCinquelimaSeyonomSettepittooctogualuNoueCiam.Diecepolo.

Numbers

Oneuzzatwoduathreetolofourupatfivelimasixonomsevenpittoeightgualunineciamtenpolo376

Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola zzubu aL capo de qeLa altaq̃ ſe chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo de queſto arcipelago la naue conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy la via deL garbin et mezo di coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe panilongon nela qalle ſonno homini negiComo in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a vna yſola grande Lo re delaqalle ꝓ fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga in ſegnio de magior amitiſia    coſi faceſſemo ancho nui    Jo ſolo anday cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta yſola    ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono peſce al re    poy lo re ſe cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le ſue ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et cantando Co minciorono a vogare paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano ſoura Lo fiume    ariuaſſemo a due hore de nocte in caſa ſua    daL principio de qʒſto fiume doue eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re erão due legue    entrãdo nela caſa ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna et de foglie de palma    Queſte torcie erano deanime Como li dete de soura    fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene lo re con dui principali et due ſue femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo de vino pienno de palma ſenza mangiare niente    Jo eſcuſandomi hauere cennato non volce berre ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão tute le cerimonie Como eL re de mazaua    venne poy La Cena de rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in ſcutelle de porcelana    mangiauão lo rizo ꝓ panne    Cocono Lo rizo in queſto modo prima meteno dentoin pigniate de terra como le nr̃e vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata    poy li meteno lacque et iL rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne    poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi    in tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in queſta ſorte    Cenato q̃ haueſſemo Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne con vnaltade palma et vna cucino de foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte    iL re con le due femine ando a dormire in vno luoco ſeparato    dormi cõ vno ſuo principali    Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla    vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie    finito Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni vederia La reyna    me reſpoſe era contento    andaſſemo de Compania in çima duno alto monte doue era la caſa de la reyna Quando entray in caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi verſo de me    ſedeti apreſſo a ella Laqalle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatroborquie de metalo vna magiore de Laltaet due piu picole ꝓ ſenare    gli eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La ſeruiuão    Queſte caſe ſonno facte como le alteJa dete    pigliata liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re    ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de canne dolce    La magior abundantia q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro    mi moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi ſegnio que in qelli era tanto horo como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno qela fatiga    Queſta parte de La yſola e vna medeſma terra con butuan et calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et confina cõ mazaua per che tornaremo vna altafiata in queſta izolla non dico altopaſſato mezo di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe venire et li altiprincipali et cuſſi veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai    retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman drita ſopavno monticello tre huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ haueua tagliati li ramy    Domanday al re qieran qelli    riſpoſi q̃ erano maLfactorj et robatorj    Queſti populi vano nudi Como li altide ſupaLo re ſe chiama raia Calanao    eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua rizo gengero porci capre galine et altecoſe    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento ſexantaſete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipitdue Jornate de qlaL maiſtrale ſe troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo Junci deli populi lechij

In the midst of that archipelago,377at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship “Conceptione,” for too few men of us were left [to work it].378We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and the laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,379where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king’s house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas. When we entered the house, we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,380which were of theanime,of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt381fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.382When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.383When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses384but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen’s house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jarsand four metal gongs—one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller—for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king’s house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,385making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not dare to go to the trouble [to get it].386That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.387As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked as do the others above mentioned. The king’s name is Raia Calanao.388The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees389from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu,and is called Chipit.390Two days’ journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,391where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.392

Partendone de qlala meza partita de ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna yſola non molto grande et caſi deſhabitata    La gente de queſta ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna yſola deta burne    vano nudi Como li altianno za robotane con li carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con erba venenata    anno pugnialli con li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi ſancti    Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandiſſimj    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et chiamaſſe caghaian.

Leaving there and laying our course west southwest, we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.393They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas394from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.395

Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni altiLongui vno palmo et altimancho molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne dolci radice como rapi aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo fuocho in canne o in legnio    queſto dura piu que qello coto in pigniatte    Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay volte ſteſſemo in force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra ꝓ non morire de fame.    Lo re fece pace cõ noitagliandoſſe vno pocho cõ vno nr̃o cortello in mezo deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy    Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in noue gradi et vno terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno terſo de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitiõe pulaoan.

About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.396The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third397degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.398

Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li altiQuaſi tucti Lauaranno li ſui campi    hanno zarabotanne cõ freze de legnio groſſe piu duno palmo arponate et algune con ſpine de peſce con erba venenata at altecõ ponte de cana arponate et venenate anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in cambio de le penne neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno tracte le freze combateno cõ queſto precianno aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ ligare li ſui ami da peſcare    anno gally grandi molto domeſtici    nõ li mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe alguna volta li fanno combatere luno cõ laltoet ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL vincitore he ſuo eL premio    et anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et meglior̃ de qello de palma.

Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all399of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.400At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head;401and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.402

Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et coſteandola ne pareua alquanto aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eLcorpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo oſcuriſſimo    daL principio de queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno cinquanta legue    Lo Jorno ſequente a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta yſola ne mando vno prao molto bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate doro    era ſupala proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne de pauonne in cima    alguni ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma die    li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le almadie ſonno le ſue barche da peſcare    octo homini vecqideli principali entrarono nele naui et ſederonno neLa popa ſopavno tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de legnio de pinto pieno de betre et areca che e qeL fructo que maſticano ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de naranci coperto de vno panno de ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone pigliaronno liſentia    eL vino de rizo he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto grande q̃ molti deli noſtiſembriacarõ et lo chiamano arach.

Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holybody [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty leguas403from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Twoalmadies404came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while thealmadiesare their small fishing boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), and jessamine405and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is calledarach[i.e., arrack].

Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnaltavolta tre prao con molta pompa ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la cima deL capo    li ſalutaſſemo cõle bonbarde ſenza pietre    poy ne detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj dezucharo et alguni altifacti amodo de torte con oui et melle    ne diſſero como lo ſue re era contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃o piacer̃    vdendo queſto montaſſemo ſette de nuy altiſopalo prao et portaſſemo vno pñte al re elqalle era vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto morello cinque bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro dorato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [roſso:crossed out in original MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe argentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno bichier dorato    aL re darme q̃ era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa turcheſca vno bonnet et vno quinterno de carta a li altiſete principali a qitella a qibonnetj et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et ſubito ſe partiſſemo.

Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves,while others were made in the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven406of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,407a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red:crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land].

Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ coprire nr̃i preſenti poy montaſſemo ſopali elefanty et queſti dodice hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li linſoli de cambaia    lo giorno ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del reſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo ſoura li elefanti    ne la corte deL palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et altiprincipali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala grande piena de molti baronj oue ſedeſſemo ſopavno tapeto cõ li pñti neli vazi apreſſo noi    AL capo de Queſta ſala nehe vnaltapiu alta ma alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due feneſtre con due cortine de brocato daliqalli veniua la luce nella ſala    iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ ſtocqinudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna grande feneſtadalaqalle ſe tiro vna cortina de brocato dentode queſta vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare betre    dietro da lui erano ſinon donne Alhora ne diſſe vno principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno piu principale et Quello avno fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dentocõlore et ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo altoet poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li diceſſemo como eramo deLre deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace ſeco et nõ domandauão altoſaluo potere mẽcadã tare    ne fece dire el re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃o piacere    poi li deſſemo li preſenti    faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy altifo dacto brocadelo et panny de oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſopala ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando negli    ne deteno vna Colatiõe de garofoli et canella    alora foreno tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre    li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti haueuão panni de oro [de oro:doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre precioſe et molti aneli nele mani    retornaſſemo Soura le elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃    Sete homini portorono iL prezente del re ſempre dinanzi Quando foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura la ſpala Siniſtra    aliqalli ꝓ ſua fatica donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de Cortelli    venirono in caſa deL gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ altitanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte de re    in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi galine pauonj et altry animali et de peſce    cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce et altecoſe    beue uão a ogni bocone pieno vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de qeL vino lanbicato    mangiaſſemo rizo et altre viuandede ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro Como li nr̃j    oue dormiſſemo le due nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Candellieri de argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne dolio cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão    Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj    Queſta cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focqile caſe ſonno tute de legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti da tera Quando lo mare creſcie vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo viuere    dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno muro de Cadreli groſſo con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel qalle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde de metalo et ſey de fero    in li dui giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte    Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia Siripada era de Quaranta anny et graſſo    ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non donne figliole deli principali    non ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non Quando va ala caza    ninguno li po par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a Queſti chiamano Xiritoles.

When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,408whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to theking’s palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor’s to the king’s house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king’s orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,409where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.410At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.411No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance.We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.412They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor’s house, seven men carrying the king’s presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor’s house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet foodwith gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city413is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families].414The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king’s house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters415of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,416who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark.

Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con altitanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole    Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe qalque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibilenela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo catoamazando molte ꝓ ſonne    tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon    coſtui era capogñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata    giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto capoet Lo Jonco ſenza noſtoconſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo    ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo capone haueria dato tuto qello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto capoera molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro.    in queſto porto glie vnaltacita de gentilli magiori de qella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto    il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo    facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſtiq̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão contali gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõede queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce    de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL caporeteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpagama Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue.

On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli417(which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible,abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,418which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack theheathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.419

LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto    ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime    ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore    la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina    lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo    ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe    la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolamteduna parte quatoſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis    per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſtene dauano ſey ſcutellede porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana    ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola    vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL    Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali    Queſti morj vano nudi como li altibeueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno.

Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.420Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.421The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that moneypicis.422They gave us six porcelain dishes for onecathil423(which is equivalent to two of our libras)of quicksilver; one hundredpicisfor one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils), of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar ofanimeto calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo].424Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,425wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles426more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quicksilver—the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health.

Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe laltogiorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute.

The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen’s eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king’s presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them.

Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denticõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro    ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei.

Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter’s law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;427not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, butnot to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.428They are circumcised like the Jews.

Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa    e menuta como li remole    Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor    li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe    Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne.

Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.429If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call itcapor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.430That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.431

Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua    vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo    vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno    ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne    le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre altifugirono de drieto da certe yſollete.

Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,432because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.433Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we captured it.434Three other praus escaped behind certain islets.

AL capo de burne faqueſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno portoꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dentoet ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni    Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qiin vna coſa qiin vnaltama la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe    Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnaltaloqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi    gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte    fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et laltaquaranta catro    pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni    eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo    haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo    Ancora qiſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue    apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delaltaanno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qile coca fugino    yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola    Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de altoſenon de arie.

At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eightdegrees and seven minutes,435is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,436and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the other forty-four.437We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.438Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches439them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.440I believe those leaves live on nothing but air.

Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa etLo ſacquegiaſſemo    ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine    poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et altecoſe    vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi    poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et altecoſe    ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fala yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandissoQuando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno altomare    reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle    le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo    Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle    coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo    ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle.

Having left that island,441that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we capturedthe junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two island, Zolo and Taghima,442which lie toward the west, and near which pearls are found.443The two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,444he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him.

Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli    La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue    in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare    ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj    ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    larbore de queſta Cannella he altotre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti    la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro    La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella    La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella    la chiamão caiu mana    Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce.

Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.445The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island, we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people call itcaiu mana.Caiumeans wood, andmana, sweet, hence, “sweet wood.”446

Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti    Quanto alguni altivedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue eramalucho    ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco    in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi    Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.

Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco, we captured by force abigniday,447a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.448All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao,and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.449Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty450leguas from Cavit.451

Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſtiſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et stachiara ſoura lo trinqueto    ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a stonicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina    ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle    Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli altiQueſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit.

Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452Sarangani, and Candighar.453One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.454St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghani and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit.

Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho    facendo nr̃oviagio famezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere    ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette    Queſta yſola tenne quatore raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu    ſonno gentili    ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir.

Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might showus where Malucho lay.455Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.456Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father’s shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457

Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut    poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau    paſſate queſte due yſollemercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quatoyſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue    Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria    non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle:doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho    eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato.

Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.458The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.459[Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.460After passing those two islands, onWednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with us told us that those four islands were Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.461Among all those islands [among all those islands:doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.462

Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria    neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta    ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo    ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe    lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno    dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amalucoda luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuyeramo qelli    Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo    li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui    eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſteꝓ che daqiindietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore    li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue altiſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti altiaqibonneti et aqicortelli    deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare    dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer altoſinon la ꝓpiavita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s.    doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la citaet se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti    partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare    pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde    Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo    alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo    haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo:doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor.

Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,463we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined toconsult the moon,464whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.465Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece ofberania(the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups,466and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives;467and to each of nine others—all of them his chiefs—a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoevercame to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head.468When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,469and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head,doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470

Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqiinanzi La ſua Jſola et vnaltachiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio:crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpagalui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃    ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui degaroſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare    JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere.

On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada471the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons:crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,472named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk473which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king’s servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.474He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner tofurnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.

Açcio vr̃a JILmasa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian    tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre    Tadore et qella doue eramo    tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente    La vltima e bachian et tienne re    tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho.    non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno francoſeranno portugueſe capogñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore    poy facta faloro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno francoſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj    il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducentobahar de garofoli    coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capoamalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui    D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capogñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare    paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de francoſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali    li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.

In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.475At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno476had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major,and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general’s pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.477Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.478

Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui    coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li altecoſe de francoſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto    ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo    Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui    li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno pannode oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice    accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti    Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun petoalfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de francoſeranno vene de bandan ataranate    iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia    mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno.

On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with theboat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa,479a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We480sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.

Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta    il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ altetante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco altoComo vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte    finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera.    Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato    ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole    Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine    Dinanzi a queſta yſolanehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli    ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et laltocinque cento et vinticinque    li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno    JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dentone layſola    in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi.

Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king’s house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very largeisland, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.481The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482We bought many of them from those people.

Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia    gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo    ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quatoqʒiet ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre deqelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar    tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqibonny Ly volſe el re    molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi    la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto    ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte.

On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483one bahar; for threeof those gongs of theirs, two bahars;484for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.485Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.486

Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama    alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta    JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne    ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuãonele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine    gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta    Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore.

On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen’s name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had inthe ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,487and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.

(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.)

(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)

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