“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.”The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (seeante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islandswhich are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.”The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v.,Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”463Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge of the ſoone.”464MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.”465This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.466MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.467From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”468This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.469MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.”470“Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).471MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to Magalhães and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows:Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.QuintaladasFirst, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece60Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks20The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada40Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks22Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals22Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada22Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada8The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada3Chaplains, four quintals apiece4Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece5Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece14Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece10Sailors, one quintalada apiece2Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece1½Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece3 arrobasGunnersThe master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada5The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece2½Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas2½Calkers, the same2½Coopers, the same2½Crossbowmen, the same2½Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece1Stewards, three quintals apiece3Stonecutters, three quintals apiece3In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there.If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties.ChestsThe captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth4The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms3Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece2The notaries of the ships one chest apiece1Masters and pilots, each one chest1Boatswains, one chest apiece1Alguacil of the fleet, one chest1Chaplains, one chest apiece1The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece1The captains’ servants, one chest for each two1Physician and surgeon, one chest1Sailors, one chest for each two1Common seamen, one chest for each two1Boys, one chest for each three1Master gunners of the ships, each one chest1The other gunners, one chest for each two1Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two1Stewards, one chest apiece1Sobresalientes, one chest apiece1472Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.”473The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.474In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc.475Leonardo de Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.” Crawfurdsays that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta (for whose ancient names, seeVol. XVI, p. 221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight account of the district under the name of the “island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,” which Magalhães showed to Cárlos I (Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in hisEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd’sDictionary, pp. 283–285.476Francisco Serrão, brother of João Serrão, was Magalhães’s most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, Serrão sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by Magalhães saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, Serrão’s ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, Serrão and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, Serrão went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhães’s death. A number of letters passed between Magalhães and Serrão, during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhães made use of them to persuade Cárlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard’sMagellan.477See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’sMagellanfor details regarding Magalhães’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostão, tostões) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt’sCoinage of European Continent).478It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi,Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi.” Mosto gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh which he gives as “Chialin Chechilin” and “Cathara.”Checheli(Chechelin) and possiblyCili, denotes the titleCachil(“noble”).479Called by Barros “João de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the “Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 303).480MS. 5,650 adds: “hearing that.”481In Eden: “ſixe hundreth and fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from the Arabic articlealandfora, “without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island.482Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ſpannes in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of moſte cleare water without any maner of taſt or ſauore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ſuche as yf it were taken owte of the freſſheſte ſprynge in the worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo.483MS. 5,650 reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghân or Ghôri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s introduction to Varthema’sTravels(Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster’sEmbassy of Sir Thomas Roe(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay ofCambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadábád]. It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the Máhi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places.” Its ports were important centers of trade.484This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.485Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’sEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221–223.486Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 22).487MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph.
“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.”The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (seeante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islandswhich are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.”The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v.,Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”463Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge of the ſoone.”464MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.”465This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.466MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.467From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”468This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.469MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.”470“Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).471MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to Magalhães and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows:Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.QuintaladasFirst, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece60Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks20The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada40Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks22Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals22Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada22Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada8The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada3Chaplains, four quintals apiece4Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece5Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece14Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece10Sailors, one quintalada apiece2Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece1½Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece3 arrobasGunnersThe master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada5The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece2½Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas2½Calkers, the same2½Coopers, the same2½Crossbowmen, the same2½Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece1Stewards, three quintals apiece3Stonecutters, three quintals apiece3In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there.If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties.ChestsThe captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth4The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms3Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece2The notaries of the ships one chest apiece1Masters and pilots, each one chest1Boatswains, one chest apiece1Alguacil of the fleet, one chest1Chaplains, one chest apiece1The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece1The captains’ servants, one chest for each two1Physician and surgeon, one chest1Sailors, one chest for each two1Common seamen, one chest for each two1Boys, one chest for each three1Master gunners of the ships, each one chest1The other gunners, one chest for each two1Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two1Stewards, one chest apiece1Sobresalientes, one chest apiece1472Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.”473The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.474In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc.475Leonardo de Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.” Crawfurdsays that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta (for whose ancient names, seeVol. XVI, p. 221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight account of the district under the name of the “island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,” which Magalhães showed to Cárlos I (Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in hisEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd’sDictionary, pp. 283–285.476Francisco Serrão, brother of João Serrão, was Magalhães’s most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, Serrão sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by Magalhães saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, Serrão’s ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, Serrão and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, Serrão went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhães’s death. A number of letters passed between Magalhães and Serrão, during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhães made use of them to persuade Cárlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard’sMagellan.477See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’sMagellanfor details regarding Magalhães’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostão, tostões) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt’sCoinage of European Continent).478It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi,Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi.” Mosto gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh which he gives as “Chialin Chechilin” and “Cathara.”Checheli(Chechelin) and possiblyCili, denotes the titleCachil(“noble”).479Called by Barros “João de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the “Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 303).480MS. 5,650 adds: “hearing that.”481In Eden: “ſixe hundreth and fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from the Arabic articlealandfora, “without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island.482Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ſpannes in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of moſte cleare water without any maner of taſt or ſauore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ſuche as yf it were taken owte of the freſſheſte ſprynge in the worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo.483MS. 5,650 reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghân or Ghôri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s introduction to Varthema’sTravels(Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster’sEmbassy of Sir Thomas Roe(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay ofCambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadábád]. It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the Máhi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places.” Its ports were important centers of trade.484This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.485Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’sEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221–223.486Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 22).487MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph.
“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.”The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (seeante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islandswhich are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.”The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v.,Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”463Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge of the ſoone.”464MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.”465This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.466MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.467From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”468This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.469MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.”470“Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).471MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to Magalhães and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows:Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.QuintaladasFirst, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece60Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks20The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada40Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks22Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals22Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada22Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada8The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada3Chaplains, four quintals apiece4Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece5Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece14Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece10Sailors, one quintalada apiece2Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece1½Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece3 arrobasGunnersThe master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada5The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece2½Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas2½Calkers, the same2½Coopers, the same2½Crossbowmen, the same2½Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece1Stewards, three quintals apiece3Stonecutters, three quintals apiece3In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there.If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties.ChestsThe captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth4The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms3Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece2The notaries of the ships one chest apiece1Masters and pilots, each one chest1Boatswains, one chest apiece1Alguacil of the fleet, one chest1Chaplains, one chest apiece1The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece1The captains’ servants, one chest for each two1Physician and surgeon, one chest1Sailors, one chest for each two1Common seamen, one chest for each two1Boys, one chest for each three1Master gunners of the ships, each one chest1The other gunners, one chest for each two1Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two1Stewards, one chest apiece1Sobresalientes, one chest apiece1472Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.”473The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.474In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc.475Leonardo de Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.” Crawfurdsays that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta (for whose ancient names, seeVol. XVI, p. 221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight account of the district under the name of the “island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,” which Magalhães showed to Cárlos I (Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in hisEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd’sDictionary, pp. 283–285.476Francisco Serrão, brother of João Serrão, was Magalhães’s most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, Serrão sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by Magalhães saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, Serrão’s ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, Serrão and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, Serrão went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhães’s death. A number of letters passed between Magalhães and Serrão, during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhães made use of them to persuade Cárlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard’sMagellan.477See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’sMagellanfor details regarding Magalhães’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostão, tostões) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt’sCoinage of European Continent).478It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi,Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi.” Mosto gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh which he gives as “Chialin Chechilin” and “Cathara.”Checheli(Chechelin) and possiblyCili, denotes the titleCachil(“noble”).479Called by Barros “João de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the “Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 303).480MS. 5,650 adds: “hearing that.”481In Eden: “ſixe hundreth and fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from the Arabic articlealandfora, “without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island.482Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ſpannes in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of moſte cleare water without any maner of taſt or ſauore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ſuche as yf it were taken owte of the freſſheſte ſprynge in the worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo.483MS. 5,650 reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghân or Ghôri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s introduction to Varthema’sTravels(Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster’sEmbassy of Sir Thomas Roe(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay ofCambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadábád]. It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the Máhi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places.” Its ports were important centers of trade.484This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.485Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’sEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221–223.486Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 22).487MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph.
“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.”
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (seeante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islandswhich are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.”
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.
At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v.,Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”
463Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge of the ſoone.”
464MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.”
465This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
466MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.
467From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”
468This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
469MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.”
470“Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).
471MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to Magalhães and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows:
Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.
Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.
QuintaladasFirst, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece60Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks20The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada40Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks22Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals22Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada22Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada8The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada3Chaplains, four quintals apiece4Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece5Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece14Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece10Sailors, one quintalada apiece2Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece1½Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece3 arrobasGunnersThe master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada5The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece2½Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas2½Calkers, the same2½Coopers, the same2½Crossbowmen, the same2½Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece1Stewards, three quintals apiece3Stonecutters, three quintals apiece3
In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there.
If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties.
Chests
The captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth4The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms3Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece2The notaries of the ships one chest apiece1Masters and pilots, each one chest1Boatswains, one chest apiece1Alguacil of the fleet, one chest1Chaplains, one chest apiece1The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece1The captains’ servants, one chest for each two1Physician and surgeon, one chest1Sailors, one chest for each two1Common seamen, one chest for each two1Boys, one chest for each three1Master gunners of the ships, each one chest1The other gunners, one chest for each two1Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two1Stewards, one chest apiece1Sobresalientes, one chest apiece1
472Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.”
473The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.
474In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc.
475Leonardo de Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.” Crawfurdsays that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta (for whose ancient names, seeVol. XVI, p. 221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight account of the district under the name of the “island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,” which Magalhães showed to Cárlos I (Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in hisEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd’sDictionary, pp. 283–285.
476Francisco Serrão, brother of João Serrão, was Magalhães’s most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, Serrão sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by Magalhães saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, Serrão’s ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, Serrão and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, Serrão went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhães’s death. A number of letters passed between Magalhães and Serrão, during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhães made use of them to persuade Cárlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard’sMagellan.
477See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’sMagellanfor details regarding Magalhães’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostão, tostões) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt’sCoinage of European Continent).
478It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi,Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi.” Mosto gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh which he gives as “Chialin Chechilin” and “Cathara.”Checheli(Chechelin) and possiblyCili, denotes the titleCachil(“noble”).
479Called by Barros “João de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the “Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’sMagellan, p. 303).
480MS. 5,650 adds: “hearing that.”
481In Eden: “ſixe hundreth and fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from the Arabic articlealandfora, “without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island.
482Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ſpannes in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of moſte cleare water without any maner of taſt or ſauore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ſuche as yf it were taken owte of the freſſheſte ſprynge in the worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo.
483MS. 5,650 reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghân or Ghôri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s introduction to Varthema’sTravels(Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster’sEmbassy of Sir Thomas Roe(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay ofCambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadábád]. It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the Máhi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places.” Its ports were important centers of trade.
484This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.
485Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’sEast African and Malabar Coasts(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221–223.
486Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 22).
487MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph.