1This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): “The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas …. His vanity led him to suppress his name ….” Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says inBibliografía filipina, p. 524]: “This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know hisEstado[i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas.” In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: “Of this secret chapter, the last of theInforme sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it.” The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana)Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.↑2The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.↑3A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, “namely, to cede the country to some foreign power.” But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, “The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America.” In 1875–78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.↑4By this term, as well as by “Filipino Spaniards,” as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.↑5The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.↑6The exact title of this work is as follows:Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba(Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.”Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democratsui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.↑7See account of this mutiny inVOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.↑8Seepost, pp. 92, 93, note 37.↑9Seepost, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta.↑10In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.↑11Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’sJava, or how to govern a colony(London, 1861); P. J. Veth’sJava(Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’sUn sejour dans l’île de Java(Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’sDas Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur(Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’sLa Colonisation hollandaise à Java(Paris, 1905).↑12A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.↑13Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’sQuinze ans de voyages autour du monde(1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.↑14The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)↑15Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95–100 (q.v.,VOL. XL, pp. 270–277).↑16Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.See Pérez’sCatálogo.↑17Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.↑18A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.“Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; thesanctorum, 3 reals; thecomunidad, 1 real; and therecargo, ½ real. The total of imposts, then, is 16½ reals; or for each single person one dollar and ¼ real. Thesanctorumis for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. Thecomunidadis a charge for the communal fund. Therecargois a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals ofrecargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering thesanctorumandcomunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1½ to 2¼ reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers.” “Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman—excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected—pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12.”“A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar[compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines—European or native, Spanish or foreign—must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and ½ real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women.” (Jagor,Reisen, pp. 293–295.)↑19The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.↑20The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.↑21SeeVOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.↑22This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is theVoyage autour du monde par les mers de l’Inde et de la Chine(1833–39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353–470, 547–553, and is as follows: “Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs mœurs et leur industrie;” and notes. SeeLa grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.↑23The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal,Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.↑24The first edition of theRecopilación de leyes de Indiaswas published at Madrid in 1681.↑25For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, seeVOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.↑26i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.↑27On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows:Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); andEntrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito … al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana’sBibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).↑28i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.↑29A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives’ six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.↑30Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal,Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.↑31See José Cabezas de Herrera’sApuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas(Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.↑32See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal’sEl archipiélago filipino, pp. 169–186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.↑33The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of theministerio de la gobernación(ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to theministerio de marina(ministry of the navy), which was after that calledsecretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, theministerio de ultramar(ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.↑34In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain “ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;” it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel,Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).↑
1This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): “The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas …. His vanity led him to suppress his name ….” Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says inBibliografía filipina, p. 524]: “This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know hisEstado[i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas.” In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: “Of this secret chapter, the last of theInforme sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it.” The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana)Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.↑2The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.↑3A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, “namely, to cede the country to some foreign power.” But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, “The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America.” In 1875–78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.↑4By this term, as well as by “Filipino Spaniards,” as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.↑5The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.↑6The exact title of this work is as follows:Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba(Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.”Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democratsui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.↑7See account of this mutiny inVOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.↑8Seepost, pp. 92, 93, note 37.↑9Seepost, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta.↑10In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.↑11Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’sJava, or how to govern a colony(London, 1861); P. J. Veth’sJava(Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’sUn sejour dans l’île de Java(Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’sDas Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur(Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’sLa Colonisation hollandaise à Java(Paris, 1905).↑12A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.↑13Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’sQuinze ans de voyages autour du monde(1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.↑14The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)↑15Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95–100 (q.v.,VOL. XL, pp. 270–277).↑16Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.See Pérez’sCatálogo.↑17Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.↑18A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.“Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; thesanctorum, 3 reals; thecomunidad, 1 real; and therecargo, ½ real. The total of imposts, then, is 16½ reals; or for each single person one dollar and ¼ real. Thesanctorumis for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. Thecomunidadis a charge for the communal fund. Therecargois a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals ofrecargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering thesanctorumandcomunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1½ to 2¼ reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers.” “Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman—excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected—pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12.”“A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar[compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines—European or native, Spanish or foreign—must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and ½ real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women.” (Jagor,Reisen, pp. 293–295.)↑19The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.↑20The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.↑21SeeVOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.↑22This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is theVoyage autour du monde par les mers de l’Inde et de la Chine(1833–39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353–470, 547–553, and is as follows: “Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs mœurs et leur industrie;” and notes. SeeLa grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.↑23The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal,Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.↑24The first edition of theRecopilación de leyes de Indiaswas published at Madrid in 1681.↑25For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, seeVOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.↑26i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.↑27On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows:Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); andEntrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito … al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana’sBibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).↑28i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.↑29A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives’ six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.↑30Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal,Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.↑31See José Cabezas de Herrera’sApuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas(Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.↑32See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal’sEl archipiélago filipino, pp. 169–186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.↑33The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of theministerio de la gobernación(ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to theministerio de marina(ministry of the navy), which was after that calledsecretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, theministerio de ultramar(ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.↑34In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain “ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;” it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel,Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).↑
1This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): “The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas …. His vanity led him to suppress his name ….” Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says inBibliografía filipina, p. 524]: “This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know hisEstado[i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas.” In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: “Of this secret chapter, the last of theInforme sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it.” The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana)Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.↑2The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.↑3A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, “namely, to cede the country to some foreign power.” But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, “The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America.” In 1875–78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.↑4By this term, as well as by “Filipino Spaniards,” as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.↑5The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.↑6The exact title of this work is as follows:Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba(Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.”Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democratsui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.↑7See account of this mutiny inVOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.↑8Seepost, pp. 92, 93, note 37.↑9Seepost, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta.↑10In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.↑11Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’sJava, or how to govern a colony(London, 1861); P. J. Veth’sJava(Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’sUn sejour dans l’île de Java(Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’sDas Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur(Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’sLa Colonisation hollandaise à Java(Paris, 1905).↑12A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.↑13Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’sQuinze ans de voyages autour du monde(1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.↑14The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)↑15Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95–100 (q.v.,VOL. XL, pp. 270–277).↑16Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.See Pérez’sCatálogo.↑17Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.↑18A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.“Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; thesanctorum, 3 reals; thecomunidad, 1 real; and therecargo, ½ real. The total of imposts, then, is 16½ reals; or for each single person one dollar and ¼ real. Thesanctorumis for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. Thecomunidadis a charge for the communal fund. Therecargois a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals ofrecargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering thesanctorumandcomunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1½ to 2¼ reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers.” “Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman—excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected—pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12.”“A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar[compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines—European or native, Spanish or foreign—must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and ½ real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women.” (Jagor,Reisen, pp. 293–295.)↑19The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.↑20The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.↑21SeeVOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.↑22This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is theVoyage autour du monde par les mers de l’Inde et de la Chine(1833–39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353–470, 547–553, and is as follows: “Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs mœurs et leur industrie;” and notes. SeeLa grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.↑23The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal,Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.↑24The first edition of theRecopilación de leyes de Indiaswas published at Madrid in 1681.↑25For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, seeVOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.↑26i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.↑27On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows:Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); andEntrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito … al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana’sBibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).↑28i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.↑29A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives’ six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.↑30Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal,Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.↑31See José Cabezas de Herrera’sApuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas(Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.↑32See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal’sEl archipiélago filipino, pp. 169–186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.↑33The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of theministerio de la gobernación(ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to theministerio de marina(ministry of the navy), which was after that calledsecretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, theministerio de ultramar(ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.↑34In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain “ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;” it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel,Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).↑
1This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): “The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas …. His vanity led him to suppress his name ….” Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says inBibliografía filipina, p. 524]: “This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know hisEstado[i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas.” In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: “Of this secret chapter, the last of theInforme sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it.” The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana)Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.↑2The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.↑3A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, “namely, to cede the country to some foreign power.” But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, “The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America.” In 1875–78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.↑4By this term, as well as by “Filipino Spaniards,” as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.↑5The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.↑6The exact title of this work is as follows:Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba(Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.”Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democratsui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.↑7See account of this mutiny inVOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.↑8Seepost, pp. 92, 93, note 37.↑9Seepost, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta.↑10In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.↑11Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’sJava, or how to govern a colony(London, 1861); P. J. Veth’sJava(Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’sUn sejour dans l’île de Java(Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’sDas Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur(Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’sLa Colonisation hollandaise à Java(Paris, 1905).↑12A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.↑13Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’sQuinze ans de voyages autour du monde(1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.↑14The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)↑15Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95–100 (q.v.,VOL. XL, pp. 270–277).↑16Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.See Pérez’sCatálogo.↑17Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.↑18A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.“Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; thesanctorum, 3 reals; thecomunidad, 1 real; and therecargo, ½ real. The total of imposts, then, is 16½ reals; or for each single person one dollar and ¼ real. Thesanctorumis for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. Thecomunidadis a charge for the communal fund. Therecargois a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals ofrecargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering thesanctorumandcomunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1½ to 2¼ reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers.” “Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman—excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected—pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12.”“A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar[compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines—European or native, Spanish or foreign—must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and ½ real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women.” (Jagor,Reisen, pp. 293–295.)↑19The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.↑20The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.↑21SeeVOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.↑22This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is theVoyage autour du monde par les mers de l’Inde et de la Chine(1833–39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353–470, 547–553, and is as follows: “Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs mœurs et leur industrie;” and notes. SeeLa grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.↑23The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal,Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.↑24The first edition of theRecopilación de leyes de Indiaswas published at Madrid in 1681.↑25For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, seeVOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.↑26i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.↑27On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows:Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); andEntrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito … al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana’sBibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).↑28i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.↑29A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives’ six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.↑30Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal,Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.↑31See José Cabezas de Herrera’sApuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas(Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.↑32See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal’sEl archipiélago filipino, pp. 169–186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.↑33The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of theministerio de la gobernación(ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to theministerio de marina(ministry of the navy), which was after that calledsecretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, theministerio de ultramar(ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.↑34In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain “ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;” it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel,Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).↑
1This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): “The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas …. His vanity led him to suppress his name ….” Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says inBibliografía filipina, p. 524]: “This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know hisEstado[i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas.” In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: “Of this secret chapter, the last of theInforme sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it.” The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana)Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.↑2The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.↑3A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, “namely, to cede the country to some foreign power.” But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, “The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America.” In 1875–78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.↑4By this term, as well as by “Filipino Spaniards,” as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.↑5The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.↑6The exact title of this work is as follows:Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba(Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.”Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democratsui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.↑7See account of this mutiny inVOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.↑8Seepost, pp. 92, 93, note 37.↑9Seepost, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta.↑10In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.↑11Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’sJava, or how to govern a colony(London, 1861); P. J. Veth’sJava(Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’sUn sejour dans l’île de Java(Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’sDas Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur(Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’sLa Colonisation hollandaise à Java(Paris, 1905).↑12A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.↑13Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’sQuinze ans de voyages autour du monde(1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.↑14The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)↑15Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95–100 (q.v.,VOL. XL, pp. 270–277).↑16Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.See Pérez’sCatálogo.↑17Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.↑18A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.“Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; thesanctorum, 3 reals; thecomunidad, 1 real; and therecargo, ½ real. The total of imposts, then, is 16½ reals; or for each single person one dollar and ¼ real. Thesanctorumis for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. Thecomunidadis a charge for the communal fund. Therecargois a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals ofrecargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering thesanctorumandcomunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1½ to 2¼ reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers.” “Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman—excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected—pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12.”“A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar[compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines—European or native, Spanish or foreign—must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and ½ real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women.” (Jagor,Reisen, pp. 293–295.)↑19The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.↑20The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.↑21SeeVOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.↑22This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is theVoyage autour du monde par les mers de l’Inde et de la Chine(1833–39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353–470, 547–553, and is as follows: “Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs mœurs et leur industrie;” and notes. SeeLa grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.↑23The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal,Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.↑24The first edition of theRecopilación de leyes de Indiaswas published at Madrid in 1681.↑25For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, seeVOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.↑26i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.↑27On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows:Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); andEntrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito … al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana’sBibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).↑28i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.↑29A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives’ six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.↑30Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal,Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.↑31See José Cabezas de Herrera’sApuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas(Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.↑32See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal’sEl archipiélago filipino, pp. 169–186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.↑33The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of theministerio de la gobernación(ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to theministerio de marina(ministry of the navy), which was after that calledsecretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, theministerio de ultramar(ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.↑34In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain “ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;” it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel,Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).↑
1This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): “The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas …. His vanity led him to suppress his name ….” Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says inBibliografía filipina, p. 524]: “This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know hisEstado[i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas.” In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: “Of this secret chapter, the last of theInforme sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it.” The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana)Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.↑
2The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.↑
3A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, “namely, to cede the country to some foreign power.” But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, “The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America.” In 1875–78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.↑
4By this term, as well as by “Filipino Spaniards,” as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.↑
5The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.↑
6The exact title of this work is as follows:Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba(Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.”Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democratsui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.↑
7See account of this mutiny inVOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.↑
8Seepost, pp. 92, 93, note 37.↑
9Seepost, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta.↑
10In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.↑
11Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’sJava, or how to govern a colony(London, 1861); P. J. Veth’sJava(Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’sUn sejour dans l’île de Java(Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’sDas Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur(Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’sLa Colonisation hollandaise à Java(Paris, 1905).↑
12A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.↑
13Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’sQuinze ans de voyages autour du monde(1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.↑
14The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)↑
15Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95–100 (q.v.,VOL. XL, pp. 270–277).↑
16Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.
Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.
Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.
See Pérez’sCatálogo.↑
17Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.↑
18A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.
“Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; thesanctorum, 3 reals; thecomunidad, 1 real; and therecargo, ½ real. The total of imposts, then, is 16½ reals; or for each single person one dollar and ¼ real. Thesanctorumis for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. Thecomunidadis a charge for the communal fund. Therecargois a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals ofrecargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering thesanctorumandcomunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1½ to 2¼ reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers.” “Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman—excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected—pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12.”
“A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar[compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines—European or native, Spanish or foreign—must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and ½ real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women.” (Jagor,Reisen, pp. 293–295.)↑
19The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.↑
20The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.↑
21SeeVOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.↑
22This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is theVoyage autour du monde par les mers de l’Inde et de la Chine(1833–39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353–470, 547–553, and is as follows: “Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs mœurs et leur industrie;” and notes. SeeLa grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.↑
23The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal,Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.↑
24The first edition of theRecopilación de leyes de Indiaswas published at Madrid in 1681.↑
25For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, seeVOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.↑
26i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.↑
27On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows:Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); andEntrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito … al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola(Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana’sBibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).↑
28i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.↑
29A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives’ six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.↑
30Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal,Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.↑
31See José Cabezas de Herrera’sApuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas(Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.↑
32See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal’sEl archipiélago filipino, pp. 169–186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.↑
33The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of theministerio de la gobernación(ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to theministerio de marina(ministry of the navy), which was after that calledsecretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, theministerio de ultramar(ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. SeeDic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.↑
34In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain “ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;” it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel,Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).↑