Chapter 11

1“Bohol, pertaining to the government of Zebú, and its spiritual administration to the fathers of the Society of Jesus, who in this island have in their charge six [sic] villages, the most important of which are Loboc, Baclayón, Inabangan, Malabago, Malabohoc” (Diaz’sConquistas, p. 132).A note by Diaz’s editor, Fray Tirso López, states that Bohol “now [1890] belongs to the Recollects.”↑2“He made ready four caracoas, with such Spaniards as he could find, and Indians from Sialo (which is the coast of Zebú), a very warlike people; and set out for Bohol, not entrusting to any one else an expedition so important” (Diaz, p. 133).Diaz has evidently obtained most of his information from Murillo Velarde. We present (in notes) only such matter as he gives additional to the latter.↑3Diaz states (p. 133) that these were both Pampango and Sialo Indians, and numbered more than a thousand.↑4“The insurgents fled to the mountain, where for four days our men pursued them, slaying all that they encountered. They found many persons who had died for lack of food, as they had made but scanty provision of it, confiding in the promises of the demon, who had promised them that he would change the leaves on the trees into rice.” (Diaz, p. 134.)↑5“Laden with spoil and captives,” and “leaving a garrison of Spaniards and Pampangos” (Diaz, p. 134).↑6Spanish,zarzas y espinas; probably meaning branches of thorny shrubs, and trees. The defense of pointed stakes driven into the ground (VOL. XXVII, p. 275) is called in Tagalsuyac. Cf. description of this in Ling Roth’sNatives of Sarawak(London, 1896), i, p. 444, and ii, pp. 110–115.↑7Spanish,ballestones; but the contrivance mentioned in the text refers to a trap used throughout the archipelago for hunting large game; it is calledbelaticorbalantic, and as it is sprung discharges a sharp javelin or arrow. See description and illustration of this trap in Reed’sNegritos of Zambales(Manila, 1904), pp. 45, 46; and of a similar device used by the Dyaks and Malays of Borneo, in Ling Roth’sNatives of Sarawak, i, pp. 437–442. Cf. Diaz’s mention (Conquistas, p. 134) of theseballestones, “which they are wont to set as snares for hunting deer.”↑8Fifty-seven years previously; Bancao must have been, then, at least seventy-five years old at the time of this revolt; Diaz says (p. 134) that Bancao was “very old and decrepit.”↑9According to Diaz (p. 135). “desiring to be king of the island of Leyte.”↑10“For with the enemy came many women clad in white, and many children, in order to pick up bits of earth and scatter them on the wind, as the demon had told them—believing that if they did so the Spaniards would fall dead; but the test of this proved very costly to them. The demon had also promised them that he would resuscitate those slain in battle; but, when they carried some of the dead to his temple for him to do this, he replied, with ridiculous excuses, that he could not do it.” (Diaz, p. 135.)↑11According to Diaz (p. 136), he was shot and then burned; also many of the rebels were hanged or shot.↑12See description of this earthquake inVOL. XXXV, pp. 217–226.↑13Gapán (or Gapang) is a town in the southern part of Nueva Ecija, Luzon, near San Isidro and the Rio Grande de la Pampanga.↑14Juan de Abarca, a native of Madrid, came to the islands in the Augustinian mission of 1635, and was a minister in Pampangan and Visayan villages during twenty years, except at times filling official posts in Manila. He died there in 1656.↑15See account of the conquest of Luzón, inVOL III, pp. 141–172; but the name Matanda does not occur therein.↑16Alluding to the fact that it was the Lutaos—who lived in Basilan, Joló, and other islands south of Mindanao—who aided the Spaniards to quell this insurrection.↑17That is, the missionaries had interfered with an illicit amour of Sumoroy’s (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, vi, p. 251).↑18Meaning that at a certain part of the ascent, where but one man at a time could pass, each had to use both hands and feet for climbing, leaving his weapons with the man next to him, the latter handing them up afterward; and so on, with each in turn. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. de Philipinas,fol. 174.↑19An allusion to La Rochelle, considered the most strongly fortified town in France.↑20Miguel Ponce, S.J., was born in Peñaroya in Aragon, in the archbishopric of Zaragoza, and attended the university of Alcalá de Henares where he studied philosophy and theology. His endeavors to enter the Society met with failure. Inspired to a mission life, he set out for Madrid to join the mission then forming for the Philippines, but found the procurator already gone. Following afoot, he overtook him at Carmona, but was so worn out with his difficult journey and so tanned that he resembled a negro in color. For that reason the procurator refused to accept him, “for in Indias, color is an accident of great importance to the Indians.” But Ponce, in his eagerness to go, offered to accompany the missionaries as a servant or slave; and he was finally taken in the capacity of servant, embarking with the secular habit. He was admitted into the Society at Mexico in 1631, and after four months sailed from Acapulco for the Philippines. His studies were completed at Manila, and he was finally ordained a priest. For eleven months he labored in eastern Samar and was later appointed rector of Palapag. He was killed as above described, June 11, 1649. See Murillo Velarde, fol. 175, 176a.↑21GiulioAleni, S.J., was born at Brescia in 1582 and entered the Society in 1600, being sent almost immediately after professing the humanities to China. He landed at Macao in 1610 and entered China in 1613, where he labored until 1649, the year of his death. As the text shows, he must have made a journey to the Philippines. He left many writings, a number in the Chinese tongue. See Sommervogel’sBibliothèque.↑22Of Albay, which some called Ibalón, from a village and port of that name.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑23Juan del Campo, S.J., was born in March, 1620, in Villanueva de la Vera, near Jarandilla, his father being Juan del Campo, a familiar of the Holy Office. Having studied in the Jesuit college at Oropesa, he entered the Society (1636) contrary to the wish of his parents. He went to Mexico in 1642, and thence to Manila (1643). His superiors sent him to Mindanao among the Subanos, where he labored zealously. He suffered martyrdom in that island January 7, 1650, during the insurrections. See Murillo Velarde, fol. 178–179 verso.↑24Vicente Damian, S.J., was born in the city of Mecina, October 13, 1613, and after studying in a Jesuit college, entered the Society, March 20, 1630. After many vain efforts, he finally obtained permission to go to the Philippines, where he arrived in 1643. After completing his theological studies in Manila, he was sent to the Ibabao missions, where his preaching and works caused visible effects. After the death of Miguel Ponce, he was appointed rector in his place. He met death October 11, 1649 at the hands of the insurgents. See Murillo Velarde, fol. 176–178.↑25The Recollect Fray Miguel de Santo Tomás, minister at Butuan; it was he who cared for the survivors of the insurgents’ attack on Linao (VOL. XXXVI, p. 136).↑26This name is quite erroneous. The person here referred to was Tuto, a member of the curious class among the Subanons of Mindanao who are calledlabias(see descriptionpost, inVOL. XL.) For Manila read Malandi (or Malandeg), the name of an ancient village on the coast near Zamboanga which disappeared after the abandonment of the fortress there. Tuto was baptized by Combés under the name of Martin, and often aided that missionary when he visited Tuto’s village of Malandi. (See Combés’sHist. Mindanao, col. 63, 64, 514, 756, 786.)↑27Francisco Lado, a native of Sardinia, was born on June 2, 1617, and at the age of sixteen entered the Jesuit order. He died at San Pedro Macati, on May 19, 1677. (Retana and Pastells’s edition ofCombés, col. 713.)↑28A Sanskrit word, meaning “a learned man”—apparently borrowed by the Malays and used to designate their Mahometan teachers.↑29Spanish,à las quarenta horas; a phrase usually referring to the devotion of forty hours in connection with the exposition of the Blessed Sacrament (usually occurring in times of public danger or distress). As nothing is said in the text of such exposition, the apparent meaning is that Tenorio finished his enterprise within forty hours after leaving Samboangan—a rendering for which the Spanish form is an unusual one, but not more so than many other expressions in Concepción’s pages.↑30This name is said (Retana and Pastells’sCombés, col. 739) to mean “lady who will be queen”—uleybeing a variant ofuraya, the future ofraiaorraja(“king” or “queen”).Urancaya(ut supra, col. 787) is fromorang(“man”) andkaya(“rich”).↑31Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, vii, p. 9) that an insufficient amount of timber was furnished for a ship then on the stocks, and Cortaberria urged on the overseers of the woodcutting, and they in turn their gangs of men, but with so much harshness that the latter mutinied.↑32Pedro Camacho came from the Dominican convent at Sevilla, in the mission of 1648. He ministered to the Indians in and near Manila, and was director of the school of San Juan de Letran; he finally returned to Spain in 1659. (Reseña biográfica, p. 466.)↑33For description of tree-dwellings—made, however, by the natives of Mindanao—seeVOL. XXI, pp. 239–241.↑34This was Nicolas de Campo.↑35Spanish,morenos criollos. “There are creoles, ormorenos, who are black negroes, natives of the country; there are many Cafres, and other negroes from Angola, Congo, and Africa” (Murillo Velarde,Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 5).↑36In Bolinao was a chief named Sumulay, a relative of Malóng, who tried to further the latter’s ambitious schemes; Sumulay was opposed by the missionary there, a discalced Augustinian named Juan Blancas. On January 5 Ugalde arrived at Bolinao, and conferred with Blancas. As the chief strength of the insurgents lay in their poisoned arrows, which caused mortal wounds, the friar induced a friendly chief to supply the Spanish troops with an antidote for this poison. Ugalde also procured there supplies of various kinds—among them, small boats which could enter the creeks, and hides of cattle with which to form shelters against the enemy’s arrows. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, vii, pp. 16, 26, 27.)↑37Juan Camacho made his profession in the Dominican convent of Almagro, April 19, 1638, and came to the Philippines in 1648. Most of his remaining years were spent in the Pangasinán missions; but in 1668 he became prior of the Manila convent, and a year later provincial. In his old age, he was summoned to Mexico by the Inquisition on a scandalous charge; his innocence being declared after four years, he returned to the islands, and died at Manila in 1700. (Reseña biográfica, i, p. 471.)↑38Probably alluding to Santa Cruz’sHist. Sant. Rosario; he mentions the insurgent leader Malóng as dying “a very good Christian” (p. 340), and the insurgents as deluded and misled. His account of the rebellion is much shorter than Diaz’s. It will be remembered that the Dominicans had spiritual charge of Pangasinán.↑39Bernardino Márquez, a native of Galicia, made his profession in the convent of Toro, and came to the islands in 1645. He spent the rest of his life mainly in the Ilocan missions, and died in 1680. (Pérez’sCatálogo, p. 120.)↑40A misprint for balarao (or bararao), another name for the kris—seeVOL. XVI, p. 81, andVOL. XXVIII, p. 55.↑41Thus in the text, in most places; but in Pérez’sCatálogothe name is written “de la Isla.”↑42Juan Polanco was a native of the hill-country of Burgos, and professed in the Dominican convent at Valladolid in 1639. He came to the islands in 1658, and, after learning the Chinese language, went to China; he spent two years there, suffering persecutions and torture. He was then appointed procurator-general of his order at Madrid and Rome, in which service he sent to the Philippines the mission of 1666. He died at Sevilla, on December 2, 1671.↑43Thus in text; apparently a misprint for Polanco.↑44This name is not found in the gazetteers of the present time; but it must have been in the mountains east of Vigán, from which Narvacán is thirteen miles southeast.↑45Concepción makes this number eight hundred (vii, p. 31), as does Murillo Velarde (fol. 256). Both they and Diaz give the numbers in words, not figures.↑46Talabón: a name given to a sort of litter (also known aspetaca—which also means “a covered box or basket”—andlorimón), which is usually conveyed by four men in their hands or on their shoulders, after the fashion of asilla gestatoria(a portable chair used by the pope on great occasions), but closed.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑47See preceding note ontalabón(p. 199).↑48This statement does not agree with that in the next paragraph which states that this chief was hanged at Vigán.↑49Elsewhere printed Bisaya. The Tagal wordbuayameans “crocodile,” which gives some basis for the conjecture that Boaya was the chief’s name, as persons are often named for animals, among barbarous peoples.↑50Verse121: “I have done judgment and justice; give me not up to them that slander me.”↑51Spanish,como cuñas del mismo palo; alluding to the proverb,No hay peor cuña que la del mismo palo, equivalent to “there is no worse enemy than an alienated friend.”↑52Alluding to the threatened invasion of the Philippines by Kue-sing, the Chinese adventurer, and the consequent disturbances among the Chinese in the islands, with the ravages made by the Moro pirates—all in 1662. See accounts inVOL. XXXVI.↑53These houses were founded in the following order: Ogtóng (Otón), 1572; Tigbauan, 1575; Dumangas, 1578; Antique, 1581; Jaro, 1587; Guimbal, 1590; Passi (Pasig), 1593; Laglag, 1608. (In regard to Laglag, cf. ourVOL. XXIII, p. 293.) For these dates, see Coco’s chronological table at end of Medina’sHistoria, pp. 481–488.↑54These houses were thus founded: Panay and Dumárao, 1581; Dumalag (or Ayombón), 1506; Batán, 1601; Mambúsao, 1606; Cápiz, 1707. Aclán was founded by the Augustinians, in 1581; and Ibahay, in 1611. See table mentioned in note 100, above.↑55Laglag is now named Dueñas. This wretched custom of changing the old names, substituting for them new ones which have no connection with the place to which they are applied nor with Filipinas, has unfortunately become general in those islands; and for the sake of pleasing or flattering some captain-general, alcalde, or cura, history is grievously obscured.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑56Pérez says (Catálogo, p. 199) that Mesa was a native of Mexico, but made his profession (1644) in the convent of San Pablo at Manila. In 1656 he became minister at Dumalag, and in 1659 at Laglag.↑57This mingling of religion and idolatry was frequent among the newly-converted Indians, who by not living conformably to the just severity of the gospel precepts, apostatized from the faith; and even today cases of similar amalgamation occur. The Indians of Filipinas did not offer sacrifices to the demon because they believed that he was some divinity, for they had knowledge of his being an evil spirit: but through fear, so that by keeping him satisfied he should do them no harm, or else that he might aid them to carry out some depraved purpose.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑58Thus in the text, but evidently an error; it should doubtless be regarded as an error for Malonor.↑59A similar death was the fate of that most pious father Fray Isidro Badrena—on April 9 in the year 1874, in the hills near the town of Tubungan—when he was exhorting some apostate Indians to desist from offering an idolatrous sacrifice.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.Tubungan is seventeen miles west-northwest of Iloilo.↑60The modern form of this name is Jalaur; this fine river, with its numerous affluents, waters the northeastern part of the province of Iloilo, Panay. The “river of Laglag” is evidently the Ulián, which flows into the Jalaur near Laglag (the modern Dueñas). Apparently the culprits, both living and dead, were fastened to stakes in the river, to be eaten by crocodiles.↑61Delgado relates this incident (Hist. de Filipinas, p. 280) as a specimen of the credulity of the natives, and adds this other instance: “While I was in the village of Lipa, the discovery was made in the village of Tanauan of a mine which was said to be of silver. Officials and workmen were sent to examine it, and test the ore, by the governor Don Fausto Cruzat y Góngora; they did so diligently, but the mine said only,Argentum et aurum non est mihi[i.e., “Silver and gold have I none”]. At that time the devil caused some arrant knave to spread the lying tale that the miners declared that the mine would not yield silver until this were done: all the Visayans of Comintan must be seized and their eyes gouged out, and these must be mixed with other ingredients, and the ore-vein of the mine rubbed with that compound. This was so thoroughly believed that every one was anxious and tearful, and the old women hid themselves in the grain-fields; and it took a long time to quiet them, with much labor of the [religious] ministers (whom they did not believe, because these were Castilians), until in the course of time they were undeceived.”↑62Apparently a misprint, as Diaz usually makes it Pignauen, but both forms seem improbable, as compared with Paynauén—cf. that name in next section of this document, and in Concepción (viii, p. 14)—and suggest carelessness in transcription from the MS. of Diaz. It is written Paynaven in various documents cited inReseña biográfica, i, p. 490,et seq.Neither name appears in modern gazetteers.↑63He was killed in the expedition against the Igorrotes, about 1666; Diaz says (p. 654) that Ugalde went with four thousand pesos to pay the troops, without sufficient escort, and was waylaid and slain by Zambals. Paynauén was founded at that time.↑64Domingo Pérez was born in 1636 near Santillana, and professed in the Dominican convent at Trianos, at the age of twenty-three. He came to the islands in 1666, and in the following year was sent to the Bataan missions, and soon afterward to those among the Zambal tribes; the rest of his life, save during 1677–79, was spent among the Zambals. He wrote an “account of the customs and superstitions of the Zambals.” (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 34–43.)↑65“N” in Spanish stands for some proper name unknown, or not intended to be expressed, like the English “Mr. Blank,” or “So-and-So.”↑66The missions to the Zambals were previously in the hands the Augustinian Recollects. A royal decree dated June 18, 1677 commanded the archbishop of Manila to place the missions of Mindoro in charge of one of the religious orders. Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 4–16) that Pardo thereupon compelled the Recollects to give up the Zambal missions to the Dominicans, receiving in exchange therefor those of Mindoro that the natives in the latter desired to have Jesuits sent to them, and that the Zambals preferred the Dominicans, but that the opposition of both was overcome by the persuasions of government officials; and that the Dominicans, in their zeal for condensing the scattered Zambal population, made several blunders by removing certain villages to very unsuitable and disadvantageous locations.The compiler ofReseña biográficaasserts that Concepción’s statements are incorrect. He claims that the Zambal in 1676 asked for religious instruction, stipulating that Dominican missionaries be sent them, which was done; that soon the Recollects began to complain of this, as an intrusion on their field of labor, and the Dominicans therefore withdrew their laborers; that this field was afterward given to the Dominicans by Archbishop Pardo (1679), on account of its being neglected by the Recollects; that the attempt to carry on the Zambal missions cost the Dominicans great loss of money and men, without producing satisfactory results, and therefore they offered several times to give up this charge; and that finally (1712) they did actually renounce and surrender the Zambal missions. In proof of these statements he cites not only Salazar’sHistoria, but various documents and records from the Dominican archives at Manila. (SeeReseña biográfica, i, pp. 486–504; this resumé is accompanied by an interesting report of the work accomplished by the Dominicans in those missions during the years 1680–90, made by Fray Gregorio Jiraldez, June 2, 1690.)↑

A note by Diaz’s editor, Fray Tirso López, states that Bohol “now [1890] belongs to the Recollects.”↑

2“He made ready four caracoas, with such Spaniards as he could find, and Indians from Sialo (which is the coast of Zebú), a very warlike people; and set out for Bohol, not entrusting to any one else an expedition so important” (Diaz, p. 133).

Diaz has evidently obtained most of his information from Murillo Velarde. We present (in notes) only such matter as he gives additional to the latter.↑

3Diaz states (p. 133) that these were both Pampango and Sialo Indians, and numbered more than a thousand.↑

4“The insurgents fled to the mountain, where for four days our men pursued them, slaying all that they encountered. They found many persons who had died for lack of food, as they had made but scanty provision of it, confiding in the promises of the demon, who had promised them that he would change the leaves on the trees into rice.” (Diaz, p. 134.)↑

5“Laden with spoil and captives,” and “leaving a garrison of Spaniards and Pampangos” (Diaz, p. 134).↑

6Spanish,zarzas y espinas; probably meaning branches of thorny shrubs, and trees. The defense of pointed stakes driven into the ground (VOL. XXVII, p. 275) is called in Tagalsuyac. Cf. description of this in Ling Roth’sNatives of Sarawak(London, 1896), i, p. 444, and ii, pp. 110–115.↑

7Spanish,ballestones; but the contrivance mentioned in the text refers to a trap used throughout the archipelago for hunting large game; it is calledbelaticorbalantic, and as it is sprung discharges a sharp javelin or arrow. See description and illustration of this trap in Reed’sNegritos of Zambales(Manila, 1904), pp. 45, 46; and of a similar device used by the Dyaks and Malays of Borneo, in Ling Roth’sNatives of Sarawak, i, pp. 437–442. Cf. Diaz’s mention (Conquistas, p. 134) of theseballestones, “which they are wont to set as snares for hunting deer.”↑

8Fifty-seven years previously; Bancao must have been, then, at least seventy-five years old at the time of this revolt; Diaz says (p. 134) that Bancao was “very old and decrepit.”↑

9According to Diaz (p. 135). “desiring to be king of the island of Leyte.”↑

10“For with the enemy came many women clad in white, and many children, in order to pick up bits of earth and scatter them on the wind, as the demon had told them—believing that if they did so the Spaniards would fall dead; but the test of this proved very costly to them. The demon had also promised them that he would resuscitate those slain in battle; but, when they carried some of the dead to his temple for him to do this, he replied, with ridiculous excuses, that he could not do it.” (Diaz, p. 135.)↑

11According to Diaz (p. 136), he was shot and then burned; also many of the rebels were hanged or shot.↑

12See description of this earthquake inVOL. XXXV, pp. 217–226.↑

13Gapán (or Gapang) is a town in the southern part of Nueva Ecija, Luzon, near San Isidro and the Rio Grande de la Pampanga.↑

14Juan de Abarca, a native of Madrid, came to the islands in the Augustinian mission of 1635, and was a minister in Pampangan and Visayan villages during twenty years, except at times filling official posts in Manila. He died there in 1656.↑

15See account of the conquest of Luzón, inVOL III, pp. 141–172; but the name Matanda does not occur therein.↑

16Alluding to the fact that it was the Lutaos—who lived in Basilan, Joló, and other islands south of Mindanao—who aided the Spaniards to quell this insurrection.↑

17That is, the missionaries had interfered with an illicit amour of Sumoroy’s (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, vi, p. 251).↑

18Meaning that at a certain part of the ascent, where but one man at a time could pass, each had to use both hands and feet for climbing, leaving his weapons with the man next to him, the latter handing them up afterward; and so on, with each in turn. See Murillo Velarde’sHist. de Philipinas,fol. 174.↑

19An allusion to La Rochelle, considered the most strongly fortified town in France.↑

20Miguel Ponce, S.J., was born in Peñaroya in Aragon, in the archbishopric of Zaragoza, and attended the university of Alcalá de Henares where he studied philosophy and theology. His endeavors to enter the Society met with failure. Inspired to a mission life, he set out for Madrid to join the mission then forming for the Philippines, but found the procurator already gone. Following afoot, he overtook him at Carmona, but was so worn out with his difficult journey and so tanned that he resembled a negro in color. For that reason the procurator refused to accept him, “for in Indias, color is an accident of great importance to the Indians.” But Ponce, in his eagerness to go, offered to accompany the missionaries as a servant or slave; and he was finally taken in the capacity of servant, embarking with the secular habit. He was admitted into the Society at Mexico in 1631, and after four months sailed from Acapulco for the Philippines. His studies were completed at Manila, and he was finally ordained a priest. For eleven months he labored in eastern Samar and was later appointed rector of Palapag. He was killed as above described, June 11, 1649. See Murillo Velarde, fol. 175, 176a.↑

21GiulioAleni, S.J., was born at Brescia in 1582 and entered the Society in 1600, being sent almost immediately after professing the humanities to China. He landed at Macao in 1610 and entered China in 1613, where he labored until 1649, the year of his death. As the text shows, he must have made a journey to the Philippines. He left many writings, a number in the Chinese tongue. See Sommervogel’sBibliothèque.↑

22Of Albay, which some called Ibalón, from a village and port of that name.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑

23Juan del Campo, S.J., was born in March, 1620, in Villanueva de la Vera, near Jarandilla, his father being Juan del Campo, a familiar of the Holy Office. Having studied in the Jesuit college at Oropesa, he entered the Society (1636) contrary to the wish of his parents. He went to Mexico in 1642, and thence to Manila (1643). His superiors sent him to Mindanao among the Subanos, where he labored zealously. He suffered martyrdom in that island January 7, 1650, during the insurrections. See Murillo Velarde, fol. 178–179 verso.↑

24Vicente Damian, S.J., was born in the city of Mecina, October 13, 1613, and after studying in a Jesuit college, entered the Society, March 20, 1630. After many vain efforts, he finally obtained permission to go to the Philippines, where he arrived in 1643. After completing his theological studies in Manila, he was sent to the Ibabao missions, where his preaching and works caused visible effects. After the death of Miguel Ponce, he was appointed rector in his place. He met death October 11, 1649 at the hands of the insurgents. See Murillo Velarde, fol. 176–178.↑

25The Recollect Fray Miguel de Santo Tomás, minister at Butuan; it was he who cared for the survivors of the insurgents’ attack on Linao (VOL. XXXVI, p. 136).↑

26This name is quite erroneous. The person here referred to was Tuto, a member of the curious class among the Subanons of Mindanao who are calledlabias(see descriptionpost, inVOL. XL.) For Manila read Malandi (or Malandeg), the name of an ancient village on the coast near Zamboanga which disappeared after the abandonment of the fortress there. Tuto was baptized by Combés under the name of Martin, and often aided that missionary when he visited Tuto’s village of Malandi. (See Combés’sHist. Mindanao, col. 63, 64, 514, 756, 786.)↑

27Francisco Lado, a native of Sardinia, was born on June 2, 1617, and at the age of sixteen entered the Jesuit order. He died at San Pedro Macati, on May 19, 1677. (Retana and Pastells’s edition ofCombés, col. 713.)↑

28A Sanskrit word, meaning “a learned man”—apparently borrowed by the Malays and used to designate their Mahometan teachers.↑

29Spanish,à las quarenta horas; a phrase usually referring to the devotion of forty hours in connection with the exposition of the Blessed Sacrament (usually occurring in times of public danger or distress). As nothing is said in the text of such exposition, the apparent meaning is that Tenorio finished his enterprise within forty hours after leaving Samboangan—a rendering for which the Spanish form is an unusual one, but not more so than many other expressions in Concepción’s pages.↑

30This name is said (Retana and Pastells’sCombés, col. 739) to mean “lady who will be queen”—uleybeing a variant ofuraya, the future ofraiaorraja(“king” or “queen”).Urancaya(ut supra, col. 787) is fromorang(“man”) andkaya(“rich”).↑

31Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, vii, p. 9) that an insufficient amount of timber was furnished for a ship then on the stocks, and Cortaberria urged on the overseers of the woodcutting, and they in turn their gangs of men, but with so much harshness that the latter mutinied.↑

32Pedro Camacho came from the Dominican convent at Sevilla, in the mission of 1648. He ministered to the Indians in and near Manila, and was director of the school of San Juan de Letran; he finally returned to Spain in 1659. (Reseña biográfica, p. 466.)↑

33For description of tree-dwellings—made, however, by the natives of Mindanao—seeVOL. XXI, pp. 239–241.↑

34This was Nicolas de Campo.↑

35Spanish,morenos criollos. “There are creoles, ormorenos, who are black negroes, natives of the country; there are many Cafres, and other negroes from Angola, Congo, and Africa” (Murillo Velarde,Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 5).↑

36In Bolinao was a chief named Sumulay, a relative of Malóng, who tried to further the latter’s ambitious schemes; Sumulay was opposed by the missionary there, a discalced Augustinian named Juan Blancas. On January 5 Ugalde arrived at Bolinao, and conferred with Blancas. As the chief strength of the insurgents lay in their poisoned arrows, which caused mortal wounds, the friar induced a friendly chief to supply the Spanish troops with an antidote for this poison. Ugalde also procured there supplies of various kinds—among them, small boats which could enter the creeks, and hides of cattle with which to form shelters against the enemy’s arrows. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, vii, pp. 16, 26, 27.)↑

37Juan Camacho made his profession in the Dominican convent of Almagro, April 19, 1638, and came to the Philippines in 1648. Most of his remaining years were spent in the Pangasinán missions; but in 1668 he became prior of the Manila convent, and a year later provincial. In his old age, he was summoned to Mexico by the Inquisition on a scandalous charge; his innocence being declared after four years, he returned to the islands, and died at Manila in 1700. (Reseña biográfica, i, p. 471.)↑

38Probably alluding to Santa Cruz’sHist. Sant. Rosario; he mentions the insurgent leader Malóng as dying “a very good Christian” (p. 340), and the insurgents as deluded and misled. His account of the rebellion is much shorter than Diaz’s. It will be remembered that the Dominicans had spiritual charge of Pangasinán.↑

39Bernardino Márquez, a native of Galicia, made his profession in the convent of Toro, and came to the islands in 1645. He spent the rest of his life mainly in the Ilocan missions, and died in 1680. (Pérez’sCatálogo, p. 120.)↑

40A misprint for balarao (or bararao), another name for the kris—seeVOL. XVI, p. 81, andVOL. XXVIII, p. 55.↑

41Thus in the text, in most places; but in Pérez’sCatálogothe name is written “de la Isla.”↑

42Juan Polanco was a native of the hill-country of Burgos, and professed in the Dominican convent at Valladolid in 1639. He came to the islands in 1658, and, after learning the Chinese language, went to China; he spent two years there, suffering persecutions and torture. He was then appointed procurator-general of his order at Madrid and Rome, in which service he sent to the Philippines the mission of 1666. He died at Sevilla, on December 2, 1671.↑

43Thus in text; apparently a misprint for Polanco.↑

44This name is not found in the gazetteers of the present time; but it must have been in the mountains east of Vigán, from which Narvacán is thirteen miles southeast.↑

45Concepción makes this number eight hundred (vii, p. 31), as does Murillo Velarde (fol. 256). Both they and Diaz give the numbers in words, not figures.↑

46Talabón: a name given to a sort of litter (also known aspetaca—which also means “a covered box or basket”—andlorimón), which is usually conveyed by four men in their hands or on their shoulders, after the fashion of asilla gestatoria(a portable chair used by the pope on great occasions), but closed.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑

47See preceding note ontalabón(p. 199).↑

48This statement does not agree with that in the next paragraph which states that this chief was hanged at Vigán.↑

49Elsewhere printed Bisaya. The Tagal wordbuayameans “crocodile,” which gives some basis for the conjecture that Boaya was the chief’s name, as persons are often named for animals, among barbarous peoples.↑

50Verse121: “I have done judgment and justice; give me not up to them that slander me.”↑

51Spanish,como cuñas del mismo palo; alluding to the proverb,No hay peor cuña que la del mismo palo, equivalent to “there is no worse enemy than an alienated friend.”↑

52Alluding to the threatened invasion of the Philippines by Kue-sing, the Chinese adventurer, and the consequent disturbances among the Chinese in the islands, with the ravages made by the Moro pirates—all in 1662. See accounts inVOL. XXXVI.↑

53These houses were founded in the following order: Ogtóng (Otón), 1572; Tigbauan, 1575; Dumangas, 1578; Antique, 1581; Jaro, 1587; Guimbal, 1590; Passi (Pasig), 1593; Laglag, 1608. (In regard to Laglag, cf. ourVOL. XXIII, p. 293.) For these dates, see Coco’s chronological table at end of Medina’sHistoria, pp. 481–488.↑

54These houses were thus founded: Panay and Dumárao, 1581; Dumalag (or Ayombón), 1506; Batán, 1601; Mambúsao, 1606; Cápiz, 1707. Aclán was founded by the Augustinians, in 1581; and Ibahay, in 1611. See table mentioned in note 100, above.↑

55Laglag is now named Dueñas. This wretched custom of changing the old names, substituting for them new ones which have no connection with the place to which they are applied nor with Filipinas, has unfortunately become general in those islands; and for the sake of pleasing or flattering some captain-general, alcalde, or cura, history is grievously obscured.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑

56Pérez says (Catálogo, p. 199) that Mesa was a native of Mexico, but made his profession (1644) in the convent of San Pablo at Manila. In 1656 he became minister at Dumalag, and in 1659 at Laglag.↑

57This mingling of religion and idolatry was frequent among the newly-converted Indians, who by not living conformably to the just severity of the gospel precepts, apostatized from the faith; and even today cases of similar amalgamation occur. The Indians of Filipinas did not offer sacrifices to the demon because they believed that he was some divinity, for they had knowledge of his being an evil spirit: but through fear, so that by keeping him satisfied he should do them no harm, or else that he might aid them to carry out some depraved purpose.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.↑

58Thus in the text, but evidently an error; it should doubtless be regarded as an error for Malonor.↑

59A similar death was the fate of that most pious father Fray Isidro Badrena—on April 9 in the year 1874, in the hills near the town of Tubungan—when he was exhorting some apostate Indians to desist from offering an idolatrous sacrifice.—Rev. Tirso López, O.S.A.

Tubungan is seventeen miles west-northwest of Iloilo.↑

60The modern form of this name is Jalaur; this fine river, with its numerous affluents, waters the northeastern part of the province of Iloilo, Panay. The “river of Laglag” is evidently the Ulián, which flows into the Jalaur near Laglag (the modern Dueñas). Apparently the culprits, both living and dead, were fastened to stakes in the river, to be eaten by crocodiles.↑

61Delgado relates this incident (Hist. de Filipinas, p. 280) as a specimen of the credulity of the natives, and adds this other instance: “While I was in the village of Lipa, the discovery was made in the village of Tanauan of a mine which was said to be of silver. Officials and workmen were sent to examine it, and test the ore, by the governor Don Fausto Cruzat y Góngora; they did so diligently, but the mine said only,Argentum et aurum non est mihi[i.e., “Silver and gold have I none”]. At that time the devil caused some arrant knave to spread the lying tale that the miners declared that the mine would not yield silver until this were done: all the Visayans of Comintan must be seized and their eyes gouged out, and these must be mixed with other ingredients, and the ore-vein of the mine rubbed with that compound. This was so thoroughly believed that every one was anxious and tearful, and the old women hid themselves in the grain-fields; and it took a long time to quiet them, with much labor of the [religious] ministers (whom they did not believe, because these were Castilians), until in the course of time they were undeceived.”↑

62Apparently a misprint, as Diaz usually makes it Pignauen, but both forms seem improbable, as compared with Paynauén—cf. that name in next section of this document, and in Concepción (viii, p. 14)—and suggest carelessness in transcription from the MS. of Diaz. It is written Paynaven in various documents cited inReseña biográfica, i, p. 490,et seq.Neither name appears in modern gazetteers.↑

63He was killed in the expedition against the Igorrotes, about 1666; Diaz says (p. 654) that Ugalde went with four thousand pesos to pay the troops, without sufficient escort, and was waylaid and slain by Zambals. Paynauén was founded at that time.↑

64Domingo Pérez was born in 1636 near Santillana, and professed in the Dominican convent at Trianos, at the age of twenty-three. He came to the islands in 1666, and in the following year was sent to the Bataan missions, and soon afterward to those among the Zambal tribes; the rest of his life, save during 1677–79, was spent among the Zambals. He wrote an “account of the customs and superstitions of the Zambals.” (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 34–43.)↑

65“N” in Spanish stands for some proper name unknown, or not intended to be expressed, like the English “Mr. Blank,” or “So-and-So.”↑

66The missions to the Zambals were previously in the hands the Augustinian Recollects. A royal decree dated June 18, 1677 commanded the archbishop of Manila to place the missions of Mindoro in charge of one of the religious orders. Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 4–16) that Pardo thereupon compelled the Recollects to give up the Zambal missions to the Dominicans, receiving in exchange therefor those of Mindoro that the natives in the latter desired to have Jesuits sent to them, and that the Zambals preferred the Dominicans, but that the opposition of both was overcome by the persuasions of government officials; and that the Dominicans, in their zeal for condensing the scattered Zambal population, made several blunders by removing certain villages to very unsuitable and disadvantageous locations.

The compiler ofReseña biográficaasserts that Concepción’s statements are incorrect. He claims that the Zambal in 1676 asked for religious instruction, stipulating that Dominican missionaries be sent them, which was done; that soon the Recollects began to complain of this, as an intrusion on their field of labor, and the Dominicans therefore withdrew their laborers; that this field was afterward given to the Dominicans by Archbishop Pardo (1679), on account of its being neglected by the Recollects; that the attempt to carry on the Zambal missions cost the Dominicans great loss of money and men, without producing satisfactory results, and therefore they offered several times to give up this charge; and that finally (1712) they did actually renounce and surrender the Zambal missions. In proof of these statements he cites not only Salazar’sHistoria, but various documents and records from the Dominican archives at Manila. (SeeReseña biográfica, i, pp. 486–504; this resumé is accompanied by an interesting report of the work accomplished by the Dominicans in those missions during the years 1680–90, made by Fray Gregorio Jiraldez, June 2, 1690.)↑

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