Chapter XIV

Chapter XIVThe two galleons which had sailed for Nueva España in the preceding year arrived safely at Filipinas [1684], although they did not make port at Cavite, but at Solsogon, within the Embocadero. The flagship “Santa Rosa,” which had gone out in charge of Antonio Nieto (who had remained as warden of the castle at Capulco), brought back as its commander Don Juan de Zalaeta, a native of Vizcaya, and a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had spent many years in these islands, and had been a soldier in Ternate; and, having returned to [Nueva?] España, had held several honorableoffices—as, being alcalde-mayor of Hicayán and Puebla de los Angeles, and warden of Acapulco. In this galleon came the governor who was to succeed Don Juan de Vargas; this was the admiral of galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and a member of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla and of the supreme Council of War. He had been commander of the Windward fleet,59and had held other responsible positions on sea and land; and he was a Vizcayan, a native of Elgoibar. Don Juan de Zalaeta carried the commission for taking the residencia of Don Juan de Vargas, and other warrants; but the most important person among those whose residencias he must take was the master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerrero de Ardila, uncle of Don Juan de Vargas’s wife. It was this man who had enjoyed the profits of the office of government, and this year he was returning to España as commander of the galleon “Santo Niño.” That vessel met within the Embocadero the galleon “Santa Rosa,” and, learning that in the latter had come a successor to Don Juan de Vargas, he hoisted the anchors without waiting for further information, whether opportune or not [con tiempo ó sin él], and sailed into the sea outside; and he was not ill-advised in this step, since in the residencia he would have been the chief personage. When Don Juan de Zalaeta learned that the best of the hunt had escaped from him, he was much grieved that he could not catch him; although it would have grieved Don Francisco Guerrero moreif they had seized him. That gentleman knew how to enjoy the advantages of Filipinas quite alone, and to go away laughing at the citizens and every one else; but Don Juan de Vargas remained behind, in custody, to make amends for his own faults and those of others.In company with the above-mentioned governor came very distinguished officers, all Vizcayans; there were Don José de Escorta, Don Pedro Uriósolo, Don Francisco Alvarez, Don Bernardo de Endaya (who carried the despatches from his Majesty), Don Pedro de Avendaño, Don Matías de Mugórtegui, Don Francisco de León y Leal, Don Juan Bautista Curucelaegui, Don Andrés de Mirafuentes, Don José de Herrera, Don Manuel González, Don Lorenzo Mesala, Don Francisco Carsiga (who died a priest), Don José Arriola, Don Martín Martínez de Tejada, and Don Lucas Vais; all of them were generals and sargentos-mayor, whom we know as captains, and rendered much service and honor to these islands. In this galleon came Don Mateo Lucas de Urquiza; also Captain Lorenzo Lázaro, a noted pilot; Captain Don Francisco Cortés, boatswain; and for ship’s storekeeper Juan de Aramburu, a brave Vizcayan who served in many important exploits.View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725)View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile fromRecueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales(Amsterdam, 1725)[from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society]In the almiranta “San Telmo,” in which returned the admiral Don Francisco Manuel de Fabra, came a numerous and excellent mission of religious of our father St. Augustine; it was sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz, who left these islands in the year 1680; he himself had been left in our hospice of Santo Tomás de Villanueva, outside the city of Méjico. This galleon “San Telmo” was in greatdanger of not being able to return hither, for, having set sail several days after the flagship, on leaving the port the rudder-irons broke, and the ship was almost unmanageable—a defect very difficult to repair in that place, on account of the scarcity of artisans at Acapulco. If it had not been for the diligence and energy of the warden Antonio Nieto, who sent to a great distance to get workmen, and made the repairs at his own cost and with his personal attention, this loss would have been irremediable; but his zeal and good judgment enabled the ship to pursue its voyage with but a few days’ loss of time, and to succeed in making port at these islands.On the eve of St. Bartholomew’s day, August 23, in the afternoon, the distinguished mission of our religious entered Manila; in numbers it was the largest that had entered this province,60and in quality unequaled. This province received them with great tokens of rejoicing; and the land welcomed them with an earthquake, and not a slight one, which occurred that night. On August 29 the private session of the definitory was held, to draw up the formal statement of receiving and incorporating them [into the province].On the day following the entry of our religious into Manila, that is, the day of St. Bartholomew, the new governor, Don Miguel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, made his entry into the city; this was done with great pomp, and two triumphal arches were erected for him, by the college of the Society of Jesus and our convent, with very ingenious emblematicallusions in Latin and Castilian verse, and very expressive laudations. At this entry occurred a disaster which might have served to the heathen as a bad omen. Hardly had the governor entered through the Puerta Real, which they call Puerta de Bagumbayan, when a balcony that was on the side within the city wall above the said gate gave way, and fell, with great injury to those who were within it; so that many were left cripples, and among these a Recollect religious named Fray Luis. The fiscal of the royal Audiencia, Doctor Don Estebán de la Fuente Alanis, escaped the danger, the falling balcony striking his horse’s tail; and Captain Don Francisco de Arcocha, the equerry of the new governor, was hurt. But, although many were injured, the life of no person was endangered.The religious of this mission brought with them an image for devotion, a painting of the holy Christ of Burgos, touched up to accord with the original. This was received in Manila with great solemnity, in a procession, the new governor taking part therein on account of being much given to that devotion, and with him the most distinguished persons in the city. The image was deposited in the main chapel, with an altar and retable which were very suitable for it, until the Conde de Lizárraga, Don Martín de Ursua y Arismendi, provided that which the image has at the present time. The governor went to mass every Friday, and there was a large attendance of citizens of Manila—I know not whether out of complaisance with him; for at the death of Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, who was buried at the foot of the aforesaid altar, at the same time was buried with him the devotion of the citizens of Manila. Thesame occurred in the government of the said Conde de Lizárraga, who again revived this devotion; for it was likewise buried with him, in the same place. So much influence has the example of the governors in these islands, and so great is their power, that even devotion seems to need their aid. The religious also brought a brief from his Holiness Innocent XI for the erection of a confraternity of the holy Christ of Burgos; this undertaking was carried out, and its first director61was this devout governor. In his time it had a large membership, but today it has very few confriers; but they are most devout and sincere when they are least influenced by vain and worldly considerations, and most please the Lord when they are anxious to please not princes—men in whom there is no real prosperity—but the King of kings, who always repays them in money of infinite value.Much did the Catholic governor grieve over entering upon his office without the benediction of the archbishop, and at finding the people of the city as a flock without a shepherd, their consciences loaded with scruples over matters of so much importance, and all of them perplexed and entangled in these dissensions; and therefore he resolved, with firm purpose and heroic determination, to cause the archbishop to be restored to his church. The opposition which he encountered among the auditors in his efforts to secure this cannot be expressed; but he firmly maintained his resolution, even to the extent of saying that he would restore the archbishop, even if it should cost him his head. Heconsulted the religious orders, asking them to give him their opinions, on the basis of law, both civil and canonical. I have not seen what the other corporations replied, which I suppose must have been what the governor desired; but I know well that the Order of St. Augustine adduced many and very substantial arguments in favor of the restitution of the archbishop to his church, and this with many citations from the authors on whom the auditors had taken their stand—who, as the royal Council of the Indias afterward declared, were greatly at error in their method, according to what the royal laws ordain in case it should be necessary to enforce the penalty of banishment against any prelate. The same error was committed by the capitulars of the ecclesiastical cabildo in declaring and proclaiming a vacant see, through their misunderstanding of the chapterSi Episcopus, “De supplenda negligentia prælatorum,”in VI62—an error which afterward cost them all so dear, especially the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cóbarrubias.The governor, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, determined to restore the archbishop to Manila, sent to Lingayén as his agent for accomplishing this, General Don Tomás de Endaya; and the city of Manila sent a regidor, Sargento-mayor Don Gonzalo de Samaniego, and some citizens. With themwent the past provincial of Santo Domingo, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, commissary of the Holy Office, and many others, with an escort of soldiers. On November 16 the archbishop came back from his exile, to the general rejoicing of the entire city, which had been so long a time afflicted by the absence of its pastor and prelate. The artillery was fired [as a salute], from the castle, and from the wall adjoining the gate of Santo Domingo, by which the archbishop made his entrance; and after he had visited the church he went to the palace, to see his liberator, the Catholic governor—who said that, in case his proceeding should displease his Majesty and the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, he would regard it as a great glory to have a punishment, even were it capital, imposed upon him. This may be believed of him, as he was a man of a great soul, although small in body;Major in exiguo regnavit corpore virtus.63What we saw in him was, that he was one of the best governors that these islands have had—affable, pious, magnanimous, and in the highest degree disinterested, and with this very liberal. And therefore he was wont to say that he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. This he said with truth, because in España and the Indias he had possessed much wealth, gained in the many voyages that he had made in command of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España, which had been consumed by his ostentation and liberality. We may therefore regard it as a punishment of God upon these islands that He removed him from us in the fifth year of his term of government—in which timehe was severe with those only to whom he could not in justice be kind—unless it were that divine justice chose him for the punishment of those who had deserved it before his time.64Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui began his government with great acceptability and satisfaction to all, and taking the measures necessary for the maintenance of these islands. The year of 1685 was a hard one on account of the general epidemic of smallpox which raged, not only in these islands but in all the kingdoms of China and Eastern India—especially on the Coromandel coast, where many millions of Malabàrs died. In Filipinas the ravages of the epidemic were great, principally among the infants; but the place where, it is affirmed, the pest caused incredible loss was in the mountains of Manila where the insurgent blacks [i.e., Negritos] dwell, so many dying that those mountain districts were left almost uninhabited. But it was not only among them that the disease wrought such destruction, but also among the deer and wild swine, of which there is an innumerable multitude in these mountains, even after they have contributed with their flesh to the support of so great a number of blacks. The reason why so many die with this contagion is, first, their weak physique; and second, the custom that they have of abandoning those who are attacked by the disease, on account of which they die much sooner—and, what is worse, in their heathen blindness. In China many millions of people died, so that there was no one to cultivate the fields; from this resulted great famine and mortality, after the epidemic of smallpox.Chapter XVThe first vessel that the governor despatched for Nueva España was the galleon “Santa Rosa;” and he appointed as its commander Don Francisco Zorrilla, a native of Granada; as its chief pilot, Admiral Don Lorenzo Lazcano; and as sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Endaya. The voyage of this galleon caused great damage to the citizens of Manila, on account of the difficulty in disposing of their property caused by the poor market65that they found at the port of Acapulco, because a fleet of many vessels, laden with merchandise, had arrived at Vera Cruz. From the time of this voyage, the shipments which were sent from these islands to the commerce of Nueva España began to decrease—not only on account of the above-mentioned fleets, but through the numerous imposts and contributions which were levied on the galleons of Filipinas, which continually increased;66consequently,seldom was a voyage made from which the citizens obtained any profits beyond their principal from the goods which they shipped.During the time which the archbishop spent in his exile at Lingayén occurred the death of the bishop of Nueva Segovia—Doctor Don Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, a native of Manila—at the village of Vigan, the capital of the province of Ilocos, a few months after his consecration. He was very learned, and greatly beloved for his very affable manners and his angelic gentleness. He had been for many years provisor and archdeacon, and commissary of the Holy Crusade;67he was therefore greatly esteemed by all, and his loss was keenly felt. His death causeda long vacancy in the said church [of Nueva Segovia], which lasted until the year 1704, when his successor arrived; this was Master Don Fray Diego Gorospe é Irala, of the Order of Preachers, a native of Puebla de los Angeles. This prelate made strenuous endeavors to establish the visitation of the regulars in charge of missions, and gave much occasion for patience to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Augustine as long as he lived, which was until May 20, 1715. On account of the death of Don Francisco Pizarro, the cabildo of Manila named for governor of that bishopric Don Diego de Navas, who had been expelled from the Society of Jesus, a man of impetuous disposition; this was one of the charges afterward made by the archbishop against the cabildo. That prelate, after he was restored to his church, sent his assistant the bishop of Troya, Don Fray Ginés de Barrientos, to rule that bishopric. [Here follows an account of Pardo’s dealings with the ecclesiastical cabildo and other persons who had been excommunicated on account of their share in his banishment, which is here omitted, as having been sufficiently recounted in “The Pardo Controversy,”VOL. XXXIX,q.v.]This year the galleon “Santo Niño” arrived from Acapulco, and Master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerreroremained behind in Nueva España, thus escaping from the numerous lawsuits of the residencia, with all of which Don Juan de Vargas was laden. It would have been of great assistance to him to have had the aforesaid Don Francisco at his side, since the latter was very crafty and sagacious, and not so easily perplexed in matters that concerned him as was Don Juan de Vargas; for the governors in that country need to be very liberal in the residencia, and to have much patience and courage.As commander [of the galleon] in place of Don Francisco Guerrero came General Antonio Nieto, because a proprietary appointee had succeeded him in the castle of Acapulco. There also came in his company three religious, sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz—two who had remained [in Nueva España] sick from the last mission; and the other because he had enlisted for this province, a son of Mechoacán. [The next two paragraphs relate to the residencia of Vargas; part of this has already been used for annotations in the account of that trial inVOL. XXXIX,q.v.]Chapter XVIThe peace and pious tranquillity which this province enjoyed throughout the three years’ government of our father Fray José Duque was like that which it had enjoyed during the three years of his former term, and was what this province had expected from him on account of the knowledge and experience which all had of his piety, great discretion, and sagacity in making way through the greatest difficulties. Accordingly, they bade farewell to his paternal government with much regret, and determinedto reëlect him for a third term—which they did afterward at the proper time, opportunity being afforded for this by the long span of his life and the robust constitution with which he was endowed, which were astonishing.The time arrived which our Constitutions assign for holding the provincial chapter, and it assembled in the convent of Manila; over it presided, with letters from our very reverend father general Fray Antonio Paccino, our father Fray Diego de Jesús. Our father Fray Juan de Jérez was elected provincial for the second time, with great satisfaction to all; and as definitors were chosen the fathers Fray Luis Diaz, Fray Juan García, Fray Felipe de Jaurigue, and Fray Diego de Alday. The visitors of the past triennium were present, Fray José de la Cruz and Fray Alonso de Arniellos; and as visitors for this triennium were appointed father Fray Ignacio de Rearcado and the father reader Fray Francisco de Ugarte. Very judicious ordinances were enacted for the proper government of the province, and for the maintenance of the strict regular observance which in those times flourished therein—in which the new provincial had taken a prominent part in his first triennium (which was from 1677 to 1680), and in the past one, in which he had been prior of [the convent in] Manila.The provincial began to govern with so much zeal and industry that it would be tedious for me to tell how much he accomplished in one year only—the least being that he had visited all the provinces, even to those of Ilocos and Bisayas, without omitting in one point his exercises of prayer and mortification. Of this I can give reliable testimony, as one who washis secretary and companion during the twenty-two months while he governed, his death being caused by the great labors of this visitation, in which with holy zeal and activity he performed incredible labors in promoting the religious observance, and in securing the cleansing and adornment of the altars and the ornaments, in which he was exceedingly careful and assiduous. He suffered much from the continual harassment of the scruples which tormented him, so much that it caused one grief to see the so heavy cross which the Lord placed on the shoulders of this His creature, which he bore with great fortitude and courage....Among the excellent arrangements made by this chapter was the chief one, which was that father Fray Álvaro de Benavente should go to España as procurator; he had a few months before returned from China, where he left our missions very well established in the kingdom of Cantón, with houses at Xaoquinfú and Nanhiunfú, and two others in other places of less note. At the same time he was appointed definitor for the general chapter which was to meet in Roma, to which father Fray Alvaro was very desirous of going on account of the affairs of the missions conducted by the regulars in China, from whom he carried letters and authority to act in regard to the remission of the oath of subjection to the apostolic vicars. They gave him the necessary despatches, and he determined to make the voyage by way of the Cape of Good Hope, because that year there was no galleon going to Nueva España, the cause of which will be told later. He embarked for Batavia on a Portuguese vessel, and as his companion was assigned the brother Fray Juan Verganzo, whohad come with the mission of the year 1684. He arrived at Batavia, where he encountered great difficulties in making the voyage to Amsterdam; but all these were overcome by a Dutchman, a Calvinist preacher named Teodoro Zas—a very benevolent and courteous man, and very fond of doing good to others; this caused grief in those who knew him, at seeing him misled by the false doctrines of Calvin, when he was so eminent in the moral virtues.Father Fray Alvaro carried with him the first part of this History, which after a long time came from the press, although only as far as the year 1616—while I had given it to him complete up to the year 1647—because at that time this province had not funds at Madrid sufficient to print it all. That first division of the history was printed at the said court in the year 1698, by Manuel Ruiz de Murga; and it was dedicated to her Ladyship the Duquesa de Aveiro, although it was my intention that it be dedicated to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme Council of the Indias. The rest of the said first part remained laid aside and forgotten in the convent of San Felipe at Madrid, until I determined to write it again and complete it, by means of the rough drafts that had remained here.68About April of 1687, father Fray Alvaro sailed from Batavia in [one of the] galleons of the Company of Holanda, and after many and fearful tempests it reached the Cape of Good Hope, where the Dutch made a halt of two months at the great colony and settlement which that nation maintain there for this purpose; it is a very populous city, and well supplied with all that is necessary to human life, for it possesses a very healthful climate, at the latitude of 36° [on the side] of the tropic of Capricorn. In this city they have a large hospital for treating the sick, with very skilful physicians and surgeons, and with all the comfort that could be found in any other part of the world. Among the magnificent and delightful things which are in that city is a garden, the largest that is known, which, according to report, is only second to the earthly Paradise. It is many leguas in circumference, and is divided, like the world, into four parts. In the part called Europa,there are trees of all the fruits that grow in our Europa; in that called Asia, all those from Asia; and the same in those of Africa and America. This garden has a river, opened by hand-labor, which waters all the four divisions; and for its cultivation many Dutch gardeners and more than two thousand Cafres are kept there. In this place is produced very rich wine, which they call “Cape wine;” for the climate is the same as in Andalucía and Extremadura, although in the opposite zone [trópico], and is different only in having summer at Christmas and winter at St. John’s day.69Father Fray Alvaro left this pleasant town and pursued his voyage to Holanda, and landed at Roterdán, the native place of Desiderius Erasmus;70andthence he went to Amsterdam, where he remained some time. There he made inquiries to ascertain whether he could print the history that he carried in that great city, on account of the beautiful work done by its famous printers; but he gave up this intention, on account of the numerous errors which they made, being ignorant of our language. Thence he embarked for Bilbao, where he and his companion resumed wearing their habits, which they had laid aside in order to go on shore at Batavia. The rest of the tedious peregrinations of father Fray Alvaro will be related, if we can reach the time when he returned [to Manila] with a mission in the year 1690, when we shall observe his entrance into Madrid and his voyage to Roma, and his negotiations at that court in behalf of the regulars of the China missions.For these missions the chapter designated the father reader Fray Juan de Aguilar, who remained in them several years, and afterward retired on account of failing health; but the chapter sent in his place father Fray Juan Gómez, who continued there until his death. Afterward a large reënforcement of religious was sent to China for the aforesaid missions, which have increased and become very large; and they would have prospered much more, if they had not been so hindered by the claim of subjection to the vicars-apostolic, who made so strenuous efforts to introduce it.The governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, had determined to send this year [1686] to NuevaEspaña the galleon “Santo Niño,” in charge of General Lucas Mateo de Urquiza; but his efforts to despatch it were ineffectual, because information was received that seven vessels of corsairs or pirates were sailing outside of the Embocadero, and it was feared that their principal intention was to seize the galleon “San Telmo,” which was expected on the return trip from Nueva España. Two fragatas of theirs had been in the Babuyanes Islands, between Cagayán and Hermosa Island, and had slain two religious of [the Order of] St. Dominic; these were father Fray Jacinto de Samper, a native of Caspe, an able minister to the Chinese in the Parián, and father Fray José Seijas, a nephew of the archbishop of Méjico, Don Francisco Seijas, both of them being religious of great virtue.71Moreover, the pirates had committed other acts of hostility in Cagayán and Ilocos. The governor determined to suspend the voyage of the galleon for Nueva España, and gave orders to equip it for war—cutting in it many portholes, in order to furnish it with more than a hundred pieces of artillery of large calibre (all of bronze); and placing aboard it a thousand soldiers, Spaniards, Pampangos, Merdicas, Malays, and Zambal Indian bowmen. In its company went two pataches, which had just come for trade with the Coromandel coast, well armed and furnished with soldiers; and for commander of this enterprise the governor appointed Don Tomás de Endaya, with the title of deputy captain-general. To his valor could be entrusted any undertaking,however perilous it might be; for he was valiant, and had great skill in navigation, and had gone three times to España as commander [of the galleons]. This splendid armada set out, small in number [of ships], but having great strength. Having escorted through the Embocadero and secured the galleon “San Telmo” (which reached these islands safely), the armada reconnoitered all the places where the piratical enemy might be, but did not find them, but learned that there had been no more than the two vessels which had been in Babuyanes. Thereupon the armada returned to Cavite, without accomplishing anything more than the great expenses which the royal treasury had incurred, and having weakened the great strength of the galleon “Santo Niño,” with the numerous portholes which had been cut in it for mounting the artillery; for it was necessary for this purpose to cut through the ribs of the ship’s sides, in the preservation of which consisted its greatest strength.The two pataches proceeded in search of the pirates to the locality of the Babuyanes; and the commander, Don Tomás de Endaya, went with a strong force of men by land to the province of Ilocos to look for them—where, it was said, the said corsairs had arrived, although the news did not prove to be accurate. He went as far as the capital town of Vigan, where his encomienda was; and after having spent some time there, not receiving information of the enemy, he returned to Manila. He left there established a village of the blacks from the mountains, called Santo Tomás, between Tarlac and Magalan, headed by a notable chief of theirs named Don Juan Valiga. A few months after Don Tomás de Endayahad arrived at Manila, he succeeded in the office of master-of-camp to Don Fernando de Bobadilla (who held it by proprietary appointment from his Majesty), who died about this time. The latter was a great soldier, and the governor of Zamboanga, and is often named in the history; he was a native of Sevilla, and a son of one of the “twenty-four” of that city. The ships that went by sea, after having searched many ports where they thought to find the corsairs, and having no further news of them, returned to Manila without having accomplished anything remarkable. Don Tomás de Endaya was confirmed in the post of master-of-camp, and held it twenty-eight years; and then he died from old age.In this year of 1686, about June, occurred the revolt of the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila, which I related in book ii, chapter 21, as I did not suppose that I would reach these times with the thread of the narrative; and therefore I do not repeat it [here], as it was written with sufficient fulness, and the curious reader can find it in the place I have cited. [This citation is incorrect, in the arrangement of the chapters as given in Fray Lopez’s edition of Diaz; the number of the chapter should be xxxiv. Diaz’s account, as there given (pp. 440, 441), we transfer to this place, adding his comments on the question of allowing the Chinese to reside at Manila; it is as follows:]While these islands were governed by the admiral of the galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, of the Order of Santiago and one of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla, in the year 1686 [misprinted1636] there occurred a tumult in the Parián which it was feared would become a general uprising[—which was planned,] according to the investigations afterward made. In the said market there were many recently-arrived Sangleys, of so bad reputation that the Sangley merchants themselves had no confidence in these men, and said that they were disguised thieves and highwaymen who had come from China that year, having fled from a mandarin who was a very severe judge, whom the emperor had sent from the court to drive out so mischievous a sort of folk from the province of Fo-Kien, which at that time was infested by criminals of that sort. The said mandarin had executed his commission with such severity that those who were put to death numbered more than sixty thousand—which in China is a small number, because that country abounds in robbers—and for this reason many had made their escape to Manila and other regions, fleeing from the harshness of that judge. These people did all the harm that they could, robbing inside the Parián the Chinese themselves, when they could not rob outsiders.About this time there came out of the public prison at Manila a Sangley named Tingco, who had been imprisoned for the unnatural crime, and had been there so long that in prison he had learned to read and write our language, and had come to be a sufficiently competent scrivener to write petitions and other papers for the rest of the prisoners, for he was very clever and had a keen mind. He went about [the prison] freely, as being a prisoner of so long standing, and aided the jailer greatly by acting as guard to the other prisoners; and he supported himself very comfortably on what he gained by his pen. Finally, after many years of confinement hesucceeded in gaining his full liberty; and, as he had a restless disposition and evil inclinations, he associated himself with other Chinese criminals, of those who were fugitives from the province of Fo-Kien, and they lived on what they could plunder from other Sangleys and from the Indians and Spaniards. As they regarded this occupation of petty thieving as too disagreeable, and it could not extricate them from their wretchedly poor condition, they planned to assemble together three hundred of these vagabonds, and to undertake some exploit which should better their fortunes so that they could return to China free from danger. It seems certain that this resolve was talked about with the multitude of the Parián who were least supplied with funds, and these were on the watch to aid the bold attempt of those promoters if the result had corresponded to their plans; and what is most surprising is the secrecy with which they kept these from the rich Sangleys—who not only would not have entered into the plot, but would have revealed it for their own safety; for they were going to lose much and gain little, and with very evident risk. The day and hour of the conspiracy having been settled—a day in the month of August, at daylight—they assembled in a disorderly crowd, armed with such weapons as they could procure by stealth, their leader being one who had newly come, that same year, from China. In a mob, and without order, they attacked the house of the alguacil-mayor, Pedro de Ortega; and they killed him and another Spaniard, named Nicolás de Ballena. With this beginning they went to the house of the alcalde-mayor of the Parián, Captain Don Diego Vivién, and enteredit to do the same to him; but, having heard the noise, he escaped without clothing, and reached a safe place in the little fort which defends the entrance to the great bridge, where there is always a garrison of soldiers. The insurgents entered his house, and their greed satisfied itself on what they found nearest to their hands, although they had not the luck to find three thousand pesos in silver which the alcalde possessed. While they halted for this pillage there was time to bring up soldiers and other armed men, and they easily arrested many of the Sangleys, although most of them escaped; and the rest of the Parián remained tranquil. It was made known that this conspiracy was plotted in the bakery of Manila, and [it was said] that they intended to place pounded glass in the bread, in order to kill the Spaniards. This was not positively ascertained, but the management of that business was taken from the Chinese—to which, however, they afterward returned, at the urgent request of our people. This was because, during the time while the Sangleys did not carry on this trade, they were replaced by Spaniards who in their own country had been bakers, but in Manila they did not succeed in doing anything to advantage; the Sangleys therefore again took charge of the bakery, after they had been asked by many to furnish the supply of bread, of which great quantities are consumed in Manila.The Sangley Tingco was captured, and in company with ten others was hanged and quartered; and the bodies were placed along the river of Manila and the estuary of Tondo, as far as Point Tañón in Tambobong. The conversion of those who were heathens (as were most of them) was secured, andfor this conversion labored earnestly father Fray Álvaro de Benavente, an Augustinian, and Father José de Irigoyen of the Society of Jesus, both of whom knew the dialects of the provinces from which the criminals came; and for those of Fo-Kien the fathers of St. Dominic [ministered]. News came that many of the insurgents had taken refuge at Pasay, and General Don Tomás de Endaya went out against them with soldiers and Merdicas (who are very brave Malay Indians); they came back with eleven heads of those whom they could kill, and the disturbance was quieted, nor has any other occurred up to the present time.In this danger Manila maintains her existence, clinging to it as the means of her preservation even though she grieves over what is the cause of her greatest decline. The shrewdness of the Chinese in business dealings and their skill in carrying on the mechanical trades turn us from these callings so entirely that Spaniards who in their own country practiced them here consider it foolish to do so; accordingly they allow the Chinese to conduct and manage the crafts, believing that the latter are serving us when they are most imposing upon us. And as the Chinese recognize this weakness of ours, and see that it is without remedy, on account of the Spanish vanity, they treat us with contempt in their acts, although with great submission in their words. Whatever they make is defective and does not wear well, in order that they may have more work to do. The unnecessary expense that Manila suffers on account of the frauds that they practice in the trades of baker, candle-maker, and silversmith is very great; we recognize this, and endure it throughnecessity, and the matter is not set right, through reluctance to apply the remedy. Many persons understand the injury which the Chinese cause here, but much more numerous are those who defend them, since this peril is dear to those who regard it as an advantage [to have the Chinese here.]In the year 1678 there reached our hands a very judicious opinion, printed at Madrid by a devout person who had had experience in dealing with that nation, and was well aware of their acts of guile. It was presented before the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, its president being the Conde de Medellín; and when the arguments adduced therein made a very strong impression, another pamphlet appeared in print at the same court, against the former one and in favor of the Sangleys; this delayed the decision, so that it seems as if they have in all quarters those who defend them. And so we go on, enduring this incurable disease—although today the number of the Sangleys is less than ever; for it is supposed that the number does not reach the six thousand whom the royal decrees allow, and judging by the poverty to which the commonwealth of Manila is steadily being reduced, each year there will be fewer Chinese here through the lack of profits; for that is the craving which draws them from their own country.I am aware that I have expatiated on a matter which seems to be an affair of state, rather than of history, although history, as a teacher of truth and a witness of the times, should include all events. I much regret that I cannot enlarge my account by saying something of the much which I could tell about the great indifference with which the Sangleyswho are baptized attend to their obligations as Christians; most of them do so for worldly objects, such as being married and living as lords of the country; but this subject is one for tears rather than for the pen. Many lamentations have been made by many Jeremiahs zealous for the honor of God; but no results have followed beyond the reward which will be given to them in glory for this so holy labor. A very learned apologue is kept in the ecclesiastical archives, written by the reverend father Fray Alberto Collares of the Order of Preachers, at the request of the archbishop of Manila, Doctor Don Miguel Millán de Poblete, which causes horror to those who read it; and the worst is, that it tells but little, according to the opinion of other religious of the said order, who, as ministers to the Parián mission, know the Chinese best. And still more is this occasion for censure to some of the religious of that order who have been in China, and know how much superior the Christians of that empire are to these; and therefore they take great care to prevent those who come from China (who are few) from holding intercourse with the Christians of the Parián, in order that these may not corrupt them. Thus do they look upon the matter; and when in our convent at Manila was lodged Don Fray Gregorio López, a Basilitan72bishop of the Order of Preachers, a Chinese by nationality—who was a phœnix among that people, on account of his virtue and sanctity—heprevented from going to the Parián, whenever he could, two good Chinese Christians whom he brought hither in his company.Many (and most) persons are greatly deceived in imagining that the Sangleys who live among the Indian natives outside of Manila do no harm to the faith, saying that the Chinese are more atheists than idolaters, and that they only seek worldly advantages. But this is not always the rule, for some teach sects and doctrines that are very evil, as experience shows. In the year 1706, father Fray Antolín de Alzaga, one of the apostolic missionaries whom we have in the remote mountains of the province of Pampanga, converting and instructing the warlike peoples called Italones, Ituriés, and Abacas—whose wonderful conversions present notable material to him whose duty it is to write the history of those times—this apostolic missionary came to Manila, making light of the hardships of [travel by] those roads so long and rough, in order to ask the governor, Don Domingo de Zabalburu, to take measures for banishing from these mountains two infidel Sangleys, who with greed for the trade in wax had penetrated even those unexplored hills, where they taught false dogmas and perverse opinions, such as palingenesis, or transmigration of souls—a dogma which Pythagoras taught, and which was propagated much among heathen peoples. At the present time it is accepted by all nations of Asia, and in China and Japon with the greatest tenacity; they believe that when a man dies his soul goes to animate another body, either rational or brute, according to the deserts of him who is dead, and for either punishment or reward; and thus they allot an infinitesuccession of transmigrations. This diabolical dogma was taught by these Sangleys to the Italon Indians, with other evil doctrines, such as polygamy (which permits a man to have many wives), idolatry, and others which ensue from it. That accursed doctrine spread rapidly among those simple mountaineers, so much so that it became necessary to have recourse to the said governor—who, being so zealous for the increase of the Christian faith, sent to the alcalde-mayor of Pampanga a very urgent command to expel from those missions the two Sangleys, and to be very careful to prevent the entrance of others therein; and this order was carried out, to the great tranquillity of the new Christian church. Experience has shown the same thing in other villages where Sangleys have fixed abodes. I will not delay longer over a matter on which there is an endless amount to be said, since I have sufficiently exceeded the limits of my obligation; and I refer to many persons who have officially discussed these matters, although they have obtained no results from their earnest efforts.The natives regard them with contempt, having no further inclination toward them than that of self-interest; consequently, neither affection nor fear draws either toward the other. And ordinarily selfishness courts the Sangleys, while aversion urges the natives to make complaints against them—except that the bond of matrimony is a check on the women; for, as is usually the case, if a native leads a bad life, he is on the watch for the acts of the Sangleys, in order to make the evil-doing of another serve as an excuse for greater freedom in his own wrong mode of life. Accordingly, they are in more danger fromtestimony arising from the malice of the accusers than from facts brought forward in zeal for their correction—as is seen by the few complaints or accusations that are decided against them, and how still more rarely do these bring them to punishment. Nor can this be attributed to the negligence of the judges, for they are delighted to receive the lawsuits of the Sangleys, our covetousness selling to them even justice very dear; and when harshness finds an object, it makes their punishments (since their wealth offers so much to avarice), although less bloody, more keenly felt, since in the estimation of the Sangley money is his very heart’s blood.The precedents set by the sovereign kings Don Fernando the Catholic and Don Felipe II are examples of their piety, and of their successful policy in separating from their Catholic vassals those who are perfidious, who if mingled with the others might pervert them, through the passion which the Indians and Moros have for propagating their [false] sects—a danger much to be feared among the simple people of the villages and the common herd.No doubt, intercourse with these infidels is very necessary, on account of the merchandise which they furnish to us from their kingdom; but this could, in my opinion, be accomplished without danger to us—for one thing, by permitting to remain in these islands [only the] six thousand Sangleys, as his Majesty decrees; and for another, by not permitting them to trade in the provinces, or to live in the villages mingled with the Indians. But they should be kept in subjection, as Joshua kept down the Gaboanites, and as now Roma, Florencia, Venecia, and Orán hold the Jews in subjection, and our people inTernate kept the Moros in his Majesty’s galleys, the rabble of that sort. It is an obvious disadvantage to live subjected to such peoples, because the law of subjection, the adulation offered to rulers, and ambition to secure their favor are powerful to subject religion to their pleasure, as has been found by experience in all the countries where this misfortune has been suffered—such as Mesopotamia, both the Arabias, Egipto, and Africa, and that one which was the supporter of religion, Constantinopla, with all of Grecia. And for the same reason heresy has so prevailed and lorded it in Inglaterra, Irlanda, Dinamarca, Suecia, Sajonia,[i.e., Saxony], the Palatinate, and many other provinces and free cities—the most fatal poison that attacks the faith being the sovereignty of infidel princes, their grandeur and power being the sure ruin of religion. I consider that I have used more space than is required by my obligations, in treating of so pernicious a nation, which is allowed here in greater number than our needs demand—I know not whether through our fault or our misfortune—and maintained in the subjection which experience has shown [to be necessary] at times when too great confidence has relaxed the rein of caution.[Here we resume the regular narrative of this period by Diaz, at p. 786:] This revolt caused great anxiety to the governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, on account of the many champans which had come that year from China; but in the course of time the danger disappeared.Among the great hardships which in this year were suffered in Manila, one was that the rains were heavier than any known to living men. Not onlywere they very heavy, but they lasted many months, and were the cause of many fields and crops being ruined, which caused a great scarcity of provisions; and, as it was impossible to work the salt-beds, the price of salt rose so high that it came to be worth twelve pesos for half a fanega, although its ordinary price was two or three reals—and some years even less, depending on the [height of the] water and on the heat of the sun, on which conditions this so necessary industry depends.The most memorable event of this year, and one which may be counted among the most important which have occurred in these islands since their conquest, is the imprisonment of the auditors, Don Diego Antonio de Viga and Don Pedro Sebastián de Bolivar, by the governor. It is an event to cause astonishment—and more, as it came so soon after the imprisonment and exile of the archbishop, Don Fray Felipe Pardo—at seeing in so short a time Doctor Don Cristóbal de Herrera Grimaldos dead, and two auditors deprived forever of their togas (since never again could they put these on), and their families ruined and almost destroyed. It is not my intention to interpret the inscrutable secrets of divine justice, but only to set down the times and occasions in which so notable events occurred. [Diaz’s account of the imprisonment and deaths of the auditors is here omitted, as it has already been sufficiently related inVOL. XXXIX.]

Chapter XIVThe two galleons which had sailed for Nueva España in the preceding year arrived safely at Filipinas [1684], although they did not make port at Cavite, but at Solsogon, within the Embocadero. The flagship “Santa Rosa,” which had gone out in charge of Antonio Nieto (who had remained as warden of the castle at Capulco), brought back as its commander Don Juan de Zalaeta, a native of Vizcaya, and a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had spent many years in these islands, and had been a soldier in Ternate; and, having returned to [Nueva?] España, had held several honorableoffices—as, being alcalde-mayor of Hicayán and Puebla de los Angeles, and warden of Acapulco. In this galleon came the governor who was to succeed Don Juan de Vargas; this was the admiral of galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and a member of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla and of the supreme Council of War. He had been commander of the Windward fleet,59and had held other responsible positions on sea and land; and he was a Vizcayan, a native of Elgoibar. Don Juan de Zalaeta carried the commission for taking the residencia of Don Juan de Vargas, and other warrants; but the most important person among those whose residencias he must take was the master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerrero de Ardila, uncle of Don Juan de Vargas’s wife. It was this man who had enjoyed the profits of the office of government, and this year he was returning to España as commander of the galleon “Santo Niño.” That vessel met within the Embocadero the galleon “Santa Rosa,” and, learning that in the latter had come a successor to Don Juan de Vargas, he hoisted the anchors without waiting for further information, whether opportune or not [con tiempo ó sin él], and sailed into the sea outside; and he was not ill-advised in this step, since in the residencia he would have been the chief personage. When Don Juan de Zalaeta learned that the best of the hunt had escaped from him, he was much grieved that he could not catch him; although it would have grieved Don Francisco Guerrero moreif they had seized him. That gentleman knew how to enjoy the advantages of Filipinas quite alone, and to go away laughing at the citizens and every one else; but Don Juan de Vargas remained behind, in custody, to make amends for his own faults and those of others.In company with the above-mentioned governor came very distinguished officers, all Vizcayans; there were Don José de Escorta, Don Pedro Uriósolo, Don Francisco Alvarez, Don Bernardo de Endaya (who carried the despatches from his Majesty), Don Pedro de Avendaño, Don Matías de Mugórtegui, Don Francisco de León y Leal, Don Juan Bautista Curucelaegui, Don Andrés de Mirafuentes, Don José de Herrera, Don Manuel González, Don Lorenzo Mesala, Don Francisco Carsiga (who died a priest), Don José Arriola, Don Martín Martínez de Tejada, and Don Lucas Vais; all of them were generals and sargentos-mayor, whom we know as captains, and rendered much service and honor to these islands. In this galleon came Don Mateo Lucas de Urquiza; also Captain Lorenzo Lázaro, a noted pilot; Captain Don Francisco Cortés, boatswain; and for ship’s storekeeper Juan de Aramburu, a brave Vizcayan who served in many important exploits.View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725)View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile fromRecueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales(Amsterdam, 1725)[from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society]In the almiranta “San Telmo,” in which returned the admiral Don Francisco Manuel de Fabra, came a numerous and excellent mission of religious of our father St. Augustine; it was sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz, who left these islands in the year 1680; he himself had been left in our hospice of Santo Tomás de Villanueva, outside the city of Méjico. This galleon “San Telmo” was in greatdanger of not being able to return hither, for, having set sail several days after the flagship, on leaving the port the rudder-irons broke, and the ship was almost unmanageable—a defect very difficult to repair in that place, on account of the scarcity of artisans at Acapulco. If it had not been for the diligence and energy of the warden Antonio Nieto, who sent to a great distance to get workmen, and made the repairs at his own cost and with his personal attention, this loss would have been irremediable; but his zeal and good judgment enabled the ship to pursue its voyage with but a few days’ loss of time, and to succeed in making port at these islands.On the eve of St. Bartholomew’s day, August 23, in the afternoon, the distinguished mission of our religious entered Manila; in numbers it was the largest that had entered this province,60and in quality unequaled. This province received them with great tokens of rejoicing; and the land welcomed them with an earthquake, and not a slight one, which occurred that night. On August 29 the private session of the definitory was held, to draw up the formal statement of receiving and incorporating them [into the province].On the day following the entry of our religious into Manila, that is, the day of St. Bartholomew, the new governor, Don Miguel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, made his entry into the city; this was done with great pomp, and two triumphal arches were erected for him, by the college of the Society of Jesus and our convent, with very ingenious emblematicallusions in Latin and Castilian verse, and very expressive laudations. At this entry occurred a disaster which might have served to the heathen as a bad omen. Hardly had the governor entered through the Puerta Real, which they call Puerta de Bagumbayan, when a balcony that was on the side within the city wall above the said gate gave way, and fell, with great injury to those who were within it; so that many were left cripples, and among these a Recollect religious named Fray Luis. The fiscal of the royal Audiencia, Doctor Don Estebán de la Fuente Alanis, escaped the danger, the falling balcony striking his horse’s tail; and Captain Don Francisco de Arcocha, the equerry of the new governor, was hurt. But, although many were injured, the life of no person was endangered.The religious of this mission brought with them an image for devotion, a painting of the holy Christ of Burgos, touched up to accord with the original. This was received in Manila with great solemnity, in a procession, the new governor taking part therein on account of being much given to that devotion, and with him the most distinguished persons in the city. The image was deposited in the main chapel, with an altar and retable which were very suitable for it, until the Conde de Lizárraga, Don Martín de Ursua y Arismendi, provided that which the image has at the present time. The governor went to mass every Friday, and there was a large attendance of citizens of Manila—I know not whether out of complaisance with him; for at the death of Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, who was buried at the foot of the aforesaid altar, at the same time was buried with him the devotion of the citizens of Manila. Thesame occurred in the government of the said Conde de Lizárraga, who again revived this devotion; for it was likewise buried with him, in the same place. So much influence has the example of the governors in these islands, and so great is their power, that even devotion seems to need their aid. The religious also brought a brief from his Holiness Innocent XI for the erection of a confraternity of the holy Christ of Burgos; this undertaking was carried out, and its first director61was this devout governor. In his time it had a large membership, but today it has very few confriers; but they are most devout and sincere when they are least influenced by vain and worldly considerations, and most please the Lord when they are anxious to please not princes—men in whom there is no real prosperity—but the King of kings, who always repays them in money of infinite value.Much did the Catholic governor grieve over entering upon his office without the benediction of the archbishop, and at finding the people of the city as a flock without a shepherd, their consciences loaded with scruples over matters of so much importance, and all of them perplexed and entangled in these dissensions; and therefore he resolved, with firm purpose and heroic determination, to cause the archbishop to be restored to his church. The opposition which he encountered among the auditors in his efforts to secure this cannot be expressed; but he firmly maintained his resolution, even to the extent of saying that he would restore the archbishop, even if it should cost him his head. Heconsulted the religious orders, asking them to give him their opinions, on the basis of law, both civil and canonical. I have not seen what the other corporations replied, which I suppose must have been what the governor desired; but I know well that the Order of St. Augustine adduced many and very substantial arguments in favor of the restitution of the archbishop to his church, and this with many citations from the authors on whom the auditors had taken their stand—who, as the royal Council of the Indias afterward declared, were greatly at error in their method, according to what the royal laws ordain in case it should be necessary to enforce the penalty of banishment against any prelate. The same error was committed by the capitulars of the ecclesiastical cabildo in declaring and proclaiming a vacant see, through their misunderstanding of the chapterSi Episcopus, “De supplenda negligentia prælatorum,”in VI62—an error which afterward cost them all so dear, especially the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cóbarrubias.The governor, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, determined to restore the archbishop to Manila, sent to Lingayén as his agent for accomplishing this, General Don Tomás de Endaya; and the city of Manila sent a regidor, Sargento-mayor Don Gonzalo de Samaniego, and some citizens. With themwent the past provincial of Santo Domingo, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, commissary of the Holy Office, and many others, with an escort of soldiers. On November 16 the archbishop came back from his exile, to the general rejoicing of the entire city, which had been so long a time afflicted by the absence of its pastor and prelate. The artillery was fired [as a salute], from the castle, and from the wall adjoining the gate of Santo Domingo, by which the archbishop made his entrance; and after he had visited the church he went to the palace, to see his liberator, the Catholic governor—who said that, in case his proceeding should displease his Majesty and the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, he would regard it as a great glory to have a punishment, even were it capital, imposed upon him. This may be believed of him, as he was a man of a great soul, although small in body;Major in exiguo regnavit corpore virtus.63What we saw in him was, that he was one of the best governors that these islands have had—affable, pious, magnanimous, and in the highest degree disinterested, and with this very liberal. And therefore he was wont to say that he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. This he said with truth, because in España and the Indias he had possessed much wealth, gained in the many voyages that he had made in command of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España, which had been consumed by his ostentation and liberality. We may therefore regard it as a punishment of God upon these islands that He removed him from us in the fifth year of his term of government—in which timehe was severe with those only to whom he could not in justice be kind—unless it were that divine justice chose him for the punishment of those who had deserved it before his time.64Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui began his government with great acceptability and satisfaction to all, and taking the measures necessary for the maintenance of these islands. The year of 1685 was a hard one on account of the general epidemic of smallpox which raged, not only in these islands but in all the kingdoms of China and Eastern India—especially on the Coromandel coast, where many millions of Malabàrs died. In Filipinas the ravages of the epidemic were great, principally among the infants; but the place where, it is affirmed, the pest caused incredible loss was in the mountains of Manila where the insurgent blacks [i.e., Negritos] dwell, so many dying that those mountain districts were left almost uninhabited. But it was not only among them that the disease wrought such destruction, but also among the deer and wild swine, of which there is an innumerable multitude in these mountains, even after they have contributed with their flesh to the support of so great a number of blacks. The reason why so many die with this contagion is, first, their weak physique; and second, the custom that they have of abandoning those who are attacked by the disease, on account of which they die much sooner—and, what is worse, in their heathen blindness. In China many millions of people died, so that there was no one to cultivate the fields; from this resulted great famine and mortality, after the epidemic of smallpox.Chapter XVThe first vessel that the governor despatched for Nueva España was the galleon “Santa Rosa;” and he appointed as its commander Don Francisco Zorrilla, a native of Granada; as its chief pilot, Admiral Don Lorenzo Lazcano; and as sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Endaya. The voyage of this galleon caused great damage to the citizens of Manila, on account of the difficulty in disposing of their property caused by the poor market65that they found at the port of Acapulco, because a fleet of many vessels, laden with merchandise, had arrived at Vera Cruz. From the time of this voyage, the shipments which were sent from these islands to the commerce of Nueva España began to decrease—not only on account of the above-mentioned fleets, but through the numerous imposts and contributions which were levied on the galleons of Filipinas, which continually increased;66consequently,seldom was a voyage made from which the citizens obtained any profits beyond their principal from the goods which they shipped.During the time which the archbishop spent in his exile at Lingayén occurred the death of the bishop of Nueva Segovia—Doctor Don Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, a native of Manila—at the village of Vigan, the capital of the province of Ilocos, a few months after his consecration. He was very learned, and greatly beloved for his very affable manners and his angelic gentleness. He had been for many years provisor and archdeacon, and commissary of the Holy Crusade;67he was therefore greatly esteemed by all, and his loss was keenly felt. His death causeda long vacancy in the said church [of Nueva Segovia], which lasted until the year 1704, when his successor arrived; this was Master Don Fray Diego Gorospe é Irala, of the Order of Preachers, a native of Puebla de los Angeles. This prelate made strenuous endeavors to establish the visitation of the regulars in charge of missions, and gave much occasion for patience to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Augustine as long as he lived, which was until May 20, 1715. On account of the death of Don Francisco Pizarro, the cabildo of Manila named for governor of that bishopric Don Diego de Navas, who had been expelled from the Society of Jesus, a man of impetuous disposition; this was one of the charges afterward made by the archbishop against the cabildo. That prelate, after he was restored to his church, sent his assistant the bishop of Troya, Don Fray Ginés de Barrientos, to rule that bishopric. [Here follows an account of Pardo’s dealings with the ecclesiastical cabildo and other persons who had been excommunicated on account of their share in his banishment, which is here omitted, as having been sufficiently recounted in “The Pardo Controversy,”VOL. XXXIX,q.v.]This year the galleon “Santo Niño” arrived from Acapulco, and Master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerreroremained behind in Nueva España, thus escaping from the numerous lawsuits of the residencia, with all of which Don Juan de Vargas was laden. It would have been of great assistance to him to have had the aforesaid Don Francisco at his side, since the latter was very crafty and sagacious, and not so easily perplexed in matters that concerned him as was Don Juan de Vargas; for the governors in that country need to be very liberal in the residencia, and to have much patience and courage.As commander [of the galleon] in place of Don Francisco Guerrero came General Antonio Nieto, because a proprietary appointee had succeeded him in the castle of Acapulco. There also came in his company three religious, sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz—two who had remained [in Nueva España] sick from the last mission; and the other because he had enlisted for this province, a son of Mechoacán. [The next two paragraphs relate to the residencia of Vargas; part of this has already been used for annotations in the account of that trial inVOL. XXXIX,q.v.]Chapter XVIThe peace and pious tranquillity which this province enjoyed throughout the three years’ government of our father Fray José Duque was like that which it had enjoyed during the three years of his former term, and was what this province had expected from him on account of the knowledge and experience which all had of his piety, great discretion, and sagacity in making way through the greatest difficulties. Accordingly, they bade farewell to his paternal government with much regret, and determinedto reëlect him for a third term—which they did afterward at the proper time, opportunity being afforded for this by the long span of his life and the robust constitution with which he was endowed, which were astonishing.The time arrived which our Constitutions assign for holding the provincial chapter, and it assembled in the convent of Manila; over it presided, with letters from our very reverend father general Fray Antonio Paccino, our father Fray Diego de Jesús. Our father Fray Juan de Jérez was elected provincial for the second time, with great satisfaction to all; and as definitors were chosen the fathers Fray Luis Diaz, Fray Juan García, Fray Felipe de Jaurigue, and Fray Diego de Alday. The visitors of the past triennium were present, Fray José de la Cruz and Fray Alonso de Arniellos; and as visitors for this triennium were appointed father Fray Ignacio de Rearcado and the father reader Fray Francisco de Ugarte. Very judicious ordinances were enacted for the proper government of the province, and for the maintenance of the strict regular observance which in those times flourished therein—in which the new provincial had taken a prominent part in his first triennium (which was from 1677 to 1680), and in the past one, in which he had been prior of [the convent in] Manila.The provincial began to govern with so much zeal and industry that it would be tedious for me to tell how much he accomplished in one year only—the least being that he had visited all the provinces, even to those of Ilocos and Bisayas, without omitting in one point his exercises of prayer and mortification. Of this I can give reliable testimony, as one who washis secretary and companion during the twenty-two months while he governed, his death being caused by the great labors of this visitation, in which with holy zeal and activity he performed incredible labors in promoting the religious observance, and in securing the cleansing and adornment of the altars and the ornaments, in which he was exceedingly careful and assiduous. He suffered much from the continual harassment of the scruples which tormented him, so much that it caused one grief to see the so heavy cross which the Lord placed on the shoulders of this His creature, which he bore with great fortitude and courage....Among the excellent arrangements made by this chapter was the chief one, which was that father Fray Álvaro de Benavente should go to España as procurator; he had a few months before returned from China, where he left our missions very well established in the kingdom of Cantón, with houses at Xaoquinfú and Nanhiunfú, and two others in other places of less note. At the same time he was appointed definitor for the general chapter which was to meet in Roma, to which father Fray Alvaro was very desirous of going on account of the affairs of the missions conducted by the regulars in China, from whom he carried letters and authority to act in regard to the remission of the oath of subjection to the apostolic vicars. They gave him the necessary despatches, and he determined to make the voyage by way of the Cape of Good Hope, because that year there was no galleon going to Nueva España, the cause of which will be told later. He embarked for Batavia on a Portuguese vessel, and as his companion was assigned the brother Fray Juan Verganzo, whohad come with the mission of the year 1684. He arrived at Batavia, where he encountered great difficulties in making the voyage to Amsterdam; but all these were overcome by a Dutchman, a Calvinist preacher named Teodoro Zas—a very benevolent and courteous man, and very fond of doing good to others; this caused grief in those who knew him, at seeing him misled by the false doctrines of Calvin, when he was so eminent in the moral virtues.Father Fray Alvaro carried with him the first part of this History, which after a long time came from the press, although only as far as the year 1616—while I had given it to him complete up to the year 1647—because at that time this province had not funds at Madrid sufficient to print it all. That first division of the history was printed at the said court in the year 1698, by Manuel Ruiz de Murga; and it was dedicated to her Ladyship the Duquesa de Aveiro, although it was my intention that it be dedicated to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme Council of the Indias. The rest of the said first part remained laid aside and forgotten in the convent of San Felipe at Madrid, until I determined to write it again and complete it, by means of the rough drafts that had remained here.68About April of 1687, father Fray Alvaro sailed from Batavia in [one of the] galleons of the Company of Holanda, and after many and fearful tempests it reached the Cape of Good Hope, where the Dutch made a halt of two months at the great colony and settlement which that nation maintain there for this purpose; it is a very populous city, and well supplied with all that is necessary to human life, for it possesses a very healthful climate, at the latitude of 36° [on the side] of the tropic of Capricorn. In this city they have a large hospital for treating the sick, with very skilful physicians and surgeons, and with all the comfort that could be found in any other part of the world. Among the magnificent and delightful things which are in that city is a garden, the largest that is known, which, according to report, is only second to the earthly Paradise. It is many leguas in circumference, and is divided, like the world, into four parts. In the part called Europa,there are trees of all the fruits that grow in our Europa; in that called Asia, all those from Asia; and the same in those of Africa and America. This garden has a river, opened by hand-labor, which waters all the four divisions; and for its cultivation many Dutch gardeners and more than two thousand Cafres are kept there. In this place is produced very rich wine, which they call “Cape wine;” for the climate is the same as in Andalucía and Extremadura, although in the opposite zone [trópico], and is different only in having summer at Christmas and winter at St. John’s day.69Father Fray Alvaro left this pleasant town and pursued his voyage to Holanda, and landed at Roterdán, the native place of Desiderius Erasmus;70andthence he went to Amsterdam, where he remained some time. There he made inquiries to ascertain whether he could print the history that he carried in that great city, on account of the beautiful work done by its famous printers; but he gave up this intention, on account of the numerous errors which they made, being ignorant of our language. Thence he embarked for Bilbao, where he and his companion resumed wearing their habits, which they had laid aside in order to go on shore at Batavia. The rest of the tedious peregrinations of father Fray Alvaro will be related, if we can reach the time when he returned [to Manila] with a mission in the year 1690, when we shall observe his entrance into Madrid and his voyage to Roma, and his negotiations at that court in behalf of the regulars of the China missions.For these missions the chapter designated the father reader Fray Juan de Aguilar, who remained in them several years, and afterward retired on account of failing health; but the chapter sent in his place father Fray Juan Gómez, who continued there until his death. Afterward a large reënforcement of religious was sent to China for the aforesaid missions, which have increased and become very large; and they would have prospered much more, if they had not been so hindered by the claim of subjection to the vicars-apostolic, who made so strenuous efforts to introduce it.The governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, had determined to send this year [1686] to NuevaEspaña the galleon “Santo Niño,” in charge of General Lucas Mateo de Urquiza; but his efforts to despatch it were ineffectual, because information was received that seven vessels of corsairs or pirates were sailing outside of the Embocadero, and it was feared that their principal intention was to seize the galleon “San Telmo,” which was expected on the return trip from Nueva España. Two fragatas of theirs had been in the Babuyanes Islands, between Cagayán and Hermosa Island, and had slain two religious of [the Order of] St. Dominic; these were father Fray Jacinto de Samper, a native of Caspe, an able minister to the Chinese in the Parián, and father Fray José Seijas, a nephew of the archbishop of Méjico, Don Francisco Seijas, both of them being religious of great virtue.71Moreover, the pirates had committed other acts of hostility in Cagayán and Ilocos. The governor determined to suspend the voyage of the galleon for Nueva España, and gave orders to equip it for war—cutting in it many portholes, in order to furnish it with more than a hundred pieces of artillery of large calibre (all of bronze); and placing aboard it a thousand soldiers, Spaniards, Pampangos, Merdicas, Malays, and Zambal Indian bowmen. In its company went two pataches, which had just come for trade with the Coromandel coast, well armed and furnished with soldiers; and for commander of this enterprise the governor appointed Don Tomás de Endaya, with the title of deputy captain-general. To his valor could be entrusted any undertaking,however perilous it might be; for he was valiant, and had great skill in navigation, and had gone three times to España as commander [of the galleons]. This splendid armada set out, small in number [of ships], but having great strength. Having escorted through the Embocadero and secured the galleon “San Telmo” (which reached these islands safely), the armada reconnoitered all the places where the piratical enemy might be, but did not find them, but learned that there had been no more than the two vessels which had been in Babuyanes. Thereupon the armada returned to Cavite, without accomplishing anything more than the great expenses which the royal treasury had incurred, and having weakened the great strength of the galleon “Santo Niño,” with the numerous portholes which had been cut in it for mounting the artillery; for it was necessary for this purpose to cut through the ribs of the ship’s sides, in the preservation of which consisted its greatest strength.The two pataches proceeded in search of the pirates to the locality of the Babuyanes; and the commander, Don Tomás de Endaya, went with a strong force of men by land to the province of Ilocos to look for them—where, it was said, the said corsairs had arrived, although the news did not prove to be accurate. He went as far as the capital town of Vigan, where his encomienda was; and after having spent some time there, not receiving information of the enemy, he returned to Manila. He left there established a village of the blacks from the mountains, called Santo Tomás, between Tarlac and Magalan, headed by a notable chief of theirs named Don Juan Valiga. A few months after Don Tomás de Endayahad arrived at Manila, he succeeded in the office of master-of-camp to Don Fernando de Bobadilla (who held it by proprietary appointment from his Majesty), who died about this time. The latter was a great soldier, and the governor of Zamboanga, and is often named in the history; he was a native of Sevilla, and a son of one of the “twenty-four” of that city. The ships that went by sea, after having searched many ports where they thought to find the corsairs, and having no further news of them, returned to Manila without having accomplished anything remarkable. Don Tomás de Endaya was confirmed in the post of master-of-camp, and held it twenty-eight years; and then he died from old age.In this year of 1686, about June, occurred the revolt of the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila, which I related in book ii, chapter 21, as I did not suppose that I would reach these times with the thread of the narrative; and therefore I do not repeat it [here], as it was written with sufficient fulness, and the curious reader can find it in the place I have cited. [This citation is incorrect, in the arrangement of the chapters as given in Fray Lopez’s edition of Diaz; the number of the chapter should be xxxiv. Diaz’s account, as there given (pp. 440, 441), we transfer to this place, adding his comments on the question of allowing the Chinese to reside at Manila; it is as follows:]While these islands were governed by the admiral of the galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, of the Order of Santiago and one of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla, in the year 1686 [misprinted1636] there occurred a tumult in the Parián which it was feared would become a general uprising[—which was planned,] according to the investigations afterward made. In the said market there were many recently-arrived Sangleys, of so bad reputation that the Sangley merchants themselves had no confidence in these men, and said that they were disguised thieves and highwaymen who had come from China that year, having fled from a mandarin who was a very severe judge, whom the emperor had sent from the court to drive out so mischievous a sort of folk from the province of Fo-Kien, which at that time was infested by criminals of that sort. The said mandarin had executed his commission with such severity that those who were put to death numbered more than sixty thousand—which in China is a small number, because that country abounds in robbers—and for this reason many had made their escape to Manila and other regions, fleeing from the harshness of that judge. These people did all the harm that they could, robbing inside the Parián the Chinese themselves, when they could not rob outsiders.About this time there came out of the public prison at Manila a Sangley named Tingco, who had been imprisoned for the unnatural crime, and had been there so long that in prison he had learned to read and write our language, and had come to be a sufficiently competent scrivener to write petitions and other papers for the rest of the prisoners, for he was very clever and had a keen mind. He went about [the prison] freely, as being a prisoner of so long standing, and aided the jailer greatly by acting as guard to the other prisoners; and he supported himself very comfortably on what he gained by his pen. Finally, after many years of confinement hesucceeded in gaining his full liberty; and, as he had a restless disposition and evil inclinations, he associated himself with other Chinese criminals, of those who were fugitives from the province of Fo-Kien, and they lived on what they could plunder from other Sangleys and from the Indians and Spaniards. As they regarded this occupation of petty thieving as too disagreeable, and it could not extricate them from their wretchedly poor condition, they planned to assemble together three hundred of these vagabonds, and to undertake some exploit which should better their fortunes so that they could return to China free from danger. It seems certain that this resolve was talked about with the multitude of the Parián who were least supplied with funds, and these were on the watch to aid the bold attempt of those promoters if the result had corresponded to their plans; and what is most surprising is the secrecy with which they kept these from the rich Sangleys—who not only would not have entered into the plot, but would have revealed it for their own safety; for they were going to lose much and gain little, and with very evident risk. The day and hour of the conspiracy having been settled—a day in the month of August, at daylight—they assembled in a disorderly crowd, armed with such weapons as they could procure by stealth, their leader being one who had newly come, that same year, from China. In a mob, and without order, they attacked the house of the alguacil-mayor, Pedro de Ortega; and they killed him and another Spaniard, named Nicolás de Ballena. With this beginning they went to the house of the alcalde-mayor of the Parián, Captain Don Diego Vivién, and enteredit to do the same to him; but, having heard the noise, he escaped without clothing, and reached a safe place in the little fort which defends the entrance to the great bridge, where there is always a garrison of soldiers. The insurgents entered his house, and their greed satisfied itself on what they found nearest to their hands, although they had not the luck to find three thousand pesos in silver which the alcalde possessed. While they halted for this pillage there was time to bring up soldiers and other armed men, and they easily arrested many of the Sangleys, although most of them escaped; and the rest of the Parián remained tranquil. It was made known that this conspiracy was plotted in the bakery of Manila, and [it was said] that they intended to place pounded glass in the bread, in order to kill the Spaniards. This was not positively ascertained, but the management of that business was taken from the Chinese—to which, however, they afterward returned, at the urgent request of our people. This was because, during the time while the Sangleys did not carry on this trade, they were replaced by Spaniards who in their own country had been bakers, but in Manila they did not succeed in doing anything to advantage; the Sangleys therefore again took charge of the bakery, after they had been asked by many to furnish the supply of bread, of which great quantities are consumed in Manila.The Sangley Tingco was captured, and in company with ten others was hanged and quartered; and the bodies were placed along the river of Manila and the estuary of Tondo, as far as Point Tañón in Tambobong. The conversion of those who were heathens (as were most of them) was secured, andfor this conversion labored earnestly father Fray Álvaro de Benavente, an Augustinian, and Father José de Irigoyen of the Society of Jesus, both of whom knew the dialects of the provinces from which the criminals came; and for those of Fo-Kien the fathers of St. Dominic [ministered]. News came that many of the insurgents had taken refuge at Pasay, and General Don Tomás de Endaya went out against them with soldiers and Merdicas (who are very brave Malay Indians); they came back with eleven heads of those whom they could kill, and the disturbance was quieted, nor has any other occurred up to the present time.In this danger Manila maintains her existence, clinging to it as the means of her preservation even though she grieves over what is the cause of her greatest decline. The shrewdness of the Chinese in business dealings and their skill in carrying on the mechanical trades turn us from these callings so entirely that Spaniards who in their own country practiced them here consider it foolish to do so; accordingly they allow the Chinese to conduct and manage the crafts, believing that the latter are serving us when they are most imposing upon us. And as the Chinese recognize this weakness of ours, and see that it is without remedy, on account of the Spanish vanity, they treat us with contempt in their acts, although with great submission in their words. Whatever they make is defective and does not wear well, in order that they may have more work to do. The unnecessary expense that Manila suffers on account of the frauds that they practice in the trades of baker, candle-maker, and silversmith is very great; we recognize this, and endure it throughnecessity, and the matter is not set right, through reluctance to apply the remedy. Many persons understand the injury which the Chinese cause here, but much more numerous are those who defend them, since this peril is dear to those who regard it as an advantage [to have the Chinese here.]In the year 1678 there reached our hands a very judicious opinion, printed at Madrid by a devout person who had had experience in dealing with that nation, and was well aware of their acts of guile. It was presented before the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, its president being the Conde de Medellín; and when the arguments adduced therein made a very strong impression, another pamphlet appeared in print at the same court, against the former one and in favor of the Sangleys; this delayed the decision, so that it seems as if they have in all quarters those who defend them. And so we go on, enduring this incurable disease—although today the number of the Sangleys is less than ever; for it is supposed that the number does not reach the six thousand whom the royal decrees allow, and judging by the poverty to which the commonwealth of Manila is steadily being reduced, each year there will be fewer Chinese here through the lack of profits; for that is the craving which draws them from their own country.I am aware that I have expatiated on a matter which seems to be an affair of state, rather than of history, although history, as a teacher of truth and a witness of the times, should include all events. I much regret that I cannot enlarge my account by saying something of the much which I could tell about the great indifference with which the Sangleyswho are baptized attend to their obligations as Christians; most of them do so for worldly objects, such as being married and living as lords of the country; but this subject is one for tears rather than for the pen. Many lamentations have been made by many Jeremiahs zealous for the honor of God; but no results have followed beyond the reward which will be given to them in glory for this so holy labor. A very learned apologue is kept in the ecclesiastical archives, written by the reverend father Fray Alberto Collares of the Order of Preachers, at the request of the archbishop of Manila, Doctor Don Miguel Millán de Poblete, which causes horror to those who read it; and the worst is, that it tells but little, according to the opinion of other religious of the said order, who, as ministers to the Parián mission, know the Chinese best. And still more is this occasion for censure to some of the religious of that order who have been in China, and know how much superior the Christians of that empire are to these; and therefore they take great care to prevent those who come from China (who are few) from holding intercourse with the Christians of the Parián, in order that these may not corrupt them. Thus do they look upon the matter; and when in our convent at Manila was lodged Don Fray Gregorio López, a Basilitan72bishop of the Order of Preachers, a Chinese by nationality—who was a phœnix among that people, on account of his virtue and sanctity—heprevented from going to the Parián, whenever he could, two good Chinese Christians whom he brought hither in his company.Many (and most) persons are greatly deceived in imagining that the Sangleys who live among the Indian natives outside of Manila do no harm to the faith, saying that the Chinese are more atheists than idolaters, and that they only seek worldly advantages. But this is not always the rule, for some teach sects and doctrines that are very evil, as experience shows. In the year 1706, father Fray Antolín de Alzaga, one of the apostolic missionaries whom we have in the remote mountains of the province of Pampanga, converting and instructing the warlike peoples called Italones, Ituriés, and Abacas—whose wonderful conversions present notable material to him whose duty it is to write the history of those times—this apostolic missionary came to Manila, making light of the hardships of [travel by] those roads so long and rough, in order to ask the governor, Don Domingo de Zabalburu, to take measures for banishing from these mountains two infidel Sangleys, who with greed for the trade in wax had penetrated even those unexplored hills, where they taught false dogmas and perverse opinions, such as palingenesis, or transmigration of souls—a dogma which Pythagoras taught, and which was propagated much among heathen peoples. At the present time it is accepted by all nations of Asia, and in China and Japon with the greatest tenacity; they believe that when a man dies his soul goes to animate another body, either rational or brute, according to the deserts of him who is dead, and for either punishment or reward; and thus they allot an infinitesuccession of transmigrations. This diabolical dogma was taught by these Sangleys to the Italon Indians, with other evil doctrines, such as polygamy (which permits a man to have many wives), idolatry, and others which ensue from it. That accursed doctrine spread rapidly among those simple mountaineers, so much so that it became necessary to have recourse to the said governor—who, being so zealous for the increase of the Christian faith, sent to the alcalde-mayor of Pampanga a very urgent command to expel from those missions the two Sangleys, and to be very careful to prevent the entrance of others therein; and this order was carried out, to the great tranquillity of the new Christian church. Experience has shown the same thing in other villages where Sangleys have fixed abodes. I will not delay longer over a matter on which there is an endless amount to be said, since I have sufficiently exceeded the limits of my obligation; and I refer to many persons who have officially discussed these matters, although they have obtained no results from their earnest efforts.The natives regard them with contempt, having no further inclination toward them than that of self-interest; consequently, neither affection nor fear draws either toward the other. And ordinarily selfishness courts the Sangleys, while aversion urges the natives to make complaints against them—except that the bond of matrimony is a check on the women; for, as is usually the case, if a native leads a bad life, he is on the watch for the acts of the Sangleys, in order to make the evil-doing of another serve as an excuse for greater freedom in his own wrong mode of life. Accordingly, they are in more danger fromtestimony arising from the malice of the accusers than from facts brought forward in zeal for their correction—as is seen by the few complaints or accusations that are decided against them, and how still more rarely do these bring them to punishment. Nor can this be attributed to the negligence of the judges, for they are delighted to receive the lawsuits of the Sangleys, our covetousness selling to them even justice very dear; and when harshness finds an object, it makes their punishments (since their wealth offers so much to avarice), although less bloody, more keenly felt, since in the estimation of the Sangley money is his very heart’s blood.The precedents set by the sovereign kings Don Fernando the Catholic and Don Felipe II are examples of their piety, and of their successful policy in separating from their Catholic vassals those who are perfidious, who if mingled with the others might pervert them, through the passion which the Indians and Moros have for propagating their [false] sects—a danger much to be feared among the simple people of the villages and the common herd.No doubt, intercourse with these infidels is very necessary, on account of the merchandise which they furnish to us from their kingdom; but this could, in my opinion, be accomplished without danger to us—for one thing, by permitting to remain in these islands [only the] six thousand Sangleys, as his Majesty decrees; and for another, by not permitting them to trade in the provinces, or to live in the villages mingled with the Indians. But they should be kept in subjection, as Joshua kept down the Gaboanites, and as now Roma, Florencia, Venecia, and Orán hold the Jews in subjection, and our people inTernate kept the Moros in his Majesty’s galleys, the rabble of that sort. It is an obvious disadvantage to live subjected to such peoples, because the law of subjection, the adulation offered to rulers, and ambition to secure their favor are powerful to subject religion to their pleasure, as has been found by experience in all the countries where this misfortune has been suffered—such as Mesopotamia, both the Arabias, Egipto, and Africa, and that one which was the supporter of religion, Constantinopla, with all of Grecia. And for the same reason heresy has so prevailed and lorded it in Inglaterra, Irlanda, Dinamarca, Suecia, Sajonia,[i.e., Saxony], the Palatinate, and many other provinces and free cities—the most fatal poison that attacks the faith being the sovereignty of infidel princes, their grandeur and power being the sure ruin of religion. I consider that I have used more space than is required by my obligations, in treating of so pernicious a nation, which is allowed here in greater number than our needs demand—I know not whether through our fault or our misfortune—and maintained in the subjection which experience has shown [to be necessary] at times when too great confidence has relaxed the rein of caution.[Here we resume the regular narrative of this period by Diaz, at p. 786:] This revolt caused great anxiety to the governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, on account of the many champans which had come that year from China; but in the course of time the danger disappeared.Among the great hardships which in this year were suffered in Manila, one was that the rains were heavier than any known to living men. Not onlywere they very heavy, but they lasted many months, and were the cause of many fields and crops being ruined, which caused a great scarcity of provisions; and, as it was impossible to work the salt-beds, the price of salt rose so high that it came to be worth twelve pesos for half a fanega, although its ordinary price was two or three reals—and some years even less, depending on the [height of the] water and on the heat of the sun, on which conditions this so necessary industry depends.The most memorable event of this year, and one which may be counted among the most important which have occurred in these islands since their conquest, is the imprisonment of the auditors, Don Diego Antonio de Viga and Don Pedro Sebastián de Bolivar, by the governor. It is an event to cause astonishment—and more, as it came so soon after the imprisonment and exile of the archbishop, Don Fray Felipe Pardo—at seeing in so short a time Doctor Don Cristóbal de Herrera Grimaldos dead, and two auditors deprived forever of their togas (since never again could they put these on), and their families ruined and almost destroyed. It is not my intention to interpret the inscrutable secrets of divine justice, but only to set down the times and occasions in which so notable events occurred. [Diaz’s account of the imprisonment and deaths of the auditors is here omitted, as it has already been sufficiently related inVOL. XXXIX.]

Chapter XIVThe two galleons which had sailed for Nueva España in the preceding year arrived safely at Filipinas [1684], although they did not make port at Cavite, but at Solsogon, within the Embocadero. The flagship “Santa Rosa,” which had gone out in charge of Antonio Nieto (who had remained as warden of the castle at Capulco), brought back as its commander Don Juan de Zalaeta, a native of Vizcaya, and a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had spent many years in these islands, and had been a soldier in Ternate; and, having returned to [Nueva?] España, had held several honorableoffices—as, being alcalde-mayor of Hicayán and Puebla de los Angeles, and warden of Acapulco. In this galleon came the governor who was to succeed Don Juan de Vargas; this was the admiral of galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and a member of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla and of the supreme Council of War. He had been commander of the Windward fleet,59and had held other responsible positions on sea and land; and he was a Vizcayan, a native of Elgoibar. Don Juan de Zalaeta carried the commission for taking the residencia of Don Juan de Vargas, and other warrants; but the most important person among those whose residencias he must take was the master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerrero de Ardila, uncle of Don Juan de Vargas’s wife. It was this man who had enjoyed the profits of the office of government, and this year he was returning to España as commander of the galleon “Santo Niño.” That vessel met within the Embocadero the galleon “Santa Rosa,” and, learning that in the latter had come a successor to Don Juan de Vargas, he hoisted the anchors without waiting for further information, whether opportune or not [con tiempo ó sin él], and sailed into the sea outside; and he was not ill-advised in this step, since in the residencia he would have been the chief personage. When Don Juan de Zalaeta learned that the best of the hunt had escaped from him, he was much grieved that he could not catch him; although it would have grieved Don Francisco Guerrero moreif they had seized him. That gentleman knew how to enjoy the advantages of Filipinas quite alone, and to go away laughing at the citizens and every one else; but Don Juan de Vargas remained behind, in custody, to make amends for his own faults and those of others.In company with the above-mentioned governor came very distinguished officers, all Vizcayans; there were Don José de Escorta, Don Pedro Uriósolo, Don Francisco Alvarez, Don Bernardo de Endaya (who carried the despatches from his Majesty), Don Pedro de Avendaño, Don Matías de Mugórtegui, Don Francisco de León y Leal, Don Juan Bautista Curucelaegui, Don Andrés de Mirafuentes, Don José de Herrera, Don Manuel González, Don Lorenzo Mesala, Don Francisco Carsiga (who died a priest), Don José Arriola, Don Martín Martínez de Tejada, and Don Lucas Vais; all of them were generals and sargentos-mayor, whom we know as captains, and rendered much service and honor to these islands. In this galleon came Don Mateo Lucas de Urquiza; also Captain Lorenzo Lázaro, a noted pilot; Captain Don Francisco Cortés, boatswain; and for ship’s storekeeper Juan de Aramburu, a brave Vizcayan who served in many important exploits.View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725)View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile fromRecueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales(Amsterdam, 1725)[from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society]In the almiranta “San Telmo,” in which returned the admiral Don Francisco Manuel de Fabra, came a numerous and excellent mission of religious of our father St. Augustine; it was sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz, who left these islands in the year 1680; he himself had been left in our hospice of Santo Tomás de Villanueva, outside the city of Méjico. This galleon “San Telmo” was in greatdanger of not being able to return hither, for, having set sail several days after the flagship, on leaving the port the rudder-irons broke, and the ship was almost unmanageable—a defect very difficult to repair in that place, on account of the scarcity of artisans at Acapulco. If it had not been for the diligence and energy of the warden Antonio Nieto, who sent to a great distance to get workmen, and made the repairs at his own cost and with his personal attention, this loss would have been irremediable; but his zeal and good judgment enabled the ship to pursue its voyage with but a few days’ loss of time, and to succeed in making port at these islands.On the eve of St. Bartholomew’s day, August 23, in the afternoon, the distinguished mission of our religious entered Manila; in numbers it was the largest that had entered this province,60and in quality unequaled. This province received them with great tokens of rejoicing; and the land welcomed them with an earthquake, and not a slight one, which occurred that night. On August 29 the private session of the definitory was held, to draw up the formal statement of receiving and incorporating them [into the province].On the day following the entry of our religious into Manila, that is, the day of St. Bartholomew, the new governor, Don Miguel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, made his entry into the city; this was done with great pomp, and two triumphal arches were erected for him, by the college of the Society of Jesus and our convent, with very ingenious emblematicallusions in Latin and Castilian verse, and very expressive laudations. At this entry occurred a disaster which might have served to the heathen as a bad omen. Hardly had the governor entered through the Puerta Real, which they call Puerta de Bagumbayan, when a balcony that was on the side within the city wall above the said gate gave way, and fell, with great injury to those who were within it; so that many were left cripples, and among these a Recollect religious named Fray Luis. The fiscal of the royal Audiencia, Doctor Don Estebán de la Fuente Alanis, escaped the danger, the falling balcony striking his horse’s tail; and Captain Don Francisco de Arcocha, the equerry of the new governor, was hurt. But, although many were injured, the life of no person was endangered.The religious of this mission brought with them an image for devotion, a painting of the holy Christ of Burgos, touched up to accord with the original. This was received in Manila with great solemnity, in a procession, the new governor taking part therein on account of being much given to that devotion, and with him the most distinguished persons in the city. The image was deposited in the main chapel, with an altar and retable which were very suitable for it, until the Conde de Lizárraga, Don Martín de Ursua y Arismendi, provided that which the image has at the present time. The governor went to mass every Friday, and there was a large attendance of citizens of Manila—I know not whether out of complaisance with him; for at the death of Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, who was buried at the foot of the aforesaid altar, at the same time was buried with him the devotion of the citizens of Manila. Thesame occurred in the government of the said Conde de Lizárraga, who again revived this devotion; for it was likewise buried with him, in the same place. So much influence has the example of the governors in these islands, and so great is their power, that even devotion seems to need their aid. The religious also brought a brief from his Holiness Innocent XI for the erection of a confraternity of the holy Christ of Burgos; this undertaking was carried out, and its first director61was this devout governor. In his time it had a large membership, but today it has very few confriers; but they are most devout and sincere when they are least influenced by vain and worldly considerations, and most please the Lord when they are anxious to please not princes—men in whom there is no real prosperity—but the King of kings, who always repays them in money of infinite value.Much did the Catholic governor grieve over entering upon his office without the benediction of the archbishop, and at finding the people of the city as a flock without a shepherd, their consciences loaded with scruples over matters of so much importance, and all of them perplexed and entangled in these dissensions; and therefore he resolved, with firm purpose and heroic determination, to cause the archbishop to be restored to his church. The opposition which he encountered among the auditors in his efforts to secure this cannot be expressed; but he firmly maintained his resolution, even to the extent of saying that he would restore the archbishop, even if it should cost him his head. Heconsulted the religious orders, asking them to give him their opinions, on the basis of law, both civil and canonical. I have not seen what the other corporations replied, which I suppose must have been what the governor desired; but I know well that the Order of St. Augustine adduced many and very substantial arguments in favor of the restitution of the archbishop to his church, and this with many citations from the authors on whom the auditors had taken their stand—who, as the royal Council of the Indias afterward declared, were greatly at error in their method, according to what the royal laws ordain in case it should be necessary to enforce the penalty of banishment against any prelate. The same error was committed by the capitulars of the ecclesiastical cabildo in declaring and proclaiming a vacant see, through their misunderstanding of the chapterSi Episcopus, “De supplenda negligentia prælatorum,”in VI62—an error which afterward cost them all so dear, especially the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cóbarrubias.The governor, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, determined to restore the archbishop to Manila, sent to Lingayén as his agent for accomplishing this, General Don Tomás de Endaya; and the city of Manila sent a regidor, Sargento-mayor Don Gonzalo de Samaniego, and some citizens. With themwent the past provincial of Santo Domingo, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, commissary of the Holy Office, and many others, with an escort of soldiers. On November 16 the archbishop came back from his exile, to the general rejoicing of the entire city, which had been so long a time afflicted by the absence of its pastor and prelate. The artillery was fired [as a salute], from the castle, and from the wall adjoining the gate of Santo Domingo, by which the archbishop made his entrance; and after he had visited the church he went to the palace, to see his liberator, the Catholic governor—who said that, in case his proceeding should displease his Majesty and the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, he would regard it as a great glory to have a punishment, even were it capital, imposed upon him. This may be believed of him, as he was a man of a great soul, although small in body;Major in exiguo regnavit corpore virtus.63What we saw in him was, that he was one of the best governors that these islands have had—affable, pious, magnanimous, and in the highest degree disinterested, and with this very liberal. And therefore he was wont to say that he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. This he said with truth, because in España and the Indias he had possessed much wealth, gained in the many voyages that he had made in command of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España, which had been consumed by his ostentation and liberality. We may therefore regard it as a punishment of God upon these islands that He removed him from us in the fifth year of his term of government—in which timehe was severe with those only to whom he could not in justice be kind—unless it were that divine justice chose him for the punishment of those who had deserved it before his time.64Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui began his government with great acceptability and satisfaction to all, and taking the measures necessary for the maintenance of these islands. The year of 1685 was a hard one on account of the general epidemic of smallpox which raged, not only in these islands but in all the kingdoms of China and Eastern India—especially on the Coromandel coast, where many millions of Malabàrs died. In Filipinas the ravages of the epidemic were great, principally among the infants; but the place where, it is affirmed, the pest caused incredible loss was in the mountains of Manila where the insurgent blacks [i.e., Negritos] dwell, so many dying that those mountain districts were left almost uninhabited. But it was not only among them that the disease wrought such destruction, but also among the deer and wild swine, of which there is an innumerable multitude in these mountains, even after they have contributed with their flesh to the support of so great a number of blacks. The reason why so many die with this contagion is, first, their weak physique; and second, the custom that they have of abandoning those who are attacked by the disease, on account of which they die much sooner—and, what is worse, in their heathen blindness. In China many millions of people died, so that there was no one to cultivate the fields; from this resulted great famine and mortality, after the epidemic of smallpox.Chapter XVThe first vessel that the governor despatched for Nueva España was the galleon “Santa Rosa;” and he appointed as its commander Don Francisco Zorrilla, a native of Granada; as its chief pilot, Admiral Don Lorenzo Lazcano; and as sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Endaya. The voyage of this galleon caused great damage to the citizens of Manila, on account of the difficulty in disposing of their property caused by the poor market65that they found at the port of Acapulco, because a fleet of many vessels, laden with merchandise, had arrived at Vera Cruz. From the time of this voyage, the shipments which were sent from these islands to the commerce of Nueva España began to decrease—not only on account of the above-mentioned fleets, but through the numerous imposts and contributions which were levied on the galleons of Filipinas, which continually increased;66consequently,seldom was a voyage made from which the citizens obtained any profits beyond their principal from the goods which they shipped.During the time which the archbishop spent in his exile at Lingayén occurred the death of the bishop of Nueva Segovia—Doctor Don Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, a native of Manila—at the village of Vigan, the capital of the province of Ilocos, a few months after his consecration. He was very learned, and greatly beloved for his very affable manners and his angelic gentleness. He had been for many years provisor and archdeacon, and commissary of the Holy Crusade;67he was therefore greatly esteemed by all, and his loss was keenly felt. His death causeda long vacancy in the said church [of Nueva Segovia], which lasted until the year 1704, when his successor arrived; this was Master Don Fray Diego Gorospe é Irala, of the Order of Preachers, a native of Puebla de los Angeles. This prelate made strenuous endeavors to establish the visitation of the regulars in charge of missions, and gave much occasion for patience to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Augustine as long as he lived, which was until May 20, 1715. On account of the death of Don Francisco Pizarro, the cabildo of Manila named for governor of that bishopric Don Diego de Navas, who had been expelled from the Society of Jesus, a man of impetuous disposition; this was one of the charges afterward made by the archbishop against the cabildo. That prelate, after he was restored to his church, sent his assistant the bishop of Troya, Don Fray Ginés de Barrientos, to rule that bishopric. [Here follows an account of Pardo’s dealings with the ecclesiastical cabildo and other persons who had been excommunicated on account of their share in his banishment, which is here omitted, as having been sufficiently recounted in “The Pardo Controversy,”VOL. XXXIX,q.v.]This year the galleon “Santo Niño” arrived from Acapulco, and Master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerreroremained behind in Nueva España, thus escaping from the numerous lawsuits of the residencia, with all of which Don Juan de Vargas was laden. It would have been of great assistance to him to have had the aforesaid Don Francisco at his side, since the latter was very crafty and sagacious, and not so easily perplexed in matters that concerned him as was Don Juan de Vargas; for the governors in that country need to be very liberal in the residencia, and to have much patience and courage.As commander [of the galleon] in place of Don Francisco Guerrero came General Antonio Nieto, because a proprietary appointee had succeeded him in the castle of Acapulco. There also came in his company three religious, sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz—two who had remained [in Nueva España] sick from the last mission; and the other because he had enlisted for this province, a son of Mechoacán. [The next two paragraphs relate to the residencia of Vargas; part of this has already been used for annotations in the account of that trial inVOL. XXXIX,q.v.]Chapter XVIThe peace and pious tranquillity which this province enjoyed throughout the three years’ government of our father Fray José Duque was like that which it had enjoyed during the three years of his former term, and was what this province had expected from him on account of the knowledge and experience which all had of his piety, great discretion, and sagacity in making way through the greatest difficulties. Accordingly, they bade farewell to his paternal government with much regret, and determinedto reëlect him for a third term—which they did afterward at the proper time, opportunity being afforded for this by the long span of his life and the robust constitution with which he was endowed, which were astonishing.The time arrived which our Constitutions assign for holding the provincial chapter, and it assembled in the convent of Manila; over it presided, with letters from our very reverend father general Fray Antonio Paccino, our father Fray Diego de Jesús. Our father Fray Juan de Jérez was elected provincial for the second time, with great satisfaction to all; and as definitors were chosen the fathers Fray Luis Diaz, Fray Juan García, Fray Felipe de Jaurigue, and Fray Diego de Alday. The visitors of the past triennium were present, Fray José de la Cruz and Fray Alonso de Arniellos; and as visitors for this triennium were appointed father Fray Ignacio de Rearcado and the father reader Fray Francisco de Ugarte. Very judicious ordinances were enacted for the proper government of the province, and for the maintenance of the strict regular observance which in those times flourished therein—in which the new provincial had taken a prominent part in his first triennium (which was from 1677 to 1680), and in the past one, in which he had been prior of [the convent in] Manila.The provincial began to govern with so much zeal and industry that it would be tedious for me to tell how much he accomplished in one year only—the least being that he had visited all the provinces, even to those of Ilocos and Bisayas, without omitting in one point his exercises of prayer and mortification. Of this I can give reliable testimony, as one who washis secretary and companion during the twenty-two months while he governed, his death being caused by the great labors of this visitation, in which with holy zeal and activity he performed incredible labors in promoting the religious observance, and in securing the cleansing and adornment of the altars and the ornaments, in which he was exceedingly careful and assiduous. He suffered much from the continual harassment of the scruples which tormented him, so much that it caused one grief to see the so heavy cross which the Lord placed on the shoulders of this His creature, which he bore with great fortitude and courage....Among the excellent arrangements made by this chapter was the chief one, which was that father Fray Álvaro de Benavente should go to España as procurator; he had a few months before returned from China, where he left our missions very well established in the kingdom of Cantón, with houses at Xaoquinfú and Nanhiunfú, and two others in other places of less note. At the same time he was appointed definitor for the general chapter which was to meet in Roma, to which father Fray Alvaro was very desirous of going on account of the affairs of the missions conducted by the regulars in China, from whom he carried letters and authority to act in regard to the remission of the oath of subjection to the apostolic vicars. They gave him the necessary despatches, and he determined to make the voyage by way of the Cape of Good Hope, because that year there was no galleon going to Nueva España, the cause of which will be told later. He embarked for Batavia on a Portuguese vessel, and as his companion was assigned the brother Fray Juan Verganzo, whohad come with the mission of the year 1684. He arrived at Batavia, where he encountered great difficulties in making the voyage to Amsterdam; but all these were overcome by a Dutchman, a Calvinist preacher named Teodoro Zas—a very benevolent and courteous man, and very fond of doing good to others; this caused grief in those who knew him, at seeing him misled by the false doctrines of Calvin, when he was so eminent in the moral virtues.Father Fray Alvaro carried with him the first part of this History, which after a long time came from the press, although only as far as the year 1616—while I had given it to him complete up to the year 1647—because at that time this province had not funds at Madrid sufficient to print it all. That first division of the history was printed at the said court in the year 1698, by Manuel Ruiz de Murga; and it was dedicated to her Ladyship the Duquesa de Aveiro, although it was my intention that it be dedicated to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme Council of the Indias. The rest of the said first part remained laid aside and forgotten in the convent of San Felipe at Madrid, until I determined to write it again and complete it, by means of the rough drafts that had remained here.68About April of 1687, father Fray Alvaro sailed from Batavia in [one of the] galleons of the Company of Holanda, and after many and fearful tempests it reached the Cape of Good Hope, where the Dutch made a halt of two months at the great colony and settlement which that nation maintain there for this purpose; it is a very populous city, and well supplied with all that is necessary to human life, for it possesses a very healthful climate, at the latitude of 36° [on the side] of the tropic of Capricorn. In this city they have a large hospital for treating the sick, with very skilful physicians and surgeons, and with all the comfort that could be found in any other part of the world. Among the magnificent and delightful things which are in that city is a garden, the largest that is known, which, according to report, is only second to the earthly Paradise. It is many leguas in circumference, and is divided, like the world, into four parts. In the part called Europa,there are trees of all the fruits that grow in our Europa; in that called Asia, all those from Asia; and the same in those of Africa and America. This garden has a river, opened by hand-labor, which waters all the four divisions; and for its cultivation many Dutch gardeners and more than two thousand Cafres are kept there. In this place is produced very rich wine, which they call “Cape wine;” for the climate is the same as in Andalucía and Extremadura, although in the opposite zone [trópico], and is different only in having summer at Christmas and winter at St. John’s day.69Father Fray Alvaro left this pleasant town and pursued his voyage to Holanda, and landed at Roterdán, the native place of Desiderius Erasmus;70andthence he went to Amsterdam, where he remained some time. There he made inquiries to ascertain whether he could print the history that he carried in that great city, on account of the beautiful work done by its famous printers; but he gave up this intention, on account of the numerous errors which they made, being ignorant of our language. Thence he embarked for Bilbao, where he and his companion resumed wearing their habits, which they had laid aside in order to go on shore at Batavia. The rest of the tedious peregrinations of father Fray Alvaro will be related, if we can reach the time when he returned [to Manila] with a mission in the year 1690, when we shall observe his entrance into Madrid and his voyage to Roma, and his negotiations at that court in behalf of the regulars of the China missions.For these missions the chapter designated the father reader Fray Juan de Aguilar, who remained in them several years, and afterward retired on account of failing health; but the chapter sent in his place father Fray Juan Gómez, who continued there until his death. Afterward a large reënforcement of religious was sent to China for the aforesaid missions, which have increased and become very large; and they would have prospered much more, if they had not been so hindered by the claim of subjection to the vicars-apostolic, who made so strenuous efforts to introduce it.The governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, had determined to send this year [1686] to NuevaEspaña the galleon “Santo Niño,” in charge of General Lucas Mateo de Urquiza; but his efforts to despatch it were ineffectual, because information was received that seven vessels of corsairs or pirates were sailing outside of the Embocadero, and it was feared that their principal intention was to seize the galleon “San Telmo,” which was expected on the return trip from Nueva España. Two fragatas of theirs had been in the Babuyanes Islands, between Cagayán and Hermosa Island, and had slain two religious of [the Order of] St. Dominic; these were father Fray Jacinto de Samper, a native of Caspe, an able minister to the Chinese in the Parián, and father Fray José Seijas, a nephew of the archbishop of Méjico, Don Francisco Seijas, both of them being religious of great virtue.71Moreover, the pirates had committed other acts of hostility in Cagayán and Ilocos. The governor determined to suspend the voyage of the galleon for Nueva España, and gave orders to equip it for war—cutting in it many portholes, in order to furnish it with more than a hundred pieces of artillery of large calibre (all of bronze); and placing aboard it a thousand soldiers, Spaniards, Pampangos, Merdicas, Malays, and Zambal Indian bowmen. In its company went two pataches, which had just come for trade with the Coromandel coast, well armed and furnished with soldiers; and for commander of this enterprise the governor appointed Don Tomás de Endaya, with the title of deputy captain-general. To his valor could be entrusted any undertaking,however perilous it might be; for he was valiant, and had great skill in navigation, and had gone three times to España as commander [of the galleons]. This splendid armada set out, small in number [of ships], but having great strength. Having escorted through the Embocadero and secured the galleon “San Telmo” (which reached these islands safely), the armada reconnoitered all the places where the piratical enemy might be, but did not find them, but learned that there had been no more than the two vessels which had been in Babuyanes. Thereupon the armada returned to Cavite, without accomplishing anything more than the great expenses which the royal treasury had incurred, and having weakened the great strength of the galleon “Santo Niño,” with the numerous portholes which had been cut in it for mounting the artillery; for it was necessary for this purpose to cut through the ribs of the ship’s sides, in the preservation of which consisted its greatest strength.The two pataches proceeded in search of the pirates to the locality of the Babuyanes; and the commander, Don Tomás de Endaya, went with a strong force of men by land to the province of Ilocos to look for them—where, it was said, the said corsairs had arrived, although the news did not prove to be accurate. He went as far as the capital town of Vigan, where his encomienda was; and after having spent some time there, not receiving information of the enemy, he returned to Manila. He left there established a village of the blacks from the mountains, called Santo Tomás, between Tarlac and Magalan, headed by a notable chief of theirs named Don Juan Valiga. A few months after Don Tomás de Endayahad arrived at Manila, he succeeded in the office of master-of-camp to Don Fernando de Bobadilla (who held it by proprietary appointment from his Majesty), who died about this time. The latter was a great soldier, and the governor of Zamboanga, and is often named in the history; he was a native of Sevilla, and a son of one of the “twenty-four” of that city. The ships that went by sea, after having searched many ports where they thought to find the corsairs, and having no further news of them, returned to Manila without having accomplished anything remarkable. Don Tomás de Endaya was confirmed in the post of master-of-camp, and held it twenty-eight years; and then he died from old age.In this year of 1686, about June, occurred the revolt of the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila, which I related in book ii, chapter 21, as I did not suppose that I would reach these times with the thread of the narrative; and therefore I do not repeat it [here], as it was written with sufficient fulness, and the curious reader can find it in the place I have cited. [This citation is incorrect, in the arrangement of the chapters as given in Fray Lopez’s edition of Diaz; the number of the chapter should be xxxiv. Diaz’s account, as there given (pp. 440, 441), we transfer to this place, adding his comments on the question of allowing the Chinese to reside at Manila; it is as follows:]While these islands were governed by the admiral of the galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, of the Order of Santiago and one of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla, in the year 1686 [misprinted1636] there occurred a tumult in the Parián which it was feared would become a general uprising[—which was planned,] according to the investigations afterward made. In the said market there were many recently-arrived Sangleys, of so bad reputation that the Sangley merchants themselves had no confidence in these men, and said that they were disguised thieves and highwaymen who had come from China that year, having fled from a mandarin who was a very severe judge, whom the emperor had sent from the court to drive out so mischievous a sort of folk from the province of Fo-Kien, which at that time was infested by criminals of that sort. The said mandarin had executed his commission with such severity that those who were put to death numbered more than sixty thousand—which in China is a small number, because that country abounds in robbers—and for this reason many had made their escape to Manila and other regions, fleeing from the harshness of that judge. These people did all the harm that they could, robbing inside the Parián the Chinese themselves, when they could not rob outsiders.About this time there came out of the public prison at Manila a Sangley named Tingco, who had been imprisoned for the unnatural crime, and had been there so long that in prison he had learned to read and write our language, and had come to be a sufficiently competent scrivener to write petitions and other papers for the rest of the prisoners, for he was very clever and had a keen mind. He went about [the prison] freely, as being a prisoner of so long standing, and aided the jailer greatly by acting as guard to the other prisoners; and he supported himself very comfortably on what he gained by his pen. Finally, after many years of confinement hesucceeded in gaining his full liberty; and, as he had a restless disposition and evil inclinations, he associated himself with other Chinese criminals, of those who were fugitives from the province of Fo-Kien, and they lived on what they could plunder from other Sangleys and from the Indians and Spaniards. As they regarded this occupation of petty thieving as too disagreeable, and it could not extricate them from their wretchedly poor condition, they planned to assemble together three hundred of these vagabonds, and to undertake some exploit which should better their fortunes so that they could return to China free from danger. It seems certain that this resolve was talked about with the multitude of the Parián who were least supplied with funds, and these were on the watch to aid the bold attempt of those promoters if the result had corresponded to their plans; and what is most surprising is the secrecy with which they kept these from the rich Sangleys—who not only would not have entered into the plot, but would have revealed it for their own safety; for they were going to lose much and gain little, and with very evident risk. The day and hour of the conspiracy having been settled—a day in the month of August, at daylight—they assembled in a disorderly crowd, armed with such weapons as they could procure by stealth, their leader being one who had newly come, that same year, from China. In a mob, and without order, they attacked the house of the alguacil-mayor, Pedro de Ortega; and they killed him and another Spaniard, named Nicolás de Ballena. With this beginning they went to the house of the alcalde-mayor of the Parián, Captain Don Diego Vivién, and enteredit to do the same to him; but, having heard the noise, he escaped without clothing, and reached a safe place in the little fort which defends the entrance to the great bridge, where there is always a garrison of soldiers. The insurgents entered his house, and their greed satisfied itself on what they found nearest to their hands, although they had not the luck to find three thousand pesos in silver which the alcalde possessed. While they halted for this pillage there was time to bring up soldiers and other armed men, and they easily arrested many of the Sangleys, although most of them escaped; and the rest of the Parián remained tranquil. It was made known that this conspiracy was plotted in the bakery of Manila, and [it was said] that they intended to place pounded glass in the bread, in order to kill the Spaniards. This was not positively ascertained, but the management of that business was taken from the Chinese—to which, however, they afterward returned, at the urgent request of our people. This was because, during the time while the Sangleys did not carry on this trade, they were replaced by Spaniards who in their own country had been bakers, but in Manila they did not succeed in doing anything to advantage; the Sangleys therefore again took charge of the bakery, after they had been asked by many to furnish the supply of bread, of which great quantities are consumed in Manila.The Sangley Tingco was captured, and in company with ten others was hanged and quartered; and the bodies were placed along the river of Manila and the estuary of Tondo, as far as Point Tañón in Tambobong. The conversion of those who were heathens (as were most of them) was secured, andfor this conversion labored earnestly father Fray Álvaro de Benavente, an Augustinian, and Father José de Irigoyen of the Society of Jesus, both of whom knew the dialects of the provinces from which the criminals came; and for those of Fo-Kien the fathers of St. Dominic [ministered]. News came that many of the insurgents had taken refuge at Pasay, and General Don Tomás de Endaya went out against them with soldiers and Merdicas (who are very brave Malay Indians); they came back with eleven heads of those whom they could kill, and the disturbance was quieted, nor has any other occurred up to the present time.In this danger Manila maintains her existence, clinging to it as the means of her preservation even though she grieves over what is the cause of her greatest decline. The shrewdness of the Chinese in business dealings and their skill in carrying on the mechanical trades turn us from these callings so entirely that Spaniards who in their own country practiced them here consider it foolish to do so; accordingly they allow the Chinese to conduct and manage the crafts, believing that the latter are serving us when they are most imposing upon us. And as the Chinese recognize this weakness of ours, and see that it is without remedy, on account of the Spanish vanity, they treat us with contempt in their acts, although with great submission in their words. Whatever they make is defective and does not wear well, in order that they may have more work to do. The unnecessary expense that Manila suffers on account of the frauds that they practice in the trades of baker, candle-maker, and silversmith is very great; we recognize this, and endure it throughnecessity, and the matter is not set right, through reluctance to apply the remedy. Many persons understand the injury which the Chinese cause here, but much more numerous are those who defend them, since this peril is dear to those who regard it as an advantage [to have the Chinese here.]In the year 1678 there reached our hands a very judicious opinion, printed at Madrid by a devout person who had had experience in dealing with that nation, and was well aware of their acts of guile. It was presented before the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, its president being the Conde de Medellín; and when the arguments adduced therein made a very strong impression, another pamphlet appeared in print at the same court, against the former one and in favor of the Sangleys; this delayed the decision, so that it seems as if they have in all quarters those who defend them. And so we go on, enduring this incurable disease—although today the number of the Sangleys is less than ever; for it is supposed that the number does not reach the six thousand whom the royal decrees allow, and judging by the poverty to which the commonwealth of Manila is steadily being reduced, each year there will be fewer Chinese here through the lack of profits; for that is the craving which draws them from their own country.I am aware that I have expatiated on a matter which seems to be an affair of state, rather than of history, although history, as a teacher of truth and a witness of the times, should include all events. I much regret that I cannot enlarge my account by saying something of the much which I could tell about the great indifference with which the Sangleyswho are baptized attend to their obligations as Christians; most of them do so for worldly objects, such as being married and living as lords of the country; but this subject is one for tears rather than for the pen. Many lamentations have been made by many Jeremiahs zealous for the honor of God; but no results have followed beyond the reward which will be given to them in glory for this so holy labor. A very learned apologue is kept in the ecclesiastical archives, written by the reverend father Fray Alberto Collares of the Order of Preachers, at the request of the archbishop of Manila, Doctor Don Miguel Millán de Poblete, which causes horror to those who read it; and the worst is, that it tells but little, according to the opinion of other religious of the said order, who, as ministers to the Parián mission, know the Chinese best. And still more is this occasion for censure to some of the religious of that order who have been in China, and know how much superior the Christians of that empire are to these; and therefore they take great care to prevent those who come from China (who are few) from holding intercourse with the Christians of the Parián, in order that these may not corrupt them. Thus do they look upon the matter; and when in our convent at Manila was lodged Don Fray Gregorio López, a Basilitan72bishop of the Order of Preachers, a Chinese by nationality—who was a phœnix among that people, on account of his virtue and sanctity—heprevented from going to the Parián, whenever he could, two good Chinese Christians whom he brought hither in his company.Many (and most) persons are greatly deceived in imagining that the Sangleys who live among the Indian natives outside of Manila do no harm to the faith, saying that the Chinese are more atheists than idolaters, and that they only seek worldly advantages. But this is not always the rule, for some teach sects and doctrines that are very evil, as experience shows. In the year 1706, father Fray Antolín de Alzaga, one of the apostolic missionaries whom we have in the remote mountains of the province of Pampanga, converting and instructing the warlike peoples called Italones, Ituriés, and Abacas—whose wonderful conversions present notable material to him whose duty it is to write the history of those times—this apostolic missionary came to Manila, making light of the hardships of [travel by] those roads so long and rough, in order to ask the governor, Don Domingo de Zabalburu, to take measures for banishing from these mountains two infidel Sangleys, who with greed for the trade in wax had penetrated even those unexplored hills, where they taught false dogmas and perverse opinions, such as palingenesis, or transmigration of souls—a dogma which Pythagoras taught, and which was propagated much among heathen peoples. At the present time it is accepted by all nations of Asia, and in China and Japon with the greatest tenacity; they believe that when a man dies his soul goes to animate another body, either rational or brute, according to the deserts of him who is dead, and for either punishment or reward; and thus they allot an infinitesuccession of transmigrations. This diabolical dogma was taught by these Sangleys to the Italon Indians, with other evil doctrines, such as polygamy (which permits a man to have many wives), idolatry, and others which ensue from it. That accursed doctrine spread rapidly among those simple mountaineers, so much so that it became necessary to have recourse to the said governor—who, being so zealous for the increase of the Christian faith, sent to the alcalde-mayor of Pampanga a very urgent command to expel from those missions the two Sangleys, and to be very careful to prevent the entrance of others therein; and this order was carried out, to the great tranquillity of the new Christian church. Experience has shown the same thing in other villages where Sangleys have fixed abodes. I will not delay longer over a matter on which there is an endless amount to be said, since I have sufficiently exceeded the limits of my obligation; and I refer to many persons who have officially discussed these matters, although they have obtained no results from their earnest efforts.The natives regard them with contempt, having no further inclination toward them than that of self-interest; consequently, neither affection nor fear draws either toward the other. And ordinarily selfishness courts the Sangleys, while aversion urges the natives to make complaints against them—except that the bond of matrimony is a check on the women; for, as is usually the case, if a native leads a bad life, he is on the watch for the acts of the Sangleys, in order to make the evil-doing of another serve as an excuse for greater freedom in his own wrong mode of life. Accordingly, they are in more danger fromtestimony arising from the malice of the accusers than from facts brought forward in zeal for their correction—as is seen by the few complaints or accusations that are decided against them, and how still more rarely do these bring them to punishment. Nor can this be attributed to the negligence of the judges, for they are delighted to receive the lawsuits of the Sangleys, our covetousness selling to them even justice very dear; and when harshness finds an object, it makes their punishments (since their wealth offers so much to avarice), although less bloody, more keenly felt, since in the estimation of the Sangley money is his very heart’s blood.The precedents set by the sovereign kings Don Fernando the Catholic and Don Felipe II are examples of their piety, and of their successful policy in separating from their Catholic vassals those who are perfidious, who if mingled with the others might pervert them, through the passion which the Indians and Moros have for propagating their [false] sects—a danger much to be feared among the simple people of the villages and the common herd.No doubt, intercourse with these infidels is very necessary, on account of the merchandise which they furnish to us from their kingdom; but this could, in my opinion, be accomplished without danger to us—for one thing, by permitting to remain in these islands [only the] six thousand Sangleys, as his Majesty decrees; and for another, by not permitting them to trade in the provinces, or to live in the villages mingled with the Indians. But they should be kept in subjection, as Joshua kept down the Gaboanites, and as now Roma, Florencia, Venecia, and Orán hold the Jews in subjection, and our people inTernate kept the Moros in his Majesty’s galleys, the rabble of that sort. It is an obvious disadvantage to live subjected to such peoples, because the law of subjection, the adulation offered to rulers, and ambition to secure their favor are powerful to subject religion to their pleasure, as has been found by experience in all the countries where this misfortune has been suffered—such as Mesopotamia, both the Arabias, Egipto, and Africa, and that one which was the supporter of religion, Constantinopla, with all of Grecia. And for the same reason heresy has so prevailed and lorded it in Inglaterra, Irlanda, Dinamarca, Suecia, Sajonia,[i.e., Saxony], the Palatinate, and many other provinces and free cities—the most fatal poison that attacks the faith being the sovereignty of infidel princes, their grandeur and power being the sure ruin of religion. I consider that I have used more space than is required by my obligations, in treating of so pernicious a nation, which is allowed here in greater number than our needs demand—I know not whether through our fault or our misfortune—and maintained in the subjection which experience has shown [to be necessary] at times when too great confidence has relaxed the rein of caution.[Here we resume the regular narrative of this period by Diaz, at p. 786:] This revolt caused great anxiety to the governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, on account of the many champans which had come that year from China; but in the course of time the danger disappeared.Among the great hardships which in this year were suffered in Manila, one was that the rains were heavier than any known to living men. Not onlywere they very heavy, but they lasted many months, and were the cause of many fields and crops being ruined, which caused a great scarcity of provisions; and, as it was impossible to work the salt-beds, the price of salt rose so high that it came to be worth twelve pesos for half a fanega, although its ordinary price was two or three reals—and some years even less, depending on the [height of the] water and on the heat of the sun, on which conditions this so necessary industry depends.The most memorable event of this year, and one which may be counted among the most important which have occurred in these islands since their conquest, is the imprisonment of the auditors, Don Diego Antonio de Viga and Don Pedro Sebastián de Bolivar, by the governor. It is an event to cause astonishment—and more, as it came so soon after the imprisonment and exile of the archbishop, Don Fray Felipe Pardo—at seeing in so short a time Doctor Don Cristóbal de Herrera Grimaldos dead, and two auditors deprived forever of their togas (since never again could they put these on), and their families ruined and almost destroyed. It is not my intention to interpret the inscrutable secrets of divine justice, but only to set down the times and occasions in which so notable events occurred. [Diaz’s account of the imprisonment and deaths of the auditors is here omitted, as it has already been sufficiently related inVOL. XXXIX.]

Chapter XIVThe two galleons which had sailed for Nueva España in the preceding year arrived safely at Filipinas [1684], although they did not make port at Cavite, but at Solsogon, within the Embocadero. The flagship “Santa Rosa,” which had gone out in charge of Antonio Nieto (who had remained as warden of the castle at Capulco), brought back as its commander Don Juan de Zalaeta, a native of Vizcaya, and a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had spent many years in these islands, and had been a soldier in Ternate; and, having returned to [Nueva?] España, had held several honorableoffices—as, being alcalde-mayor of Hicayán and Puebla de los Angeles, and warden of Acapulco. In this galleon came the governor who was to succeed Don Juan de Vargas; this was the admiral of galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and a member of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla and of the supreme Council of War. He had been commander of the Windward fleet,59and had held other responsible positions on sea and land; and he was a Vizcayan, a native of Elgoibar. Don Juan de Zalaeta carried the commission for taking the residencia of Don Juan de Vargas, and other warrants; but the most important person among those whose residencias he must take was the master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerrero de Ardila, uncle of Don Juan de Vargas’s wife. It was this man who had enjoyed the profits of the office of government, and this year he was returning to España as commander of the galleon “Santo Niño.” That vessel met within the Embocadero the galleon “Santa Rosa,” and, learning that in the latter had come a successor to Don Juan de Vargas, he hoisted the anchors without waiting for further information, whether opportune or not [con tiempo ó sin él], and sailed into the sea outside; and he was not ill-advised in this step, since in the residencia he would have been the chief personage. When Don Juan de Zalaeta learned that the best of the hunt had escaped from him, he was much grieved that he could not catch him; although it would have grieved Don Francisco Guerrero moreif they had seized him. That gentleman knew how to enjoy the advantages of Filipinas quite alone, and to go away laughing at the citizens and every one else; but Don Juan de Vargas remained behind, in custody, to make amends for his own faults and those of others.In company with the above-mentioned governor came very distinguished officers, all Vizcayans; there were Don José de Escorta, Don Pedro Uriósolo, Don Francisco Alvarez, Don Bernardo de Endaya (who carried the despatches from his Majesty), Don Pedro de Avendaño, Don Matías de Mugórtegui, Don Francisco de León y Leal, Don Juan Bautista Curucelaegui, Don Andrés de Mirafuentes, Don José de Herrera, Don Manuel González, Don Lorenzo Mesala, Don Francisco Carsiga (who died a priest), Don José Arriola, Don Martín Martínez de Tejada, and Don Lucas Vais; all of them were generals and sargentos-mayor, whom we know as captains, and rendered much service and honor to these islands. In this galleon came Don Mateo Lucas de Urquiza; also Captain Lorenzo Lázaro, a noted pilot; Captain Don Francisco Cortés, boatswain; and for ship’s storekeeper Juan de Aramburu, a brave Vizcayan who served in many important exploits.View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725)View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile fromRecueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales(Amsterdam, 1725)[from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society]In the almiranta “San Telmo,” in which returned the admiral Don Francisco Manuel de Fabra, came a numerous and excellent mission of religious of our father St. Augustine; it was sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz, who left these islands in the year 1680; he himself had been left in our hospice of Santo Tomás de Villanueva, outside the city of Méjico. This galleon “San Telmo” was in greatdanger of not being able to return hither, for, having set sail several days after the flagship, on leaving the port the rudder-irons broke, and the ship was almost unmanageable—a defect very difficult to repair in that place, on account of the scarcity of artisans at Acapulco. If it had not been for the diligence and energy of the warden Antonio Nieto, who sent to a great distance to get workmen, and made the repairs at his own cost and with his personal attention, this loss would have been irremediable; but his zeal and good judgment enabled the ship to pursue its voyage with but a few days’ loss of time, and to succeed in making port at these islands.On the eve of St. Bartholomew’s day, August 23, in the afternoon, the distinguished mission of our religious entered Manila; in numbers it was the largest that had entered this province,60and in quality unequaled. This province received them with great tokens of rejoicing; and the land welcomed them with an earthquake, and not a slight one, which occurred that night. On August 29 the private session of the definitory was held, to draw up the formal statement of receiving and incorporating them [into the province].On the day following the entry of our religious into Manila, that is, the day of St. Bartholomew, the new governor, Don Miguel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, made his entry into the city; this was done with great pomp, and two triumphal arches were erected for him, by the college of the Society of Jesus and our convent, with very ingenious emblematicallusions in Latin and Castilian verse, and very expressive laudations. At this entry occurred a disaster which might have served to the heathen as a bad omen. Hardly had the governor entered through the Puerta Real, which they call Puerta de Bagumbayan, when a balcony that was on the side within the city wall above the said gate gave way, and fell, with great injury to those who were within it; so that many were left cripples, and among these a Recollect religious named Fray Luis. The fiscal of the royal Audiencia, Doctor Don Estebán de la Fuente Alanis, escaped the danger, the falling balcony striking his horse’s tail; and Captain Don Francisco de Arcocha, the equerry of the new governor, was hurt. But, although many were injured, the life of no person was endangered.The religious of this mission brought with them an image for devotion, a painting of the holy Christ of Burgos, touched up to accord with the original. This was received in Manila with great solemnity, in a procession, the new governor taking part therein on account of being much given to that devotion, and with him the most distinguished persons in the city. The image was deposited in the main chapel, with an altar and retable which were very suitable for it, until the Conde de Lizárraga, Don Martín de Ursua y Arismendi, provided that which the image has at the present time. The governor went to mass every Friday, and there was a large attendance of citizens of Manila—I know not whether out of complaisance with him; for at the death of Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, who was buried at the foot of the aforesaid altar, at the same time was buried with him the devotion of the citizens of Manila. Thesame occurred in the government of the said Conde de Lizárraga, who again revived this devotion; for it was likewise buried with him, in the same place. So much influence has the example of the governors in these islands, and so great is their power, that even devotion seems to need their aid. The religious also brought a brief from his Holiness Innocent XI for the erection of a confraternity of the holy Christ of Burgos; this undertaking was carried out, and its first director61was this devout governor. In his time it had a large membership, but today it has very few confriers; but they are most devout and sincere when they are least influenced by vain and worldly considerations, and most please the Lord when they are anxious to please not princes—men in whom there is no real prosperity—but the King of kings, who always repays them in money of infinite value.Much did the Catholic governor grieve over entering upon his office without the benediction of the archbishop, and at finding the people of the city as a flock without a shepherd, their consciences loaded with scruples over matters of so much importance, and all of them perplexed and entangled in these dissensions; and therefore he resolved, with firm purpose and heroic determination, to cause the archbishop to be restored to his church. The opposition which he encountered among the auditors in his efforts to secure this cannot be expressed; but he firmly maintained his resolution, even to the extent of saying that he would restore the archbishop, even if it should cost him his head. Heconsulted the religious orders, asking them to give him their opinions, on the basis of law, both civil and canonical. I have not seen what the other corporations replied, which I suppose must have been what the governor desired; but I know well that the Order of St. Augustine adduced many and very substantial arguments in favor of the restitution of the archbishop to his church, and this with many citations from the authors on whom the auditors had taken their stand—who, as the royal Council of the Indias afterward declared, were greatly at error in their method, according to what the royal laws ordain in case it should be necessary to enforce the penalty of banishment against any prelate. The same error was committed by the capitulars of the ecclesiastical cabildo in declaring and proclaiming a vacant see, through their misunderstanding of the chapterSi Episcopus, “De supplenda negligentia prælatorum,”in VI62—an error which afterward cost them all so dear, especially the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cóbarrubias.The governor, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, determined to restore the archbishop to Manila, sent to Lingayén as his agent for accomplishing this, General Don Tomás de Endaya; and the city of Manila sent a regidor, Sargento-mayor Don Gonzalo de Samaniego, and some citizens. With themwent the past provincial of Santo Domingo, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, commissary of the Holy Office, and many others, with an escort of soldiers. On November 16 the archbishop came back from his exile, to the general rejoicing of the entire city, which had been so long a time afflicted by the absence of its pastor and prelate. The artillery was fired [as a salute], from the castle, and from the wall adjoining the gate of Santo Domingo, by which the archbishop made his entrance; and after he had visited the church he went to the palace, to see his liberator, the Catholic governor—who said that, in case his proceeding should displease his Majesty and the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, he would regard it as a great glory to have a punishment, even were it capital, imposed upon him. This may be believed of him, as he was a man of a great soul, although small in body;Major in exiguo regnavit corpore virtus.63What we saw in him was, that he was one of the best governors that these islands have had—affable, pious, magnanimous, and in the highest degree disinterested, and with this very liberal. And therefore he was wont to say that he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. This he said with truth, because in España and the Indias he had possessed much wealth, gained in the many voyages that he had made in command of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España, which had been consumed by his ostentation and liberality. We may therefore regard it as a punishment of God upon these islands that He removed him from us in the fifth year of his term of government—in which timehe was severe with those only to whom he could not in justice be kind—unless it were that divine justice chose him for the punishment of those who had deserved it before his time.64Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui began his government with great acceptability and satisfaction to all, and taking the measures necessary for the maintenance of these islands. The year of 1685 was a hard one on account of the general epidemic of smallpox which raged, not only in these islands but in all the kingdoms of China and Eastern India—especially on the Coromandel coast, where many millions of Malabàrs died. In Filipinas the ravages of the epidemic were great, principally among the infants; but the place where, it is affirmed, the pest caused incredible loss was in the mountains of Manila where the insurgent blacks [i.e., Negritos] dwell, so many dying that those mountain districts were left almost uninhabited. But it was not only among them that the disease wrought such destruction, but also among the deer and wild swine, of which there is an innumerable multitude in these mountains, even after they have contributed with their flesh to the support of so great a number of blacks. The reason why so many die with this contagion is, first, their weak physique; and second, the custom that they have of abandoning those who are attacked by the disease, on account of which they die much sooner—and, what is worse, in their heathen blindness. In China many millions of people died, so that there was no one to cultivate the fields; from this resulted great famine and mortality, after the epidemic of smallpox.

The two galleons which had sailed for Nueva España in the preceding year arrived safely at Filipinas [1684], although they did not make port at Cavite, but at Solsogon, within the Embocadero. The flagship “Santa Rosa,” which had gone out in charge of Antonio Nieto (who had remained as warden of the castle at Capulco), brought back as its commander Don Juan de Zalaeta, a native of Vizcaya, and a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had spent many years in these islands, and had been a soldier in Ternate; and, having returned to [Nueva?] España, had held several honorableoffices—as, being alcalde-mayor of Hicayán and Puebla de los Angeles, and warden of Acapulco. In this galleon came the governor who was to succeed Don Juan de Vargas; this was the admiral of galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, a knight of the Order of Santiago, and a member of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla and of the supreme Council of War. He had been commander of the Windward fleet,59and had held other responsible positions on sea and land; and he was a Vizcayan, a native of Elgoibar. Don Juan de Zalaeta carried the commission for taking the residencia of Don Juan de Vargas, and other warrants; but the most important person among those whose residencias he must take was the master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerrero de Ardila, uncle of Don Juan de Vargas’s wife. It was this man who had enjoyed the profits of the office of government, and this year he was returning to España as commander of the galleon “Santo Niño.” That vessel met within the Embocadero the galleon “Santa Rosa,” and, learning that in the latter had come a successor to Don Juan de Vargas, he hoisted the anchors without waiting for further information, whether opportune or not [con tiempo ó sin él], and sailed into the sea outside; and he was not ill-advised in this step, since in the residencia he would have been the chief personage. When Don Juan de Zalaeta learned that the best of the hunt had escaped from him, he was much grieved that he could not catch him; although it would have grieved Don Francisco Guerrero moreif they had seized him. That gentleman knew how to enjoy the advantages of Filipinas quite alone, and to go away laughing at the citizens and every one else; but Don Juan de Vargas remained behind, in custody, to make amends for his own faults and those of others.

In company with the above-mentioned governor came very distinguished officers, all Vizcayans; there were Don José de Escorta, Don Pedro Uriósolo, Don Francisco Alvarez, Don Bernardo de Endaya (who carried the despatches from his Majesty), Don Pedro de Avendaño, Don Matías de Mugórtegui, Don Francisco de León y Leal, Don Juan Bautista Curucelaegui, Don Andrés de Mirafuentes, Don José de Herrera, Don Manuel González, Don Lorenzo Mesala, Don Francisco Carsiga (who died a priest), Don José Arriola, Don Martín Martínez de Tejada, and Don Lucas Vais; all of them were generals and sargentos-mayor, whom we know as captains, and rendered much service and honor to these islands. In this galleon came Don Mateo Lucas de Urquiza; also Captain Lorenzo Lázaro, a noted pilot; Captain Don Francisco Cortés, boatswain; and for ship’s storekeeper Juan de Aramburu, a brave Vizcayan who served in many important exploits.

View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725)View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile fromRecueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales(Amsterdam, 1725)[from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society]

View of Strait of Manila; photographic facsimile fromRecueil des voiages Comp. Indes orientales(Amsterdam, 1725)

[from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society]

In the almiranta “San Telmo,” in which returned the admiral Don Francisco Manuel de Fabra, came a numerous and excellent mission of religious of our father St. Augustine; it was sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz, who left these islands in the year 1680; he himself had been left in our hospice of Santo Tomás de Villanueva, outside the city of Méjico. This galleon “San Telmo” was in greatdanger of not being able to return hither, for, having set sail several days after the flagship, on leaving the port the rudder-irons broke, and the ship was almost unmanageable—a defect very difficult to repair in that place, on account of the scarcity of artisans at Acapulco. If it had not been for the diligence and energy of the warden Antonio Nieto, who sent to a great distance to get workmen, and made the repairs at his own cost and with his personal attention, this loss would have been irremediable; but his zeal and good judgment enabled the ship to pursue its voyage with but a few days’ loss of time, and to succeed in making port at these islands.

On the eve of St. Bartholomew’s day, August 23, in the afternoon, the distinguished mission of our religious entered Manila; in numbers it was the largest that had entered this province,60and in quality unequaled. This province received them with great tokens of rejoicing; and the land welcomed them with an earthquake, and not a slight one, which occurred that night. On August 29 the private session of the definitory was held, to draw up the formal statement of receiving and incorporating them [into the province].

On the day following the entry of our religious into Manila, that is, the day of St. Bartholomew, the new governor, Don Miguel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, made his entry into the city; this was done with great pomp, and two triumphal arches were erected for him, by the college of the Society of Jesus and our convent, with very ingenious emblematicallusions in Latin and Castilian verse, and very expressive laudations. At this entry occurred a disaster which might have served to the heathen as a bad omen. Hardly had the governor entered through the Puerta Real, which they call Puerta de Bagumbayan, when a balcony that was on the side within the city wall above the said gate gave way, and fell, with great injury to those who were within it; so that many were left cripples, and among these a Recollect religious named Fray Luis. The fiscal of the royal Audiencia, Doctor Don Estebán de la Fuente Alanis, escaped the danger, the falling balcony striking his horse’s tail; and Captain Don Francisco de Arcocha, the equerry of the new governor, was hurt. But, although many were injured, the life of no person was endangered.

The religious of this mission brought with them an image for devotion, a painting of the holy Christ of Burgos, touched up to accord with the original. This was received in Manila with great solemnity, in a procession, the new governor taking part therein on account of being much given to that devotion, and with him the most distinguished persons in the city. The image was deposited in the main chapel, with an altar and retable which were very suitable for it, until the Conde de Lizárraga, Don Martín de Ursua y Arismendi, provided that which the image has at the present time. The governor went to mass every Friday, and there was a large attendance of citizens of Manila—I know not whether out of complaisance with him; for at the death of Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, who was buried at the foot of the aforesaid altar, at the same time was buried with him the devotion of the citizens of Manila. Thesame occurred in the government of the said Conde de Lizárraga, who again revived this devotion; for it was likewise buried with him, in the same place. So much influence has the example of the governors in these islands, and so great is their power, that even devotion seems to need their aid. The religious also brought a brief from his Holiness Innocent XI for the erection of a confraternity of the holy Christ of Burgos; this undertaking was carried out, and its first director61was this devout governor. In his time it had a large membership, but today it has very few confriers; but they are most devout and sincere when they are least influenced by vain and worldly considerations, and most please the Lord when they are anxious to please not princes—men in whom there is no real prosperity—but the King of kings, who always repays them in money of infinite value.

Much did the Catholic governor grieve over entering upon his office without the benediction of the archbishop, and at finding the people of the city as a flock without a shepherd, their consciences loaded with scruples over matters of so much importance, and all of them perplexed and entangled in these dissensions; and therefore he resolved, with firm purpose and heroic determination, to cause the archbishop to be restored to his church. The opposition which he encountered among the auditors in his efforts to secure this cannot be expressed; but he firmly maintained his resolution, even to the extent of saying that he would restore the archbishop, even if it should cost him his head. Heconsulted the religious orders, asking them to give him their opinions, on the basis of law, both civil and canonical. I have not seen what the other corporations replied, which I suppose must have been what the governor desired; but I know well that the Order of St. Augustine adduced many and very substantial arguments in favor of the restitution of the archbishop to his church, and this with many citations from the authors on whom the auditors had taken their stand—who, as the royal Council of the Indias afterward declared, were greatly at error in their method, according to what the royal laws ordain in case it should be necessary to enforce the penalty of banishment against any prelate. The same error was committed by the capitulars of the ecclesiastical cabildo in declaring and proclaiming a vacant see, through their misunderstanding of the chapterSi Episcopus, “De supplenda negligentia prælatorum,”in VI62—an error which afterward cost them all so dear, especially the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cóbarrubias.

The governor, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui, determined to restore the archbishop to Manila, sent to Lingayén as his agent for accomplishing this, General Don Tomás de Endaya; and the city of Manila sent a regidor, Sargento-mayor Don Gonzalo de Samaniego, and some citizens. With themwent the past provincial of Santo Domingo, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, commissary of the Holy Office, and many others, with an escort of soldiers. On November 16 the archbishop came back from his exile, to the general rejoicing of the entire city, which had been so long a time afflicted by the absence of its pastor and prelate. The artillery was fired [as a salute], from the castle, and from the wall adjoining the gate of Santo Domingo, by which the archbishop made his entrance; and after he had visited the church he went to the palace, to see his liberator, the Catholic governor—who said that, in case his proceeding should displease his Majesty and the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, he would regard it as a great glory to have a punishment, even were it capital, imposed upon him. This may be believed of him, as he was a man of a great soul, although small in body;Major in exiguo regnavit corpore virtus.63What we saw in him was, that he was one of the best governors that these islands have had—affable, pious, magnanimous, and in the highest degree disinterested, and with this very liberal. And therefore he was wont to say that he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. This he said with truth, because in España and the Indias he had possessed much wealth, gained in the many voyages that he had made in command of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España, which had been consumed by his ostentation and liberality. We may therefore regard it as a punishment of God upon these islands that He removed him from us in the fifth year of his term of government—in which timehe was severe with those only to whom he could not in justice be kind—unless it were that divine justice chose him for the punishment of those who had deserved it before his time.64

Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui began his government with great acceptability and satisfaction to all, and taking the measures necessary for the maintenance of these islands. The year of 1685 was a hard one on account of the general epidemic of smallpox which raged, not only in these islands but in all the kingdoms of China and Eastern India—especially on the Coromandel coast, where many millions of Malabàrs died. In Filipinas the ravages of the epidemic were great, principally among the infants; but the place where, it is affirmed, the pest caused incredible loss was in the mountains of Manila where the insurgent blacks [i.e., Negritos] dwell, so many dying that those mountain districts were left almost uninhabited. But it was not only among them that the disease wrought such destruction, but also among the deer and wild swine, of which there is an innumerable multitude in these mountains, even after they have contributed with their flesh to the support of so great a number of blacks. The reason why so many die with this contagion is, first, their weak physique; and second, the custom that they have of abandoning those who are attacked by the disease, on account of which they die much sooner—and, what is worse, in their heathen blindness. In China many millions of people died, so that there was no one to cultivate the fields; from this resulted great famine and mortality, after the epidemic of smallpox.

Chapter XVThe first vessel that the governor despatched for Nueva España was the galleon “Santa Rosa;” and he appointed as its commander Don Francisco Zorrilla, a native of Granada; as its chief pilot, Admiral Don Lorenzo Lazcano; and as sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Endaya. The voyage of this galleon caused great damage to the citizens of Manila, on account of the difficulty in disposing of their property caused by the poor market65that they found at the port of Acapulco, because a fleet of many vessels, laden with merchandise, had arrived at Vera Cruz. From the time of this voyage, the shipments which were sent from these islands to the commerce of Nueva España began to decrease—not only on account of the above-mentioned fleets, but through the numerous imposts and contributions which were levied on the galleons of Filipinas, which continually increased;66consequently,seldom was a voyage made from which the citizens obtained any profits beyond their principal from the goods which they shipped.During the time which the archbishop spent in his exile at Lingayén occurred the death of the bishop of Nueva Segovia—Doctor Don Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, a native of Manila—at the village of Vigan, the capital of the province of Ilocos, a few months after his consecration. He was very learned, and greatly beloved for his very affable manners and his angelic gentleness. He had been for many years provisor and archdeacon, and commissary of the Holy Crusade;67he was therefore greatly esteemed by all, and his loss was keenly felt. His death causeda long vacancy in the said church [of Nueva Segovia], which lasted until the year 1704, when his successor arrived; this was Master Don Fray Diego Gorospe é Irala, of the Order of Preachers, a native of Puebla de los Angeles. This prelate made strenuous endeavors to establish the visitation of the regulars in charge of missions, and gave much occasion for patience to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Augustine as long as he lived, which was until May 20, 1715. On account of the death of Don Francisco Pizarro, the cabildo of Manila named for governor of that bishopric Don Diego de Navas, who had been expelled from the Society of Jesus, a man of impetuous disposition; this was one of the charges afterward made by the archbishop against the cabildo. That prelate, after he was restored to his church, sent his assistant the bishop of Troya, Don Fray Ginés de Barrientos, to rule that bishopric. [Here follows an account of Pardo’s dealings with the ecclesiastical cabildo and other persons who had been excommunicated on account of their share in his banishment, which is here omitted, as having been sufficiently recounted in “The Pardo Controversy,”VOL. XXXIX,q.v.]This year the galleon “Santo Niño” arrived from Acapulco, and Master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerreroremained behind in Nueva España, thus escaping from the numerous lawsuits of the residencia, with all of which Don Juan de Vargas was laden. It would have been of great assistance to him to have had the aforesaid Don Francisco at his side, since the latter was very crafty and sagacious, and not so easily perplexed in matters that concerned him as was Don Juan de Vargas; for the governors in that country need to be very liberal in the residencia, and to have much patience and courage.As commander [of the galleon] in place of Don Francisco Guerrero came General Antonio Nieto, because a proprietary appointee had succeeded him in the castle of Acapulco. There also came in his company three religious, sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz—two who had remained [in Nueva España] sick from the last mission; and the other because he had enlisted for this province, a son of Mechoacán. [The next two paragraphs relate to the residencia of Vargas; part of this has already been used for annotations in the account of that trial inVOL. XXXIX,q.v.]

The first vessel that the governor despatched for Nueva España was the galleon “Santa Rosa;” and he appointed as its commander Don Francisco Zorrilla, a native of Granada; as its chief pilot, Admiral Don Lorenzo Lazcano; and as sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Endaya. The voyage of this galleon caused great damage to the citizens of Manila, on account of the difficulty in disposing of their property caused by the poor market65that they found at the port of Acapulco, because a fleet of many vessels, laden with merchandise, had arrived at Vera Cruz. From the time of this voyage, the shipments which were sent from these islands to the commerce of Nueva España began to decrease—not only on account of the above-mentioned fleets, but through the numerous imposts and contributions which were levied on the galleons of Filipinas, which continually increased;66consequently,seldom was a voyage made from which the citizens obtained any profits beyond their principal from the goods which they shipped.

During the time which the archbishop spent in his exile at Lingayén occurred the death of the bishop of Nueva Segovia—Doctor Don Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, a native of Manila—at the village of Vigan, the capital of the province of Ilocos, a few months after his consecration. He was very learned, and greatly beloved for his very affable manners and his angelic gentleness. He had been for many years provisor and archdeacon, and commissary of the Holy Crusade;67he was therefore greatly esteemed by all, and his loss was keenly felt. His death causeda long vacancy in the said church [of Nueva Segovia], which lasted until the year 1704, when his successor arrived; this was Master Don Fray Diego Gorospe é Irala, of the Order of Preachers, a native of Puebla de los Angeles. This prelate made strenuous endeavors to establish the visitation of the regulars in charge of missions, and gave much occasion for patience to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Augustine as long as he lived, which was until May 20, 1715. On account of the death of Don Francisco Pizarro, the cabildo of Manila named for governor of that bishopric Don Diego de Navas, who had been expelled from the Society of Jesus, a man of impetuous disposition; this was one of the charges afterward made by the archbishop against the cabildo. That prelate, after he was restored to his church, sent his assistant the bishop of Troya, Don Fray Ginés de Barrientos, to rule that bishopric. [Here follows an account of Pardo’s dealings with the ecclesiastical cabildo and other persons who had been excommunicated on account of their share in his banishment, which is here omitted, as having been sufficiently recounted in “The Pardo Controversy,”VOL. XXXIX,q.v.]

This year the galleon “Santo Niño” arrived from Acapulco, and Master-of-camp Don Francisco Guerreroremained behind in Nueva España, thus escaping from the numerous lawsuits of the residencia, with all of which Don Juan de Vargas was laden. It would have been of great assistance to him to have had the aforesaid Don Francisco at his side, since the latter was very crafty and sagacious, and not so easily perplexed in matters that concerned him as was Don Juan de Vargas; for the governors in that country need to be very liberal in the residencia, and to have much patience and courage.

As commander [of the galleon] in place of Don Francisco Guerrero came General Antonio Nieto, because a proprietary appointee had succeeded him in the castle of Acapulco. There also came in his company three religious, sent by father Fray Manuel de la Cruz—two who had remained [in Nueva España] sick from the last mission; and the other because he had enlisted for this province, a son of Mechoacán. [The next two paragraphs relate to the residencia of Vargas; part of this has already been used for annotations in the account of that trial inVOL. XXXIX,q.v.]

Chapter XVIThe peace and pious tranquillity which this province enjoyed throughout the three years’ government of our father Fray José Duque was like that which it had enjoyed during the three years of his former term, and was what this province had expected from him on account of the knowledge and experience which all had of his piety, great discretion, and sagacity in making way through the greatest difficulties. Accordingly, they bade farewell to his paternal government with much regret, and determinedto reëlect him for a third term—which they did afterward at the proper time, opportunity being afforded for this by the long span of his life and the robust constitution with which he was endowed, which were astonishing.The time arrived which our Constitutions assign for holding the provincial chapter, and it assembled in the convent of Manila; over it presided, with letters from our very reverend father general Fray Antonio Paccino, our father Fray Diego de Jesús. Our father Fray Juan de Jérez was elected provincial for the second time, with great satisfaction to all; and as definitors were chosen the fathers Fray Luis Diaz, Fray Juan García, Fray Felipe de Jaurigue, and Fray Diego de Alday. The visitors of the past triennium were present, Fray José de la Cruz and Fray Alonso de Arniellos; and as visitors for this triennium were appointed father Fray Ignacio de Rearcado and the father reader Fray Francisco de Ugarte. Very judicious ordinances were enacted for the proper government of the province, and for the maintenance of the strict regular observance which in those times flourished therein—in which the new provincial had taken a prominent part in his first triennium (which was from 1677 to 1680), and in the past one, in which he had been prior of [the convent in] Manila.The provincial began to govern with so much zeal and industry that it would be tedious for me to tell how much he accomplished in one year only—the least being that he had visited all the provinces, even to those of Ilocos and Bisayas, without omitting in one point his exercises of prayer and mortification. Of this I can give reliable testimony, as one who washis secretary and companion during the twenty-two months while he governed, his death being caused by the great labors of this visitation, in which with holy zeal and activity he performed incredible labors in promoting the religious observance, and in securing the cleansing and adornment of the altars and the ornaments, in which he was exceedingly careful and assiduous. He suffered much from the continual harassment of the scruples which tormented him, so much that it caused one grief to see the so heavy cross which the Lord placed on the shoulders of this His creature, which he bore with great fortitude and courage....Among the excellent arrangements made by this chapter was the chief one, which was that father Fray Álvaro de Benavente should go to España as procurator; he had a few months before returned from China, where he left our missions very well established in the kingdom of Cantón, with houses at Xaoquinfú and Nanhiunfú, and two others in other places of less note. At the same time he was appointed definitor for the general chapter which was to meet in Roma, to which father Fray Alvaro was very desirous of going on account of the affairs of the missions conducted by the regulars in China, from whom he carried letters and authority to act in regard to the remission of the oath of subjection to the apostolic vicars. They gave him the necessary despatches, and he determined to make the voyage by way of the Cape of Good Hope, because that year there was no galleon going to Nueva España, the cause of which will be told later. He embarked for Batavia on a Portuguese vessel, and as his companion was assigned the brother Fray Juan Verganzo, whohad come with the mission of the year 1684. He arrived at Batavia, where he encountered great difficulties in making the voyage to Amsterdam; but all these were overcome by a Dutchman, a Calvinist preacher named Teodoro Zas—a very benevolent and courteous man, and very fond of doing good to others; this caused grief in those who knew him, at seeing him misled by the false doctrines of Calvin, when he was so eminent in the moral virtues.Father Fray Alvaro carried with him the first part of this History, which after a long time came from the press, although only as far as the year 1616—while I had given it to him complete up to the year 1647—because at that time this province had not funds at Madrid sufficient to print it all. That first division of the history was printed at the said court in the year 1698, by Manuel Ruiz de Murga; and it was dedicated to her Ladyship the Duquesa de Aveiro, although it was my intention that it be dedicated to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme Council of the Indias. The rest of the said first part remained laid aside and forgotten in the convent of San Felipe at Madrid, until I determined to write it again and complete it, by means of the rough drafts that had remained here.68About April of 1687, father Fray Alvaro sailed from Batavia in [one of the] galleons of the Company of Holanda, and after many and fearful tempests it reached the Cape of Good Hope, where the Dutch made a halt of two months at the great colony and settlement which that nation maintain there for this purpose; it is a very populous city, and well supplied with all that is necessary to human life, for it possesses a very healthful climate, at the latitude of 36° [on the side] of the tropic of Capricorn. In this city they have a large hospital for treating the sick, with very skilful physicians and surgeons, and with all the comfort that could be found in any other part of the world. Among the magnificent and delightful things which are in that city is a garden, the largest that is known, which, according to report, is only second to the earthly Paradise. It is many leguas in circumference, and is divided, like the world, into four parts. In the part called Europa,there are trees of all the fruits that grow in our Europa; in that called Asia, all those from Asia; and the same in those of Africa and America. This garden has a river, opened by hand-labor, which waters all the four divisions; and for its cultivation many Dutch gardeners and more than two thousand Cafres are kept there. In this place is produced very rich wine, which they call “Cape wine;” for the climate is the same as in Andalucía and Extremadura, although in the opposite zone [trópico], and is different only in having summer at Christmas and winter at St. John’s day.69Father Fray Alvaro left this pleasant town and pursued his voyage to Holanda, and landed at Roterdán, the native place of Desiderius Erasmus;70andthence he went to Amsterdam, where he remained some time. There he made inquiries to ascertain whether he could print the history that he carried in that great city, on account of the beautiful work done by its famous printers; but he gave up this intention, on account of the numerous errors which they made, being ignorant of our language. Thence he embarked for Bilbao, where he and his companion resumed wearing their habits, which they had laid aside in order to go on shore at Batavia. The rest of the tedious peregrinations of father Fray Alvaro will be related, if we can reach the time when he returned [to Manila] with a mission in the year 1690, when we shall observe his entrance into Madrid and his voyage to Roma, and his negotiations at that court in behalf of the regulars of the China missions.For these missions the chapter designated the father reader Fray Juan de Aguilar, who remained in them several years, and afterward retired on account of failing health; but the chapter sent in his place father Fray Juan Gómez, who continued there until his death. Afterward a large reënforcement of religious was sent to China for the aforesaid missions, which have increased and become very large; and they would have prospered much more, if they had not been so hindered by the claim of subjection to the vicars-apostolic, who made so strenuous efforts to introduce it.The governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, had determined to send this year [1686] to NuevaEspaña the galleon “Santo Niño,” in charge of General Lucas Mateo de Urquiza; but his efforts to despatch it were ineffectual, because information was received that seven vessels of corsairs or pirates were sailing outside of the Embocadero, and it was feared that their principal intention was to seize the galleon “San Telmo,” which was expected on the return trip from Nueva España. Two fragatas of theirs had been in the Babuyanes Islands, between Cagayán and Hermosa Island, and had slain two religious of [the Order of] St. Dominic; these were father Fray Jacinto de Samper, a native of Caspe, an able minister to the Chinese in the Parián, and father Fray José Seijas, a nephew of the archbishop of Méjico, Don Francisco Seijas, both of them being religious of great virtue.71Moreover, the pirates had committed other acts of hostility in Cagayán and Ilocos. The governor determined to suspend the voyage of the galleon for Nueva España, and gave orders to equip it for war—cutting in it many portholes, in order to furnish it with more than a hundred pieces of artillery of large calibre (all of bronze); and placing aboard it a thousand soldiers, Spaniards, Pampangos, Merdicas, Malays, and Zambal Indian bowmen. In its company went two pataches, which had just come for trade with the Coromandel coast, well armed and furnished with soldiers; and for commander of this enterprise the governor appointed Don Tomás de Endaya, with the title of deputy captain-general. To his valor could be entrusted any undertaking,however perilous it might be; for he was valiant, and had great skill in navigation, and had gone three times to España as commander [of the galleons]. This splendid armada set out, small in number [of ships], but having great strength. Having escorted through the Embocadero and secured the galleon “San Telmo” (which reached these islands safely), the armada reconnoitered all the places where the piratical enemy might be, but did not find them, but learned that there had been no more than the two vessels which had been in Babuyanes. Thereupon the armada returned to Cavite, without accomplishing anything more than the great expenses which the royal treasury had incurred, and having weakened the great strength of the galleon “Santo Niño,” with the numerous portholes which had been cut in it for mounting the artillery; for it was necessary for this purpose to cut through the ribs of the ship’s sides, in the preservation of which consisted its greatest strength.The two pataches proceeded in search of the pirates to the locality of the Babuyanes; and the commander, Don Tomás de Endaya, went with a strong force of men by land to the province of Ilocos to look for them—where, it was said, the said corsairs had arrived, although the news did not prove to be accurate. He went as far as the capital town of Vigan, where his encomienda was; and after having spent some time there, not receiving information of the enemy, he returned to Manila. He left there established a village of the blacks from the mountains, called Santo Tomás, between Tarlac and Magalan, headed by a notable chief of theirs named Don Juan Valiga. A few months after Don Tomás de Endayahad arrived at Manila, he succeeded in the office of master-of-camp to Don Fernando de Bobadilla (who held it by proprietary appointment from his Majesty), who died about this time. The latter was a great soldier, and the governor of Zamboanga, and is often named in the history; he was a native of Sevilla, and a son of one of the “twenty-four” of that city. The ships that went by sea, after having searched many ports where they thought to find the corsairs, and having no further news of them, returned to Manila without having accomplished anything remarkable. Don Tomás de Endaya was confirmed in the post of master-of-camp, and held it twenty-eight years; and then he died from old age.In this year of 1686, about June, occurred the revolt of the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila, which I related in book ii, chapter 21, as I did not suppose that I would reach these times with the thread of the narrative; and therefore I do not repeat it [here], as it was written with sufficient fulness, and the curious reader can find it in the place I have cited. [This citation is incorrect, in the arrangement of the chapters as given in Fray Lopez’s edition of Diaz; the number of the chapter should be xxxiv. Diaz’s account, as there given (pp. 440, 441), we transfer to this place, adding his comments on the question of allowing the Chinese to reside at Manila; it is as follows:]While these islands were governed by the admiral of the galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, of the Order of Santiago and one of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla, in the year 1686 [misprinted1636] there occurred a tumult in the Parián which it was feared would become a general uprising[—which was planned,] according to the investigations afterward made. In the said market there were many recently-arrived Sangleys, of so bad reputation that the Sangley merchants themselves had no confidence in these men, and said that they were disguised thieves and highwaymen who had come from China that year, having fled from a mandarin who was a very severe judge, whom the emperor had sent from the court to drive out so mischievous a sort of folk from the province of Fo-Kien, which at that time was infested by criminals of that sort. The said mandarin had executed his commission with such severity that those who were put to death numbered more than sixty thousand—which in China is a small number, because that country abounds in robbers—and for this reason many had made their escape to Manila and other regions, fleeing from the harshness of that judge. These people did all the harm that they could, robbing inside the Parián the Chinese themselves, when they could not rob outsiders.About this time there came out of the public prison at Manila a Sangley named Tingco, who had been imprisoned for the unnatural crime, and had been there so long that in prison he had learned to read and write our language, and had come to be a sufficiently competent scrivener to write petitions and other papers for the rest of the prisoners, for he was very clever and had a keen mind. He went about [the prison] freely, as being a prisoner of so long standing, and aided the jailer greatly by acting as guard to the other prisoners; and he supported himself very comfortably on what he gained by his pen. Finally, after many years of confinement hesucceeded in gaining his full liberty; and, as he had a restless disposition and evil inclinations, he associated himself with other Chinese criminals, of those who were fugitives from the province of Fo-Kien, and they lived on what they could plunder from other Sangleys and from the Indians and Spaniards. As they regarded this occupation of petty thieving as too disagreeable, and it could not extricate them from their wretchedly poor condition, they planned to assemble together three hundred of these vagabonds, and to undertake some exploit which should better their fortunes so that they could return to China free from danger. It seems certain that this resolve was talked about with the multitude of the Parián who were least supplied with funds, and these were on the watch to aid the bold attempt of those promoters if the result had corresponded to their plans; and what is most surprising is the secrecy with which they kept these from the rich Sangleys—who not only would not have entered into the plot, but would have revealed it for their own safety; for they were going to lose much and gain little, and with very evident risk. The day and hour of the conspiracy having been settled—a day in the month of August, at daylight—they assembled in a disorderly crowd, armed with such weapons as they could procure by stealth, their leader being one who had newly come, that same year, from China. In a mob, and without order, they attacked the house of the alguacil-mayor, Pedro de Ortega; and they killed him and another Spaniard, named Nicolás de Ballena. With this beginning they went to the house of the alcalde-mayor of the Parián, Captain Don Diego Vivién, and enteredit to do the same to him; but, having heard the noise, he escaped without clothing, and reached a safe place in the little fort which defends the entrance to the great bridge, where there is always a garrison of soldiers. The insurgents entered his house, and their greed satisfied itself on what they found nearest to their hands, although they had not the luck to find three thousand pesos in silver which the alcalde possessed. While they halted for this pillage there was time to bring up soldiers and other armed men, and they easily arrested many of the Sangleys, although most of them escaped; and the rest of the Parián remained tranquil. It was made known that this conspiracy was plotted in the bakery of Manila, and [it was said] that they intended to place pounded glass in the bread, in order to kill the Spaniards. This was not positively ascertained, but the management of that business was taken from the Chinese—to which, however, they afterward returned, at the urgent request of our people. This was because, during the time while the Sangleys did not carry on this trade, they were replaced by Spaniards who in their own country had been bakers, but in Manila they did not succeed in doing anything to advantage; the Sangleys therefore again took charge of the bakery, after they had been asked by many to furnish the supply of bread, of which great quantities are consumed in Manila.The Sangley Tingco was captured, and in company with ten others was hanged and quartered; and the bodies were placed along the river of Manila and the estuary of Tondo, as far as Point Tañón in Tambobong. The conversion of those who were heathens (as were most of them) was secured, andfor this conversion labored earnestly father Fray Álvaro de Benavente, an Augustinian, and Father José de Irigoyen of the Society of Jesus, both of whom knew the dialects of the provinces from which the criminals came; and for those of Fo-Kien the fathers of St. Dominic [ministered]. News came that many of the insurgents had taken refuge at Pasay, and General Don Tomás de Endaya went out against them with soldiers and Merdicas (who are very brave Malay Indians); they came back with eleven heads of those whom they could kill, and the disturbance was quieted, nor has any other occurred up to the present time.In this danger Manila maintains her existence, clinging to it as the means of her preservation even though she grieves over what is the cause of her greatest decline. The shrewdness of the Chinese in business dealings and their skill in carrying on the mechanical trades turn us from these callings so entirely that Spaniards who in their own country practiced them here consider it foolish to do so; accordingly they allow the Chinese to conduct and manage the crafts, believing that the latter are serving us when they are most imposing upon us. And as the Chinese recognize this weakness of ours, and see that it is without remedy, on account of the Spanish vanity, they treat us with contempt in their acts, although with great submission in their words. Whatever they make is defective and does not wear well, in order that they may have more work to do. The unnecessary expense that Manila suffers on account of the frauds that they practice in the trades of baker, candle-maker, and silversmith is very great; we recognize this, and endure it throughnecessity, and the matter is not set right, through reluctance to apply the remedy. Many persons understand the injury which the Chinese cause here, but much more numerous are those who defend them, since this peril is dear to those who regard it as an advantage [to have the Chinese here.]In the year 1678 there reached our hands a very judicious opinion, printed at Madrid by a devout person who had had experience in dealing with that nation, and was well aware of their acts of guile. It was presented before the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, its president being the Conde de Medellín; and when the arguments adduced therein made a very strong impression, another pamphlet appeared in print at the same court, against the former one and in favor of the Sangleys; this delayed the decision, so that it seems as if they have in all quarters those who defend them. And so we go on, enduring this incurable disease—although today the number of the Sangleys is less than ever; for it is supposed that the number does not reach the six thousand whom the royal decrees allow, and judging by the poverty to which the commonwealth of Manila is steadily being reduced, each year there will be fewer Chinese here through the lack of profits; for that is the craving which draws them from their own country.I am aware that I have expatiated on a matter which seems to be an affair of state, rather than of history, although history, as a teacher of truth and a witness of the times, should include all events. I much regret that I cannot enlarge my account by saying something of the much which I could tell about the great indifference with which the Sangleyswho are baptized attend to their obligations as Christians; most of them do so for worldly objects, such as being married and living as lords of the country; but this subject is one for tears rather than for the pen. Many lamentations have been made by many Jeremiahs zealous for the honor of God; but no results have followed beyond the reward which will be given to them in glory for this so holy labor. A very learned apologue is kept in the ecclesiastical archives, written by the reverend father Fray Alberto Collares of the Order of Preachers, at the request of the archbishop of Manila, Doctor Don Miguel Millán de Poblete, which causes horror to those who read it; and the worst is, that it tells but little, according to the opinion of other religious of the said order, who, as ministers to the Parián mission, know the Chinese best. And still more is this occasion for censure to some of the religious of that order who have been in China, and know how much superior the Christians of that empire are to these; and therefore they take great care to prevent those who come from China (who are few) from holding intercourse with the Christians of the Parián, in order that these may not corrupt them. Thus do they look upon the matter; and when in our convent at Manila was lodged Don Fray Gregorio López, a Basilitan72bishop of the Order of Preachers, a Chinese by nationality—who was a phœnix among that people, on account of his virtue and sanctity—heprevented from going to the Parián, whenever he could, two good Chinese Christians whom he brought hither in his company.Many (and most) persons are greatly deceived in imagining that the Sangleys who live among the Indian natives outside of Manila do no harm to the faith, saying that the Chinese are more atheists than idolaters, and that they only seek worldly advantages. But this is not always the rule, for some teach sects and doctrines that are very evil, as experience shows. In the year 1706, father Fray Antolín de Alzaga, one of the apostolic missionaries whom we have in the remote mountains of the province of Pampanga, converting and instructing the warlike peoples called Italones, Ituriés, and Abacas—whose wonderful conversions present notable material to him whose duty it is to write the history of those times—this apostolic missionary came to Manila, making light of the hardships of [travel by] those roads so long and rough, in order to ask the governor, Don Domingo de Zabalburu, to take measures for banishing from these mountains two infidel Sangleys, who with greed for the trade in wax had penetrated even those unexplored hills, where they taught false dogmas and perverse opinions, such as palingenesis, or transmigration of souls—a dogma which Pythagoras taught, and which was propagated much among heathen peoples. At the present time it is accepted by all nations of Asia, and in China and Japon with the greatest tenacity; they believe that when a man dies his soul goes to animate another body, either rational or brute, according to the deserts of him who is dead, and for either punishment or reward; and thus they allot an infinitesuccession of transmigrations. This diabolical dogma was taught by these Sangleys to the Italon Indians, with other evil doctrines, such as polygamy (which permits a man to have many wives), idolatry, and others which ensue from it. That accursed doctrine spread rapidly among those simple mountaineers, so much so that it became necessary to have recourse to the said governor—who, being so zealous for the increase of the Christian faith, sent to the alcalde-mayor of Pampanga a very urgent command to expel from those missions the two Sangleys, and to be very careful to prevent the entrance of others therein; and this order was carried out, to the great tranquillity of the new Christian church. Experience has shown the same thing in other villages where Sangleys have fixed abodes. I will not delay longer over a matter on which there is an endless amount to be said, since I have sufficiently exceeded the limits of my obligation; and I refer to many persons who have officially discussed these matters, although they have obtained no results from their earnest efforts.The natives regard them with contempt, having no further inclination toward them than that of self-interest; consequently, neither affection nor fear draws either toward the other. And ordinarily selfishness courts the Sangleys, while aversion urges the natives to make complaints against them—except that the bond of matrimony is a check on the women; for, as is usually the case, if a native leads a bad life, he is on the watch for the acts of the Sangleys, in order to make the evil-doing of another serve as an excuse for greater freedom in his own wrong mode of life. Accordingly, they are in more danger fromtestimony arising from the malice of the accusers than from facts brought forward in zeal for their correction—as is seen by the few complaints or accusations that are decided against them, and how still more rarely do these bring them to punishment. Nor can this be attributed to the negligence of the judges, for they are delighted to receive the lawsuits of the Sangleys, our covetousness selling to them even justice very dear; and when harshness finds an object, it makes their punishments (since their wealth offers so much to avarice), although less bloody, more keenly felt, since in the estimation of the Sangley money is his very heart’s blood.The precedents set by the sovereign kings Don Fernando the Catholic and Don Felipe II are examples of their piety, and of their successful policy in separating from their Catholic vassals those who are perfidious, who if mingled with the others might pervert them, through the passion which the Indians and Moros have for propagating their [false] sects—a danger much to be feared among the simple people of the villages and the common herd.No doubt, intercourse with these infidels is very necessary, on account of the merchandise which they furnish to us from their kingdom; but this could, in my opinion, be accomplished without danger to us—for one thing, by permitting to remain in these islands [only the] six thousand Sangleys, as his Majesty decrees; and for another, by not permitting them to trade in the provinces, or to live in the villages mingled with the Indians. But they should be kept in subjection, as Joshua kept down the Gaboanites, and as now Roma, Florencia, Venecia, and Orán hold the Jews in subjection, and our people inTernate kept the Moros in his Majesty’s galleys, the rabble of that sort. It is an obvious disadvantage to live subjected to such peoples, because the law of subjection, the adulation offered to rulers, and ambition to secure their favor are powerful to subject religion to their pleasure, as has been found by experience in all the countries where this misfortune has been suffered—such as Mesopotamia, both the Arabias, Egipto, and Africa, and that one which was the supporter of religion, Constantinopla, with all of Grecia. And for the same reason heresy has so prevailed and lorded it in Inglaterra, Irlanda, Dinamarca, Suecia, Sajonia,[i.e., Saxony], the Palatinate, and many other provinces and free cities—the most fatal poison that attacks the faith being the sovereignty of infidel princes, their grandeur and power being the sure ruin of religion. I consider that I have used more space than is required by my obligations, in treating of so pernicious a nation, which is allowed here in greater number than our needs demand—I know not whether through our fault or our misfortune—and maintained in the subjection which experience has shown [to be necessary] at times when too great confidence has relaxed the rein of caution.[Here we resume the regular narrative of this period by Diaz, at p. 786:] This revolt caused great anxiety to the governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, on account of the many champans which had come that year from China; but in the course of time the danger disappeared.Among the great hardships which in this year were suffered in Manila, one was that the rains were heavier than any known to living men. Not onlywere they very heavy, but they lasted many months, and were the cause of many fields and crops being ruined, which caused a great scarcity of provisions; and, as it was impossible to work the salt-beds, the price of salt rose so high that it came to be worth twelve pesos for half a fanega, although its ordinary price was two or three reals—and some years even less, depending on the [height of the] water and on the heat of the sun, on which conditions this so necessary industry depends.The most memorable event of this year, and one which may be counted among the most important which have occurred in these islands since their conquest, is the imprisonment of the auditors, Don Diego Antonio de Viga and Don Pedro Sebastián de Bolivar, by the governor. It is an event to cause astonishment—and more, as it came so soon after the imprisonment and exile of the archbishop, Don Fray Felipe Pardo—at seeing in so short a time Doctor Don Cristóbal de Herrera Grimaldos dead, and two auditors deprived forever of their togas (since never again could they put these on), and their families ruined and almost destroyed. It is not my intention to interpret the inscrutable secrets of divine justice, but only to set down the times and occasions in which so notable events occurred. [Diaz’s account of the imprisonment and deaths of the auditors is here omitted, as it has already been sufficiently related inVOL. XXXIX.]

The peace and pious tranquillity which this province enjoyed throughout the three years’ government of our father Fray José Duque was like that which it had enjoyed during the three years of his former term, and was what this province had expected from him on account of the knowledge and experience which all had of his piety, great discretion, and sagacity in making way through the greatest difficulties. Accordingly, they bade farewell to his paternal government with much regret, and determinedto reëlect him for a third term—which they did afterward at the proper time, opportunity being afforded for this by the long span of his life and the robust constitution with which he was endowed, which were astonishing.

The time arrived which our Constitutions assign for holding the provincial chapter, and it assembled in the convent of Manila; over it presided, with letters from our very reverend father general Fray Antonio Paccino, our father Fray Diego de Jesús. Our father Fray Juan de Jérez was elected provincial for the second time, with great satisfaction to all; and as definitors were chosen the fathers Fray Luis Diaz, Fray Juan García, Fray Felipe de Jaurigue, and Fray Diego de Alday. The visitors of the past triennium were present, Fray José de la Cruz and Fray Alonso de Arniellos; and as visitors for this triennium were appointed father Fray Ignacio de Rearcado and the father reader Fray Francisco de Ugarte. Very judicious ordinances were enacted for the proper government of the province, and for the maintenance of the strict regular observance which in those times flourished therein—in which the new provincial had taken a prominent part in his first triennium (which was from 1677 to 1680), and in the past one, in which he had been prior of [the convent in] Manila.

The provincial began to govern with so much zeal and industry that it would be tedious for me to tell how much he accomplished in one year only—the least being that he had visited all the provinces, even to those of Ilocos and Bisayas, without omitting in one point his exercises of prayer and mortification. Of this I can give reliable testimony, as one who washis secretary and companion during the twenty-two months while he governed, his death being caused by the great labors of this visitation, in which with holy zeal and activity he performed incredible labors in promoting the religious observance, and in securing the cleansing and adornment of the altars and the ornaments, in which he was exceedingly careful and assiduous. He suffered much from the continual harassment of the scruples which tormented him, so much that it caused one grief to see the so heavy cross which the Lord placed on the shoulders of this His creature, which he bore with great fortitude and courage....

Among the excellent arrangements made by this chapter was the chief one, which was that father Fray Álvaro de Benavente should go to España as procurator; he had a few months before returned from China, where he left our missions very well established in the kingdom of Cantón, with houses at Xaoquinfú and Nanhiunfú, and two others in other places of less note. At the same time he was appointed definitor for the general chapter which was to meet in Roma, to which father Fray Alvaro was very desirous of going on account of the affairs of the missions conducted by the regulars in China, from whom he carried letters and authority to act in regard to the remission of the oath of subjection to the apostolic vicars. They gave him the necessary despatches, and he determined to make the voyage by way of the Cape of Good Hope, because that year there was no galleon going to Nueva España, the cause of which will be told later. He embarked for Batavia on a Portuguese vessel, and as his companion was assigned the brother Fray Juan Verganzo, whohad come with the mission of the year 1684. He arrived at Batavia, where he encountered great difficulties in making the voyage to Amsterdam; but all these were overcome by a Dutchman, a Calvinist preacher named Teodoro Zas—a very benevolent and courteous man, and very fond of doing good to others; this caused grief in those who knew him, at seeing him misled by the false doctrines of Calvin, when he was so eminent in the moral virtues.

Father Fray Alvaro carried with him the first part of this History, which after a long time came from the press, although only as far as the year 1616—while I had given it to him complete up to the year 1647—because at that time this province had not funds at Madrid sufficient to print it all. That first division of the history was printed at the said court in the year 1698, by Manuel Ruiz de Murga; and it was dedicated to her Ladyship the Duquesa de Aveiro, although it was my intention that it be dedicated to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme Council of the Indias. The rest of the said first part remained laid aside and forgotten in the convent of San Felipe at Madrid, until I determined to write it again and complete it, by means of the rough drafts that had remained here.68

About April of 1687, father Fray Alvaro sailed from Batavia in [one of the] galleons of the Company of Holanda, and after many and fearful tempests it reached the Cape of Good Hope, where the Dutch made a halt of two months at the great colony and settlement which that nation maintain there for this purpose; it is a very populous city, and well supplied with all that is necessary to human life, for it possesses a very healthful climate, at the latitude of 36° [on the side] of the tropic of Capricorn. In this city they have a large hospital for treating the sick, with very skilful physicians and surgeons, and with all the comfort that could be found in any other part of the world. Among the magnificent and delightful things which are in that city is a garden, the largest that is known, which, according to report, is only second to the earthly Paradise. It is many leguas in circumference, and is divided, like the world, into four parts. In the part called Europa,there are trees of all the fruits that grow in our Europa; in that called Asia, all those from Asia; and the same in those of Africa and America. This garden has a river, opened by hand-labor, which waters all the four divisions; and for its cultivation many Dutch gardeners and more than two thousand Cafres are kept there. In this place is produced very rich wine, which they call “Cape wine;” for the climate is the same as in Andalucía and Extremadura, although in the opposite zone [trópico], and is different only in having summer at Christmas and winter at St. John’s day.69

Father Fray Alvaro left this pleasant town and pursued his voyage to Holanda, and landed at Roterdán, the native place of Desiderius Erasmus;70andthence he went to Amsterdam, where he remained some time. There he made inquiries to ascertain whether he could print the history that he carried in that great city, on account of the beautiful work done by its famous printers; but he gave up this intention, on account of the numerous errors which they made, being ignorant of our language. Thence he embarked for Bilbao, where he and his companion resumed wearing their habits, which they had laid aside in order to go on shore at Batavia. The rest of the tedious peregrinations of father Fray Alvaro will be related, if we can reach the time when he returned [to Manila] with a mission in the year 1690, when we shall observe his entrance into Madrid and his voyage to Roma, and his negotiations at that court in behalf of the regulars of the China missions.

For these missions the chapter designated the father reader Fray Juan de Aguilar, who remained in them several years, and afterward retired on account of failing health; but the chapter sent in his place father Fray Juan Gómez, who continued there until his death. Afterward a large reënforcement of religious was sent to China for the aforesaid missions, which have increased and become very large; and they would have prospered much more, if they had not been so hindered by the claim of subjection to the vicars-apostolic, who made so strenuous efforts to introduce it.

The governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, had determined to send this year [1686] to NuevaEspaña the galleon “Santo Niño,” in charge of General Lucas Mateo de Urquiza; but his efforts to despatch it were ineffectual, because information was received that seven vessels of corsairs or pirates were sailing outside of the Embocadero, and it was feared that their principal intention was to seize the galleon “San Telmo,” which was expected on the return trip from Nueva España. Two fragatas of theirs had been in the Babuyanes Islands, between Cagayán and Hermosa Island, and had slain two religious of [the Order of] St. Dominic; these were father Fray Jacinto de Samper, a native of Caspe, an able minister to the Chinese in the Parián, and father Fray José Seijas, a nephew of the archbishop of Méjico, Don Francisco Seijas, both of them being religious of great virtue.71Moreover, the pirates had committed other acts of hostility in Cagayán and Ilocos. The governor determined to suspend the voyage of the galleon for Nueva España, and gave orders to equip it for war—cutting in it many portholes, in order to furnish it with more than a hundred pieces of artillery of large calibre (all of bronze); and placing aboard it a thousand soldiers, Spaniards, Pampangos, Merdicas, Malays, and Zambal Indian bowmen. In its company went two pataches, which had just come for trade with the Coromandel coast, well armed and furnished with soldiers; and for commander of this enterprise the governor appointed Don Tomás de Endaya, with the title of deputy captain-general. To his valor could be entrusted any undertaking,however perilous it might be; for he was valiant, and had great skill in navigation, and had gone three times to España as commander [of the galleons]. This splendid armada set out, small in number [of ships], but having great strength. Having escorted through the Embocadero and secured the galleon “San Telmo” (which reached these islands safely), the armada reconnoitered all the places where the piratical enemy might be, but did not find them, but learned that there had been no more than the two vessels which had been in Babuyanes. Thereupon the armada returned to Cavite, without accomplishing anything more than the great expenses which the royal treasury had incurred, and having weakened the great strength of the galleon “Santo Niño,” with the numerous portholes which had been cut in it for mounting the artillery; for it was necessary for this purpose to cut through the ribs of the ship’s sides, in the preservation of which consisted its greatest strength.

The two pataches proceeded in search of the pirates to the locality of the Babuyanes; and the commander, Don Tomás de Endaya, went with a strong force of men by land to the province of Ilocos to look for them—where, it was said, the said corsairs had arrived, although the news did not prove to be accurate. He went as far as the capital town of Vigan, where his encomienda was; and after having spent some time there, not receiving information of the enemy, he returned to Manila. He left there established a village of the blacks from the mountains, called Santo Tomás, between Tarlac and Magalan, headed by a notable chief of theirs named Don Juan Valiga. A few months after Don Tomás de Endayahad arrived at Manila, he succeeded in the office of master-of-camp to Don Fernando de Bobadilla (who held it by proprietary appointment from his Majesty), who died about this time. The latter was a great soldier, and the governor of Zamboanga, and is often named in the history; he was a native of Sevilla, and a son of one of the “twenty-four” of that city. The ships that went by sea, after having searched many ports where they thought to find the corsairs, and having no further news of them, returned to Manila without having accomplished anything remarkable. Don Tomás de Endaya was confirmed in the post of master-of-camp, and held it twenty-eight years; and then he died from old age.

In this year of 1686, about June, occurred the revolt of the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila, which I related in book ii, chapter 21, as I did not suppose that I would reach these times with the thread of the narrative; and therefore I do not repeat it [here], as it was written with sufficient fulness, and the curious reader can find it in the place I have cited. [This citation is incorrect, in the arrangement of the chapters as given in Fray Lopez’s edition of Diaz; the number of the chapter should be xxxiv. Diaz’s account, as there given (pp. 440, 441), we transfer to this place, adding his comments on the question of allowing the Chinese to reside at Manila; it is as follows:]

While these islands were governed by the admiral of the galleons, Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui y Arriola, of the Order of Santiago and one of the “twenty-four” of Sevilla, in the year 1686 [misprinted1636] there occurred a tumult in the Parián which it was feared would become a general uprising[—which was planned,] according to the investigations afterward made. In the said market there were many recently-arrived Sangleys, of so bad reputation that the Sangley merchants themselves had no confidence in these men, and said that they were disguised thieves and highwaymen who had come from China that year, having fled from a mandarin who was a very severe judge, whom the emperor had sent from the court to drive out so mischievous a sort of folk from the province of Fo-Kien, which at that time was infested by criminals of that sort. The said mandarin had executed his commission with such severity that those who were put to death numbered more than sixty thousand—which in China is a small number, because that country abounds in robbers—and for this reason many had made their escape to Manila and other regions, fleeing from the harshness of that judge. These people did all the harm that they could, robbing inside the Parián the Chinese themselves, when they could not rob outsiders.

About this time there came out of the public prison at Manila a Sangley named Tingco, who had been imprisoned for the unnatural crime, and had been there so long that in prison he had learned to read and write our language, and had come to be a sufficiently competent scrivener to write petitions and other papers for the rest of the prisoners, for he was very clever and had a keen mind. He went about [the prison] freely, as being a prisoner of so long standing, and aided the jailer greatly by acting as guard to the other prisoners; and he supported himself very comfortably on what he gained by his pen. Finally, after many years of confinement hesucceeded in gaining his full liberty; and, as he had a restless disposition and evil inclinations, he associated himself with other Chinese criminals, of those who were fugitives from the province of Fo-Kien, and they lived on what they could plunder from other Sangleys and from the Indians and Spaniards. As they regarded this occupation of petty thieving as too disagreeable, and it could not extricate them from their wretchedly poor condition, they planned to assemble together three hundred of these vagabonds, and to undertake some exploit which should better their fortunes so that they could return to China free from danger. It seems certain that this resolve was talked about with the multitude of the Parián who were least supplied with funds, and these were on the watch to aid the bold attempt of those promoters if the result had corresponded to their plans; and what is most surprising is the secrecy with which they kept these from the rich Sangleys—who not only would not have entered into the plot, but would have revealed it for their own safety; for they were going to lose much and gain little, and with very evident risk. The day and hour of the conspiracy having been settled—a day in the month of August, at daylight—they assembled in a disorderly crowd, armed with such weapons as they could procure by stealth, their leader being one who had newly come, that same year, from China. In a mob, and without order, they attacked the house of the alguacil-mayor, Pedro de Ortega; and they killed him and another Spaniard, named Nicolás de Ballena. With this beginning they went to the house of the alcalde-mayor of the Parián, Captain Don Diego Vivién, and enteredit to do the same to him; but, having heard the noise, he escaped without clothing, and reached a safe place in the little fort which defends the entrance to the great bridge, where there is always a garrison of soldiers. The insurgents entered his house, and their greed satisfied itself on what they found nearest to their hands, although they had not the luck to find three thousand pesos in silver which the alcalde possessed. While they halted for this pillage there was time to bring up soldiers and other armed men, and they easily arrested many of the Sangleys, although most of them escaped; and the rest of the Parián remained tranquil. It was made known that this conspiracy was plotted in the bakery of Manila, and [it was said] that they intended to place pounded glass in the bread, in order to kill the Spaniards. This was not positively ascertained, but the management of that business was taken from the Chinese—to which, however, they afterward returned, at the urgent request of our people. This was because, during the time while the Sangleys did not carry on this trade, they were replaced by Spaniards who in their own country had been bakers, but in Manila they did not succeed in doing anything to advantage; the Sangleys therefore again took charge of the bakery, after they had been asked by many to furnish the supply of bread, of which great quantities are consumed in Manila.

The Sangley Tingco was captured, and in company with ten others was hanged and quartered; and the bodies were placed along the river of Manila and the estuary of Tondo, as far as Point Tañón in Tambobong. The conversion of those who were heathens (as were most of them) was secured, andfor this conversion labored earnestly father Fray Álvaro de Benavente, an Augustinian, and Father José de Irigoyen of the Society of Jesus, both of whom knew the dialects of the provinces from which the criminals came; and for those of Fo-Kien the fathers of St. Dominic [ministered]. News came that many of the insurgents had taken refuge at Pasay, and General Don Tomás de Endaya went out against them with soldiers and Merdicas (who are very brave Malay Indians); they came back with eleven heads of those whom they could kill, and the disturbance was quieted, nor has any other occurred up to the present time.

In this danger Manila maintains her existence, clinging to it as the means of her preservation even though she grieves over what is the cause of her greatest decline. The shrewdness of the Chinese in business dealings and their skill in carrying on the mechanical trades turn us from these callings so entirely that Spaniards who in their own country practiced them here consider it foolish to do so; accordingly they allow the Chinese to conduct and manage the crafts, believing that the latter are serving us when they are most imposing upon us. And as the Chinese recognize this weakness of ours, and see that it is without remedy, on account of the Spanish vanity, they treat us with contempt in their acts, although with great submission in their words. Whatever they make is defective and does not wear well, in order that they may have more work to do. The unnecessary expense that Manila suffers on account of the frauds that they practice in the trades of baker, candle-maker, and silversmith is very great; we recognize this, and endure it throughnecessity, and the matter is not set right, through reluctance to apply the remedy. Many persons understand the injury which the Chinese cause here, but much more numerous are those who defend them, since this peril is dear to those who regard it as an advantage [to have the Chinese here.]

In the year 1678 there reached our hands a very judicious opinion, printed at Madrid by a devout person who had had experience in dealing with that nation, and was well aware of their acts of guile. It was presented before the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, its president being the Conde de Medellín; and when the arguments adduced therein made a very strong impression, another pamphlet appeared in print at the same court, against the former one and in favor of the Sangleys; this delayed the decision, so that it seems as if they have in all quarters those who defend them. And so we go on, enduring this incurable disease—although today the number of the Sangleys is less than ever; for it is supposed that the number does not reach the six thousand whom the royal decrees allow, and judging by the poverty to which the commonwealth of Manila is steadily being reduced, each year there will be fewer Chinese here through the lack of profits; for that is the craving which draws them from their own country.

I am aware that I have expatiated on a matter which seems to be an affair of state, rather than of history, although history, as a teacher of truth and a witness of the times, should include all events. I much regret that I cannot enlarge my account by saying something of the much which I could tell about the great indifference with which the Sangleyswho are baptized attend to their obligations as Christians; most of them do so for worldly objects, such as being married and living as lords of the country; but this subject is one for tears rather than for the pen. Many lamentations have been made by many Jeremiahs zealous for the honor of God; but no results have followed beyond the reward which will be given to them in glory for this so holy labor. A very learned apologue is kept in the ecclesiastical archives, written by the reverend father Fray Alberto Collares of the Order of Preachers, at the request of the archbishop of Manila, Doctor Don Miguel Millán de Poblete, which causes horror to those who read it; and the worst is, that it tells but little, according to the opinion of other religious of the said order, who, as ministers to the Parián mission, know the Chinese best. And still more is this occasion for censure to some of the religious of that order who have been in China, and know how much superior the Christians of that empire are to these; and therefore they take great care to prevent those who come from China (who are few) from holding intercourse with the Christians of the Parián, in order that these may not corrupt them. Thus do they look upon the matter; and when in our convent at Manila was lodged Don Fray Gregorio López, a Basilitan72bishop of the Order of Preachers, a Chinese by nationality—who was a phœnix among that people, on account of his virtue and sanctity—heprevented from going to the Parián, whenever he could, two good Chinese Christians whom he brought hither in his company.

Many (and most) persons are greatly deceived in imagining that the Sangleys who live among the Indian natives outside of Manila do no harm to the faith, saying that the Chinese are more atheists than idolaters, and that they only seek worldly advantages. But this is not always the rule, for some teach sects and doctrines that are very evil, as experience shows. In the year 1706, father Fray Antolín de Alzaga, one of the apostolic missionaries whom we have in the remote mountains of the province of Pampanga, converting and instructing the warlike peoples called Italones, Ituriés, and Abacas—whose wonderful conversions present notable material to him whose duty it is to write the history of those times—this apostolic missionary came to Manila, making light of the hardships of [travel by] those roads so long and rough, in order to ask the governor, Don Domingo de Zabalburu, to take measures for banishing from these mountains two infidel Sangleys, who with greed for the trade in wax had penetrated even those unexplored hills, where they taught false dogmas and perverse opinions, such as palingenesis, or transmigration of souls—a dogma which Pythagoras taught, and which was propagated much among heathen peoples. At the present time it is accepted by all nations of Asia, and in China and Japon with the greatest tenacity; they believe that when a man dies his soul goes to animate another body, either rational or brute, according to the deserts of him who is dead, and for either punishment or reward; and thus they allot an infinitesuccession of transmigrations. This diabolical dogma was taught by these Sangleys to the Italon Indians, with other evil doctrines, such as polygamy (which permits a man to have many wives), idolatry, and others which ensue from it. That accursed doctrine spread rapidly among those simple mountaineers, so much so that it became necessary to have recourse to the said governor—who, being so zealous for the increase of the Christian faith, sent to the alcalde-mayor of Pampanga a very urgent command to expel from those missions the two Sangleys, and to be very careful to prevent the entrance of others therein; and this order was carried out, to the great tranquillity of the new Christian church. Experience has shown the same thing in other villages where Sangleys have fixed abodes. I will not delay longer over a matter on which there is an endless amount to be said, since I have sufficiently exceeded the limits of my obligation; and I refer to many persons who have officially discussed these matters, although they have obtained no results from their earnest efforts.

The natives regard them with contempt, having no further inclination toward them than that of self-interest; consequently, neither affection nor fear draws either toward the other. And ordinarily selfishness courts the Sangleys, while aversion urges the natives to make complaints against them—except that the bond of matrimony is a check on the women; for, as is usually the case, if a native leads a bad life, he is on the watch for the acts of the Sangleys, in order to make the evil-doing of another serve as an excuse for greater freedom in his own wrong mode of life. Accordingly, they are in more danger fromtestimony arising from the malice of the accusers than from facts brought forward in zeal for their correction—as is seen by the few complaints or accusations that are decided against them, and how still more rarely do these bring them to punishment. Nor can this be attributed to the negligence of the judges, for they are delighted to receive the lawsuits of the Sangleys, our covetousness selling to them even justice very dear; and when harshness finds an object, it makes their punishments (since their wealth offers so much to avarice), although less bloody, more keenly felt, since in the estimation of the Sangley money is his very heart’s blood.

The precedents set by the sovereign kings Don Fernando the Catholic and Don Felipe II are examples of their piety, and of their successful policy in separating from their Catholic vassals those who are perfidious, who if mingled with the others might pervert them, through the passion which the Indians and Moros have for propagating their [false] sects—a danger much to be feared among the simple people of the villages and the common herd.

No doubt, intercourse with these infidels is very necessary, on account of the merchandise which they furnish to us from their kingdom; but this could, in my opinion, be accomplished without danger to us—for one thing, by permitting to remain in these islands [only the] six thousand Sangleys, as his Majesty decrees; and for another, by not permitting them to trade in the provinces, or to live in the villages mingled with the Indians. But they should be kept in subjection, as Joshua kept down the Gaboanites, and as now Roma, Florencia, Venecia, and Orán hold the Jews in subjection, and our people inTernate kept the Moros in his Majesty’s galleys, the rabble of that sort. It is an obvious disadvantage to live subjected to such peoples, because the law of subjection, the adulation offered to rulers, and ambition to secure their favor are powerful to subject religion to their pleasure, as has been found by experience in all the countries where this misfortune has been suffered—such as Mesopotamia, both the Arabias, Egipto, and Africa, and that one which was the supporter of religion, Constantinopla, with all of Grecia. And for the same reason heresy has so prevailed and lorded it in Inglaterra, Irlanda, Dinamarca, Suecia, Sajonia,[i.e., Saxony], the Palatinate, and many other provinces and free cities—the most fatal poison that attacks the faith being the sovereignty of infidel princes, their grandeur and power being the sure ruin of religion. I consider that I have used more space than is required by my obligations, in treating of so pernicious a nation, which is allowed here in greater number than our needs demand—I know not whether through our fault or our misfortune—and maintained in the subjection which experience has shown [to be necessary] at times when too great confidence has relaxed the rein of caution.

[Here we resume the regular narrative of this period by Diaz, at p. 786:] This revolt caused great anxiety to the governor, Don Gabriel Curucelaegui, on account of the many champans which had come that year from China; but in the course of time the danger disappeared.

Among the great hardships which in this year were suffered in Manila, one was that the rains were heavier than any known to living men. Not onlywere they very heavy, but they lasted many months, and were the cause of many fields and crops being ruined, which caused a great scarcity of provisions; and, as it was impossible to work the salt-beds, the price of salt rose so high that it came to be worth twelve pesos for half a fanega, although its ordinary price was two or three reals—and some years even less, depending on the [height of the] water and on the heat of the sun, on which conditions this so necessary industry depends.

The most memorable event of this year, and one which may be counted among the most important which have occurred in these islands since their conquest, is the imprisonment of the auditors, Don Diego Antonio de Viga and Don Pedro Sebastián de Bolivar, by the governor. It is an event to cause astonishment—and more, as it came so soon after the imprisonment and exile of the archbishop, Don Fray Felipe Pardo—at seeing in so short a time Doctor Don Cristóbal de Herrera Grimaldos dead, and two auditors deprived forever of their togas (since never again could they put these on), and their families ruined and almost destroyed. It is not my intention to interpret the inscrutable secrets of divine justice, but only to set down the times and occasions in which so notable events occurred. [Diaz’s account of the imprisonment and deaths of the auditors is here omitted, as it has already been sufficiently related inVOL. XXXIX.]

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