LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ

LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ✠My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came [news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place to our governor.1It was almost bare of cannon, as the English had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom they conquer.However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site, by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo, and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous rains—it is, I say—for all thesereasons, almost invincible, with less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila, and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not have effected a landing.But our archiepiscopal government, counseled by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally, for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English, neither toward the sea, nor toward[land]. Their powder was used up,and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist.It was thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that all would be defenseless and open. So it happened.At seven or eight o’clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused, as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing, they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more, for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted the bastion,and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that.The citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it before the fifth of October.A few days after, all the islands were likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or so from Manila by Señor Anda’s men, they were completely routed, and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could, notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatevercame into his head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration, everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village, the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Althoughit cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats, but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine, we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing it could they have retainedit two months. The losses which have been incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators, and they can tell much, although not all.Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother, your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also of my brother Joseph sharing equally—not each one a part, but one part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship, and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which he extended to Ana’s two children; and that in regard to the other matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone, and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold, some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother] lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios2and interesting papers thatare published and send them to me. Little by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months, people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered, for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My brother’s humble servant,Baltasar Vela(rubric)[Addressed: “To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus, and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid.”]1Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).↑2This is probably theMercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name ofMercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The nameMercure de Francewas adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title “Historical and political news.” The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814–1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the nameMercurein imitation of it. SeeGrand Dictionnaire(Paris), vol. xi.↑SYNOPSIS OF COMMUNICATIONS BY ANDA TO CARLOS IIISubstantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar, informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of the capitulation which was made between the English general and the reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.All the representations are dated June and July, of last year 1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia, in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain, the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military, and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila, causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms, getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions, remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and intimidated.In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms [thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging, aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan in charge. The Augustiniansattended the several meetings which he called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him.1There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to assure the patache “Filipino” and its wealth, which came from Acapulco and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province of Pampanga.The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they, the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums so that they could support themselves. He also caused the winecasks, chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy, and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the subsistence of the state would have been impossible.He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was despatched with a warning.At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council ofwar of the British nation, because some letters which he had written had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally, there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction, and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services; obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses, proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them, in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the vicar-provincial of thatprovince to pacify it. He communicated to them all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious, and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another] and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with the Pangasinans,2Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him [i.e., to Anda].Informed that the Ilocan Indians were committingdisorders in this state, some following steadfastly the party of his Majesty, and others that of Diego Silang,3he determined with the advice of experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the Catholic villages, and another master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the Monteses infidels. He despatched them their titles in the name of his Majesty, granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. That provision resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that Don Miguel Vicos killed Diego Silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had seized. Therefore, that province began to settle down until it became quiet and restored to the obedience of his Majesty, said prelate having promised (and Don Simon confirmed it in his Majesty’s name) a general pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends for their support. He declared as faithful and noble the villages of Santa Catalina, Vigan, Bantay, and San Vicente, as they were the ones which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition.He also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up in the province of Pangasinan, and which originated in the village of Binalatongan,which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of St. Dominic. Those natives, also instigated by the English, taking as their leader Juan de la Cruz Palaris, an unworthy man, who had also been a coachman in Manila in the employ of Auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust, extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored, since they could not have any trade with Manila, as the English were in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute, they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that province was not to be given outside the village of Binalatongan; that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new fathers. Finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal.This insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint Don Juan Antonio Panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province, and that some Spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearfulof the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled the province. Consequently, he gave commission to other religious; prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under command of Don Fernando Arayat. The latter’s troop departed on the expedition, and the Pampangos advancing on their march, took position in front of the enemy. Having sent an embassy to them, so that they might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his Majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. Notwithstanding that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing, and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them, attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four muskets and five hundred natives, counting Pampangos and Cagayans, after summoning them to peace five times. They replied to his summons from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze, with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots from falconets. Thereupon, Don Pedro Hernani, lieutenant of Spanish infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began to cross the river in pursuit of the Cagayans, leaving Alférez Don Jose Solorzano as a reserve. Don Pedro Hernani invested the trenches with so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them, although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast with a lance and fell dead. But Don Pedro Fagle substituted him, and picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. The latter afterward presented it to Don Simon de Anda. It was twovaras long and a trifle more narrow. At each corner it had a two-headed eagle, and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the arms of the Order of St. Dominic. They also wounded a Spanish soldier with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. Since the number of the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen, obliged them to retire. But desiring to avoid all confusion of blood, and manifesting to them the love of his Majesty for his vassals, he [i.e., the Spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another Dominican religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp Manalartay.Finally, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. A few days afterward they sent a deputation to Don Simon, asking mercy, bearing recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their repentance. They recognized his Majesty as their only sovereign and asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. He condescended to this, pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in case they repeated their error. Juan Palaris and Domingo Magalog, his brother, were included in the pardon. He ordered Don Joaquin Gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter resigned. Consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to Don Jose Acevedo. Various measures were taken so that the families who had retired to Pampangaand fled the insurrection, might be restored to Pangasinan.He also recommends the religious orders for the good services which they have rendered, especially that of the calced Augustinians, who have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their love and fidelity during the invasion of the English.He also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious of St. John of God, as they had opposed a government measure conducive to the royal service. But since this was a prohibition to taking from an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of Manila, it is to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty.Lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to continue the aid which had been established on his Majesty’s account in honor of Fernando I, king of Joló. He states that, at the beginning of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his Majesty, and recognized Don Simon as Audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would send him the aid, which he asked of him. Having advised him that he would transfer him to Pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and having arrived at the village of Pasig, he was overtaken by an accident which impeded him for six days. During that interim, the enemy made him a prisoner. The English, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him to Joló. Afterward when the Englishevacuated Manila, they took the prince Ysrael and all those of his kingdom. It was presumed that the English had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish themselves in Joló. That would be to the great prejudice of the Visayan provinces and their trade both because of the English and the Moros.In a separate measure, both Don Simon de Anda, in his representations, and the royal lieutenant, Don Francisco de la Torre, governorad interimof Filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched July 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared against the auditor Don Francisco de Villacorta, and the fiscal, Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, because of the irregularity of the process which they prosecuted against Doctor Don Santiago Orendain, which they have not made manifest because of having produced various exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. In regard to this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his Majesty decide as to the matter what he considers just. He encloses a report of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned fiscal Viana.He also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime of disloyalty, which was incurred by Doctor Don Santiago Orendain as being partial to and director of the British government. Don Simon delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue it. This man and his family went with the English when they evacuated the fort of Manila, to the city of Madras.The royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of a royal decree, dated July 23, 762,the question of not forbidding Sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives information of the league which the Christian Sangleys made with the English, and the atrocities which they committed. He publicly ordered their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of the Sangleys who have kept the title of Christian, as was done with the infidels; in which Don Simon and the ecclesiastical estate also coöperate with convincing and practical reasons.From all the above, it results from this extract that measures could have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to the absolute expulsion of the Christian Sangleys from those islands; and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as governor as happened to Don Simon, and restitution [of the government] having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister who has held the command. These two measures look toward the future; for what was done by Don Simon is approved by his Majesty and whatever said Don Simon has done ought to be approved—the posts which he has given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on the account of the royal treasury. In a word he has become worthy, not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal magnificence, but also of eternal memory.1When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.↑2Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).↑3A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.↑DRAPER’S DEFENSEA PLAIN NARRATIVE1The Conquest of Manila, Cavita, and the whole Phillipine Islands, having been of late the Topic of Conversation, from the Crown of Spain’s Refusal to pay the Bills drawn by its Archbishop and Captain-General, in Consequence of the Capitulation;2andhaving Reason to apprehend, that the Public are as ignorant of the Nature and Importance of that Acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with the Particulars relative to the Capitulation, and its Consequences; I think it a Duty incumbent on me to set the material Transactions of that Expedition in aproper Point of View, as well as in Justice to my own Conduct and Character, as to the Officers and Men serving under me: and for the particular Information of the Representatives of the Nation, who have condescended to think our Services deserving their public Approbation of our Conduct, in the particular Honour of their Thanks conveyed to us by their Speaker.Manila is the Metropolis of the Phillipine Islands, situated in a large Bay on the Island of Luconia, in the Latitude 14, 40 North, Longitude 118 East, from London, in Possession of the Spaniards, and maintained by the Crown of Spain, at the Request of the Church for propagating the Christian Faith among the Indians, for which they have a large annual Allowance from Mexico, for the Maintenance of their public Officers and Clergy, and for the support of their Convents: They are also indulged with Ships, built and navigated at the King’s Expence, to bring the said Allowance in Money: These Ships go laden with Merchandize belonging to the Inhabitants (a still further Indulgence allowed them) from Manila to Acapulca, and return with Money: The King’s is registered; and the Remainder (about as much more) a smuggling Trade, and connived at.This trade is so very prejudicial to Old Spain, the Cargoes they send being China Silks, India Cottons, Spices, &c., for the Use of the People in America, that the Cadiz and Bayone Companies have frequentlypresented the strongest Memorials and Remonstrances to the King, setting forth the Damage sustained by it, but without any Success, the Church always getting the better of them.In Consequence of Orders from Europe to attack Manila on the War with Spain, the Squadron and Troops sailed from Madrass the First of August, 1762, and arrived in the Bay of Manila the 24th of September following; and after summoning the Town to surrender, and receiving for Answer their Resolution to defend it, the Troops were immediately landed, and began the Siege. A breach being made the 6th of October, we stormed and took the City, on which the principal Inhabitants retired into the Citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long, sent out a Flag of Truce, desiring to capitulate. The Terms offered were, on paying “Four Millions of Dollars, they were to have their Churches, Convents, Palaces, and other public Buildings, with the Town preserved, the Plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their Religion, and other Liberties; otherwise to be Prisoners of War, and put on Board the Squadron, and sent to the Coast of India as such.”These Terms they accepted; and whilst the Articles were settling, they pleaded their Inability to raise immediately the Sum demanded, unless we would admit the Phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the Port of Pallapa, on the Island of Semar from Acapulca) into the Capitulation, and the Vice Roy to send Letters to the General that commanded her, to deliver her up to our Ships, which had been sent after her; to which we assented, on Condition that the said Phillipina was actually in the Port of Pallapa,and delivered up to our Ships in Consequence of the said Letter.This is the only Ship ever admitted into the Capitulation (and that Conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or ordered to proceed to Manila, agreeable to the promised Letter of the Vice Roy, was, by other Letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed not to comply with the Vice Roy’s Letter, but to land the Money on the Island where they were, and secure it in the best Manner they could until they should receive further Directions from Manila.3All things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the Town was immediately Stopped4and the City restored to Order, an Account taken of the Ordnance and military Stores, and the Garrison established, which took up the whole of the Troops of the Expedition; and the Place (in Obedience to his Majesty’s Instructions) delivered up to the East India Company’s Agent for their Use and Benefit, until his further Pleasure should be known. During these Transactions the Treasure remaining in the Town (a great deal being conveyed out during the Siege) was collected together, and the principal Inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the Remainder as far as two Millions; and if the Phillipina was not to be got at, we were to take Bills on the King of Spain for the other two Millions, which the Captain General, or Viceroy, (who was also Archbishop)declared he had Authority to draw, and would be duly honoured.As soon as the Place was in Possession of the East India Company, the Spaniards perceived the King’s Officers had no further Power over them, and therefore stopped any further Collections toward the Payment; and from the Excess of Lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent, broke every Part of the Capitulation by retiring into the Country and joining Anda, one of the Royal Audience, who had taken up Arms, and proclaimed himself Captain General, while their Priests and Friars publicly exhorted Rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up Arms and destroy us.As several of the principal Men of the Place were likewise concerned with him, the Captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing more was to be got by fair Means, and were willing to secure what was still in their Power; and therefore ordered their Agents to bring into the City what Merchandize was belonging to the said Men in the Suburbs, as a Security till they made good their Ransom. But were greatly surprized to find the East India Company’s Governor had placed Guards, and would not suffer the Agents to remove any one Thing, by which the Captors lost upwards of 200,000 Dollars. The Captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their Power, gave Directions to seize, and dispose of a Ship, named the Santo Nino,5that lay in the Portof Cavita at the Time of the Town being taken, and placed her Produce to the Account of the four Million (altho’ she was not mentioned or included in the Capitulation).This was the only Ship taken in the Port, and sold for only 16,000 Dollars, and which the Spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored to propagate to be the Santissima Trinidad; tis therefore in this Place necessary to make known, that the Santissima Trinidad sailed from Manila on the 1st of August, which was upwards of seven Weeks before the Squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred Leagues on her Voyage to Acapulca; when meeting with a Storm she was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with off the Island of Capul by two of our Ships, the Panther and Argo (the two Ships that were detached after the Phillipina) and after an Engagement taken by them, above two hundred Miles from the Port of Manila, and which Ships knew nothing at that Time of the Surrender or Capitulation of Manila.These two Ships that were sent after the Phillipina (in Consequence of Intelligence obtained by a Gally we took in the Bay soon after our Arrival) had got as far as the Island of Capul, in their Way to Palapa, when they met with the Trinidad, and she being much disabled, and having a great Number of Men on Board, they were obliged to return to the Bay of Manila with her; on which, as soon as possible, two Frigates were dispatched again after the Phillipina, but before they could reach the Streights of St. Bernardino, the North-East Monsoon was set in, and the Weather too stormy to pass the Streights, and after ten Weeks fruitlessly attempting it, were obliged to return.The Squadron being obliged (by Instructions on that Head) to return to the Coast of India for the Protection of the East India Company’s Settlements, before the North-East Monsoon was expired, sailed from the Bay of Manila the beginning of March, leaving orders with the Commanding Officer of the Ships left for the Protection of the Place, so soon as the South-West Monsoon prevailed, to proceed to Palapa, in order to take Possession of the Phillipina, who, on his Arrival, found only the Ship, the Treasure having been carried in small Vessels to the Island of Luconia by Orders from the Inhabitants of Manila, who had all this Time amused us with the Promise of the Money of this Ship for Payment, and even sent Men as Hostages6in our Ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was removed from that Place. Through the whole of the above Transactions, the Spaniards by Evasions avoided complying with the Capitulation in every one Respect, except in the bringing in the Money from the Misericordia and Ordentercara, which was out of their Power to secrete. They basely and ungratefully took up Arms against us, after having their Lives given them. They preached publicly in their Churches Rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us.And these people have still furthermore the Impudence to charge us with an Infringment of the Capitulation, and the Effrontery to claim the Santissima Trinidad, which was taken above 200 Miles from Manila by two of his Majesty’s Ships, who knew nothing of the Surrender of the Place, nor was in any Shape mentioned or included in the Capitulation,having sailed on her Voyage seven Weeks previous to our Arrival, as may be seen by the Capitulation annexed hereto.It is true they have given Bills on the King their Master for Part of the Ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a Right to draw, and therefore refuses Payment of. But surely I may with Equity be permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large Sum annually for their Support, and has again put the Place into their Possession, is he not bound in Honour and strict Justice to oblige his Subjects to make good their solemn Covenant and Capitulation, having the Means so fully in his Power?The Account of Ransom stands correctly thus:dollarsr. d.dollarsr. d.Ransom agreeable to Capitulation4,000,00000Received from the public Funds and Collections515,802310Plunder taken from the Seamen and Soldiers26,62300542,425310Remains due to the Captors3,457 57442One third of which is the Proportion belonging to the East India Company.The King’s Instructions were, if we succeeded in the Conquest of Manila, to deliver up the Fortifications, with the Cannon, Stores and Ammunition, tothe East India Company, until his Majesty’s Pleasure should be signified with Regard to the future Dispositions of the said Conquests, &c.Upon the Peace, when the Place was delivered up to the Spaniards, the East India Company applied to the Secretary of State for Leave to carry the Artillery and Stores to Madrass, but received for Answer, That they must remain for the Defence of the Place; but were afterward told, That if the Spaniards would give Security for the Payment of the Value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the East India Company might remove them to Madrass. This last Answer did not arrive in India till after Orders had been sent to deliver it up, and the Season too late to send that Year.7[Here follow the “Conditions” and “Proposals,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.][At the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written by hand: “with Admiral Cornish’s Compliments.”]COLONEL DRAPER’S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTSTo the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8My Lord,Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,William DraperThe Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.RefutationIt is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.ExtractsOctober 6th, Manila.“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.October 7th.“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.PostscriptIt is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]1The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: “A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands.” This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress,Books of the Philippine Islands(p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several “Conditions” and “Proposals” inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of thePlain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet,Colonel Draper’s answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that thePlain narrativewas published at London in 1764, and prior toColonel Draper’s answer.↑2The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:TheGentleman’s Magazinefor 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: “A categorical answer came over from the courts ofFranceandSpain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of theManillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers.”TheLondon Chroniclefor February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: “We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces.”“London, Jan. 25.By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted.” (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)“London, May 20.They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry.” (Ut supra, p. 270.)“London, Aug. 29.According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money.” (Ut supra, p. 441.)“Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors.” (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)“London, Nov. 19.A letter from Madrid has this passage: ‘Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.’ ” (Ut supra, p. 605.)↑3If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy’s Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)↑4The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)↑5A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)↑6Seeante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.↑7This is reprinted in vol. ii ofThe Field of Mars(London, 1781). SeeBibliography of Philippines(Washington, 1903), p. 124.↑8The full title of this book is as follows: “Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preservingManilafrom Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl ofHalifax, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, inPall-mall. MDCCLXIV.”Scots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, ⅛th£.14120129To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2⁄8​th, each153908½To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, ⅛th, each16548To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, ⅛th, each8005½To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, ⅛th, each3001To the seamen and soldiers, 2⁄8​ths, each603↑9i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.↑10A famousSpanishAmbassador, in the Reign ofJamesthe First. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 9, note.)↑11These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.↑12TheSpaniards, by sailing toManila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 13, note.)↑13The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. SeeSitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.↑14i.e., “Even to the death.”↑15Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.↑16A letter written to theLondon Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27–29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. “The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper’s own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company’s service—a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper’s humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period.” If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.↑17Col. Draper’s answer to this point is contained inScots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 722–724; and an extract is given inLondon Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.↑18When ColonelDraperleftManila, all theOyidores(the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr.Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform theEast IndiaCompany, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 27, note.)↑

LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ✠My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came [news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place to our governor.1It was almost bare of cannon, as the English had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom they conquer.However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site, by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo, and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous rains—it is, I say—for all thesereasons, almost invincible, with less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila, and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not have effected a landing.But our archiepiscopal government, counseled by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally, for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English, neither toward the sea, nor toward[land]. Their powder was used up,and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist.It was thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that all would be defenseless and open. So it happened.At seven or eight o’clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused, as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing, they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more, for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted the bastion,and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that.The citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it before the fifth of October.A few days after, all the islands were likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or so from Manila by Señor Anda’s men, they were completely routed, and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could, notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatevercame into his head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration, everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village, the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Althoughit cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats, but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine, we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing it could they have retainedit two months. The losses which have been incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators, and they can tell much, although not all.Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother, your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also of my brother Joseph sharing equally—not each one a part, but one part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship, and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which he extended to Ana’s two children; and that in regard to the other matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone, and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold, some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother] lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios2and interesting papers thatare published and send them to me. Little by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months, people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered, for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My brother’s humble servant,Baltasar Vela(rubric)[Addressed: “To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus, and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid.”]1Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).↑2This is probably theMercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name ofMercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The nameMercure de Francewas adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title “Historical and political news.” The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814–1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the nameMercurein imitation of it. SeeGrand Dictionnaire(Paris), vol. xi.↑SYNOPSIS OF COMMUNICATIONS BY ANDA TO CARLOS IIISubstantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar, informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of the capitulation which was made between the English general and the reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.All the representations are dated June and July, of last year 1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia, in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain, the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military, and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila, causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms, getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions, remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and intimidated.In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms [thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging, aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan in charge. The Augustiniansattended the several meetings which he called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him.1There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to assure the patache “Filipino” and its wealth, which came from Acapulco and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province of Pampanga.The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they, the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums so that they could support themselves. He also caused the winecasks, chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy, and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the subsistence of the state would have been impossible.He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was despatched with a warning.At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council ofwar of the British nation, because some letters which he had written had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally, there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction, and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services; obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses, proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them, in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the vicar-provincial of thatprovince to pacify it. He communicated to them all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious, and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another] and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with the Pangasinans,2Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him [i.e., to Anda].Informed that the Ilocan Indians were committingdisorders in this state, some following steadfastly the party of his Majesty, and others that of Diego Silang,3he determined with the advice of experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the Catholic villages, and another master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the Monteses infidels. He despatched them their titles in the name of his Majesty, granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. That provision resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that Don Miguel Vicos killed Diego Silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had seized. Therefore, that province began to settle down until it became quiet and restored to the obedience of his Majesty, said prelate having promised (and Don Simon confirmed it in his Majesty’s name) a general pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends for their support. He declared as faithful and noble the villages of Santa Catalina, Vigan, Bantay, and San Vicente, as they were the ones which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition.He also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up in the province of Pangasinan, and which originated in the village of Binalatongan,which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of St. Dominic. Those natives, also instigated by the English, taking as their leader Juan de la Cruz Palaris, an unworthy man, who had also been a coachman in Manila in the employ of Auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust, extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored, since they could not have any trade with Manila, as the English were in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute, they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that province was not to be given outside the village of Binalatongan; that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new fathers. Finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal.This insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint Don Juan Antonio Panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province, and that some Spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearfulof the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled the province. Consequently, he gave commission to other religious; prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under command of Don Fernando Arayat. The latter’s troop departed on the expedition, and the Pampangos advancing on their march, took position in front of the enemy. Having sent an embassy to them, so that they might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his Majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. Notwithstanding that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing, and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them, attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four muskets and five hundred natives, counting Pampangos and Cagayans, after summoning them to peace five times. They replied to his summons from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze, with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots from falconets. Thereupon, Don Pedro Hernani, lieutenant of Spanish infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began to cross the river in pursuit of the Cagayans, leaving Alférez Don Jose Solorzano as a reserve. Don Pedro Hernani invested the trenches with so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them, although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast with a lance and fell dead. But Don Pedro Fagle substituted him, and picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. The latter afterward presented it to Don Simon de Anda. It was twovaras long and a trifle more narrow. At each corner it had a two-headed eagle, and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the arms of the Order of St. Dominic. They also wounded a Spanish soldier with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. Since the number of the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen, obliged them to retire. But desiring to avoid all confusion of blood, and manifesting to them the love of his Majesty for his vassals, he [i.e., the Spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another Dominican religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp Manalartay.Finally, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. A few days afterward they sent a deputation to Don Simon, asking mercy, bearing recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their repentance. They recognized his Majesty as their only sovereign and asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. He condescended to this, pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in case they repeated their error. Juan Palaris and Domingo Magalog, his brother, were included in the pardon. He ordered Don Joaquin Gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter resigned. Consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to Don Jose Acevedo. Various measures were taken so that the families who had retired to Pampangaand fled the insurrection, might be restored to Pangasinan.He also recommends the religious orders for the good services which they have rendered, especially that of the calced Augustinians, who have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their love and fidelity during the invasion of the English.He also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious of St. John of God, as they had opposed a government measure conducive to the royal service. But since this was a prohibition to taking from an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of Manila, it is to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty.Lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to continue the aid which had been established on his Majesty’s account in honor of Fernando I, king of Joló. He states that, at the beginning of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his Majesty, and recognized Don Simon as Audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would send him the aid, which he asked of him. Having advised him that he would transfer him to Pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and having arrived at the village of Pasig, he was overtaken by an accident which impeded him for six days. During that interim, the enemy made him a prisoner. The English, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him to Joló. Afterward when the Englishevacuated Manila, they took the prince Ysrael and all those of his kingdom. It was presumed that the English had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish themselves in Joló. That would be to the great prejudice of the Visayan provinces and their trade both because of the English and the Moros.In a separate measure, both Don Simon de Anda, in his representations, and the royal lieutenant, Don Francisco de la Torre, governorad interimof Filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched July 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared against the auditor Don Francisco de Villacorta, and the fiscal, Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, because of the irregularity of the process which they prosecuted against Doctor Don Santiago Orendain, which they have not made manifest because of having produced various exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. In regard to this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his Majesty decide as to the matter what he considers just. He encloses a report of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned fiscal Viana.He also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime of disloyalty, which was incurred by Doctor Don Santiago Orendain as being partial to and director of the British government. Don Simon delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue it. This man and his family went with the English when they evacuated the fort of Manila, to the city of Madras.The royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of a royal decree, dated July 23, 762,the question of not forbidding Sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives information of the league which the Christian Sangleys made with the English, and the atrocities which they committed. He publicly ordered their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of the Sangleys who have kept the title of Christian, as was done with the infidels; in which Don Simon and the ecclesiastical estate also coöperate with convincing and practical reasons.From all the above, it results from this extract that measures could have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to the absolute expulsion of the Christian Sangleys from those islands; and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as governor as happened to Don Simon, and restitution [of the government] having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister who has held the command. These two measures look toward the future; for what was done by Don Simon is approved by his Majesty and whatever said Don Simon has done ought to be approved—the posts which he has given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on the account of the royal treasury. In a word he has become worthy, not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal magnificence, but also of eternal memory.1When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.↑2Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).↑3A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.↑DRAPER’S DEFENSEA PLAIN NARRATIVE1The Conquest of Manila, Cavita, and the whole Phillipine Islands, having been of late the Topic of Conversation, from the Crown of Spain’s Refusal to pay the Bills drawn by its Archbishop and Captain-General, in Consequence of the Capitulation;2andhaving Reason to apprehend, that the Public are as ignorant of the Nature and Importance of that Acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with the Particulars relative to the Capitulation, and its Consequences; I think it a Duty incumbent on me to set the material Transactions of that Expedition in aproper Point of View, as well as in Justice to my own Conduct and Character, as to the Officers and Men serving under me: and for the particular Information of the Representatives of the Nation, who have condescended to think our Services deserving their public Approbation of our Conduct, in the particular Honour of their Thanks conveyed to us by their Speaker.Manila is the Metropolis of the Phillipine Islands, situated in a large Bay on the Island of Luconia, in the Latitude 14, 40 North, Longitude 118 East, from London, in Possession of the Spaniards, and maintained by the Crown of Spain, at the Request of the Church for propagating the Christian Faith among the Indians, for which they have a large annual Allowance from Mexico, for the Maintenance of their public Officers and Clergy, and for the support of their Convents: They are also indulged with Ships, built and navigated at the King’s Expence, to bring the said Allowance in Money: These Ships go laden with Merchandize belonging to the Inhabitants (a still further Indulgence allowed them) from Manila to Acapulca, and return with Money: The King’s is registered; and the Remainder (about as much more) a smuggling Trade, and connived at.This trade is so very prejudicial to Old Spain, the Cargoes they send being China Silks, India Cottons, Spices, &c., for the Use of the People in America, that the Cadiz and Bayone Companies have frequentlypresented the strongest Memorials and Remonstrances to the King, setting forth the Damage sustained by it, but without any Success, the Church always getting the better of them.In Consequence of Orders from Europe to attack Manila on the War with Spain, the Squadron and Troops sailed from Madrass the First of August, 1762, and arrived in the Bay of Manila the 24th of September following; and after summoning the Town to surrender, and receiving for Answer their Resolution to defend it, the Troops were immediately landed, and began the Siege. A breach being made the 6th of October, we stormed and took the City, on which the principal Inhabitants retired into the Citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long, sent out a Flag of Truce, desiring to capitulate. The Terms offered were, on paying “Four Millions of Dollars, they were to have their Churches, Convents, Palaces, and other public Buildings, with the Town preserved, the Plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their Religion, and other Liberties; otherwise to be Prisoners of War, and put on Board the Squadron, and sent to the Coast of India as such.”These Terms they accepted; and whilst the Articles were settling, they pleaded their Inability to raise immediately the Sum demanded, unless we would admit the Phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the Port of Pallapa, on the Island of Semar from Acapulca) into the Capitulation, and the Vice Roy to send Letters to the General that commanded her, to deliver her up to our Ships, which had been sent after her; to which we assented, on Condition that the said Phillipina was actually in the Port of Pallapa,and delivered up to our Ships in Consequence of the said Letter.This is the only Ship ever admitted into the Capitulation (and that Conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or ordered to proceed to Manila, agreeable to the promised Letter of the Vice Roy, was, by other Letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed not to comply with the Vice Roy’s Letter, but to land the Money on the Island where they were, and secure it in the best Manner they could until they should receive further Directions from Manila.3All things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the Town was immediately Stopped4and the City restored to Order, an Account taken of the Ordnance and military Stores, and the Garrison established, which took up the whole of the Troops of the Expedition; and the Place (in Obedience to his Majesty’s Instructions) delivered up to the East India Company’s Agent for their Use and Benefit, until his further Pleasure should be known. During these Transactions the Treasure remaining in the Town (a great deal being conveyed out during the Siege) was collected together, and the principal Inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the Remainder as far as two Millions; and if the Phillipina was not to be got at, we were to take Bills on the King of Spain for the other two Millions, which the Captain General, or Viceroy, (who was also Archbishop)declared he had Authority to draw, and would be duly honoured.As soon as the Place was in Possession of the East India Company, the Spaniards perceived the King’s Officers had no further Power over them, and therefore stopped any further Collections toward the Payment; and from the Excess of Lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent, broke every Part of the Capitulation by retiring into the Country and joining Anda, one of the Royal Audience, who had taken up Arms, and proclaimed himself Captain General, while their Priests and Friars publicly exhorted Rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up Arms and destroy us.As several of the principal Men of the Place were likewise concerned with him, the Captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing more was to be got by fair Means, and were willing to secure what was still in their Power; and therefore ordered their Agents to bring into the City what Merchandize was belonging to the said Men in the Suburbs, as a Security till they made good their Ransom. But were greatly surprized to find the East India Company’s Governor had placed Guards, and would not suffer the Agents to remove any one Thing, by which the Captors lost upwards of 200,000 Dollars. The Captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their Power, gave Directions to seize, and dispose of a Ship, named the Santo Nino,5that lay in the Portof Cavita at the Time of the Town being taken, and placed her Produce to the Account of the four Million (altho’ she was not mentioned or included in the Capitulation).This was the only Ship taken in the Port, and sold for only 16,000 Dollars, and which the Spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored to propagate to be the Santissima Trinidad; tis therefore in this Place necessary to make known, that the Santissima Trinidad sailed from Manila on the 1st of August, which was upwards of seven Weeks before the Squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred Leagues on her Voyage to Acapulca; when meeting with a Storm she was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with off the Island of Capul by two of our Ships, the Panther and Argo (the two Ships that were detached after the Phillipina) and after an Engagement taken by them, above two hundred Miles from the Port of Manila, and which Ships knew nothing at that Time of the Surrender or Capitulation of Manila.These two Ships that were sent after the Phillipina (in Consequence of Intelligence obtained by a Gally we took in the Bay soon after our Arrival) had got as far as the Island of Capul, in their Way to Palapa, when they met with the Trinidad, and she being much disabled, and having a great Number of Men on Board, they were obliged to return to the Bay of Manila with her; on which, as soon as possible, two Frigates were dispatched again after the Phillipina, but before they could reach the Streights of St. Bernardino, the North-East Monsoon was set in, and the Weather too stormy to pass the Streights, and after ten Weeks fruitlessly attempting it, were obliged to return.The Squadron being obliged (by Instructions on that Head) to return to the Coast of India for the Protection of the East India Company’s Settlements, before the North-East Monsoon was expired, sailed from the Bay of Manila the beginning of March, leaving orders with the Commanding Officer of the Ships left for the Protection of the Place, so soon as the South-West Monsoon prevailed, to proceed to Palapa, in order to take Possession of the Phillipina, who, on his Arrival, found only the Ship, the Treasure having been carried in small Vessels to the Island of Luconia by Orders from the Inhabitants of Manila, who had all this Time amused us with the Promise of the Money of this Ship for Payment, and even sent Men as Hostages6in our Ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was removed from that Place. Through the whole of the above Transactions, the Spaniards by Evasions avoided complying with the Capitulation in every one Respect, except in the bringing in the Money from the Misericordia and Ordentercara, which was out of their Power to secrete. They basely and ungratefully took up Arms against us, after having their Lives given them. They preached publicly in their Churches Rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us.And these people have still furthermore the Impudence to charge us with an Infringment of the Capitulation, and the Effrontery to claim the Santissima Trinidad, which was taken above 200 Miles from Manila by two of his Majesty’s Ships, who knew nothing of the Surrender of the Place, nor was in any Shape mentioned or included in the Capitulation,having sailed on her Voyage seven Weeks previous to our Arrival, as may be seen by the Capitulation annexed hereto.It is true they have given Bills on the King their Master for Part of the Ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a Right to draw, and therefore refuses Payment of. But surely I may with Equity be permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large Sum annually for their Support, and has again put the Place into their Possession, is he not bound in Honour and strict Justice to oblige his Subjects to make good their solemn Covenant and Capitulation, having the Means so fully in his Power?The Account of Ransom stands correctly thus:dollarsr. d.dollarsr. d.Ransom agreeable to Capitulation4,000,00000Received from the public Funds and Collections515,802310Plunder taken from the Seamen and Soldiers26,62300542,425310Remains due to the Captors3,457 57442One third of which is the Proportion belonging to the East India Company.The King’s Instructions were, if we succeeded in the Conquest of Manila, to deliver up the Fortifications, with the Cannon, Stores and Ammunition, tothe East India Company, until his Majesty’s Pleasure should be signified with Regard to the future Dispositions of the said Conquests, &c.Upon the Peace, when the Place was delivered up to the Spaniards, the East India Company applied to the Secretary of State for Leave to carry the Artillery and Stores to Madrass, but received for Answer, That they must remain for the Defence of the Place; but were afterward told, That if the Spaniards would give Security for the Payment of the Value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the East India Company might remove them to Madrass. This last Answer did not arrive in India till after Orders had been sent to deliver it up, and the Season too late to send that Year.7[Here follow the “Conditions” and “Proposals,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.][At the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written by hand: “with Admiral Cornish’s Compliments.”]COLONEL DRAPER’S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTSTo the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8My Lord,Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,William DraperThe Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.RefutationIt is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.ExtractsOctober 6th, Manila.“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.October 7th.“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.PostscriptIt is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]1The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: “A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands.” This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress,Books of the Philippine Islands(p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several “Conditions” and “Proposals” inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of thePlain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet,Colonel Draper’s answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that thePlain narrativewas published at London in 1764, and prior toColonel Draper’s answer.↑2The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:TheGentleman’s Magazinefor 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: “A categorical answer came over from the courts ofFranceandSpain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of theManillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers.”TheLondon Chroniclefor February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: “We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces.”“London, Jan. 25.By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted.” (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)“London, May 20.They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry.” (Ut supra, p. 270.)“London, Aug. 29.According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money.” (Ut supra, p. 441.)“Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors.” (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)“London, Nov. 19.A letter from Madrid has this passage: ‘Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.’ ” (Ut supra, p. 605.)↑3If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy’s Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)↑4The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)↑5A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)↑6Seeante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.↑7This is reprinted in vol. ii ofThe Field of Mars(London, 1781). SeeBibliography of Philippines(Washington, 1903), p. 124.↑8The full title of this book is as follows: “Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preservingManilafrom Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl ofHalifax, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, inPall-mall. MDCCLXIV.”Scots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, ⅛th£.14120129To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2⁄8​th, each153908½To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, ⅛th, each16548To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, ⅛th, each8005½To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, ⅛th, each3001To the seamen and soldiers, 2⁄8​ths, each603↑9i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.↑10A famousSpanishAmbassador, in the Reign ofJamesthe First. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 9, note.)↑11These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.↑12TheSpaniards, by sailing toManila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 13, note.)↑13The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. SeeSitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.↑14i.e., “Even to the death.”↑15Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.↑16A letter written to theLondon Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27–29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. “The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper’s own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company’s service—a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper’s humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period.” If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.↑17Col. Draper’s answer to this point is contained inScots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 722–724; and an extract is given inLondon Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.↑18When ColonelDraperleftManila, all theOyidores(the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr.Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform theEast IndiaCompany, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 27, note.)↑

LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ✠My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came [news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place to our governor.1It was almost bare of cannon, as the English had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom they conquer.However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site, by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo, and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous rains—it is, I say—for all thesereasons, almost invincible, with less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila, and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not have effected a landing.But our archiepiscopal government, counseled by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally, for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English, neither toward the sea, nor toward[land]. Their powder was used up,and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist.It was thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that all would be defenseless and open. So it happened.At seven or eight o’clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused, as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing, they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more, for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted the bastion,and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that.The citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it before the fifth of October.A few days after, all the islands were likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or so from Manila by Señor Anda’s men, they were completely routed, and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could, notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatevercame into his head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration, everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village, the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Althoughit cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats, but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine, we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing it could they have retainedit two months. The losses which have been incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators, and they can tell much, although not all.Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother, your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also of my brother Joseph sharing equally—not each one a part, but one part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship, and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which he extended to Ana’s two children; and that in regard to the other matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone, and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold, some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother] lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios2and interesting papers thatare published and send them to me. Little by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months, people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered, for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My brother’s humble servant,Baltasar Vela(rubric)[Addressed: “To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus, and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid.”]1Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).↑2This is probably theMercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name ofMercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The nameMercure de Francewas adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title “Historical and political news.” The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814–1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the nameMercurein imitation of it. SeeGrand Dictionnaire(Paris), vol. xi.↑

LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ

✠My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came [news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place to our governor.1It was almost bare of cannon, as the English had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom they conquer.However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site, by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo, and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous rains—it is, I say—for all thesereasons, almost invincible, with less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila, and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not have effected a landing.But our archiepiscopal government, counseled by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally, for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English, neither toward the sea, nor toward[land]. Their powder was used up,and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist.It was thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that all would be defenseless and open. So it happened.At seven or eight o’clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused, as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing, they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more, for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted the bastion,and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that.The citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it before the fifth of October.A few days after, all the islands were likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or so from Manila by Señor Anda’s men, they were completely routed, and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could, notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatevercame into his head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration, everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village, the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Althoughit cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats, but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine, we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing it could they have retainedit two months. The losses which have been incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators, and they can tell much, although not all.Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother, your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also of my brother Joseph sharing equally—not each one a part, but one part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship, and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which he extended to Ana’s two children; and that in regard to the other matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone, and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold, some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother] lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios2and interesting papers thatare published and send them to me. Little by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months, people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered, for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My brother’s humble servant,Baltasar Vela(rubric)[Addressed: “To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus, and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid.”]

✠

My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:

The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came [news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place to our governor.1It was almost bare of cannon, as the English had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom they conquer.However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.

Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site, by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo, and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous rains—it is, I say—for all thesereasons, almost invincible, with less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila, and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not have effected a landing.But our archiepiscopal government, counseled by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally, for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English, neither toward the sea, nor toward[land]. Their powder was used up,and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist.It was thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that all would be defenseless and open. So it happened.At seven or eight o’clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused, as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing, they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more, for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted the bastion,and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that.The citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it before the fifth of October.A few days after, all the islands were likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].

Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or so from Manila by Señor Anda’s men, they were completely routed, and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could, notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatevercame into his head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration, everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.

With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village, the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Althoughit cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.

The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats, but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine, we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing it could they have retainedit two months. The losses which have been incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators, and they can tell much, although not all.

Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother, your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also of my brother Joseph sharing equally—not each one a part, but one part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship, and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.

My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which he extended to Ana’s two children; and that in regard to the other matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone, and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold, some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother] lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios2and interesting papers thatare published and send them to me. Little by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months, people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.

Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered, for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My brother’s humble servant,

Baltasar Vela(rubric)

[Addressed: “To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus, and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid.”]

1Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).↑2This is probably theMercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name ofMercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The nameMercure de Francewas adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title “Historical and political news.” The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814–1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the nameMercurein imitation of it. SeeGrand Dictionnaire(Paris), vol. xi.↑

1Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).↑2This is probably theMercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name ofMercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The nameMercure de Francewas adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title “Historical and political news.” The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814–1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the nameMercurein imitation of it. SeeGrand Dictionnaire(Paris), vol. xi.↑

1Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).↑

2This is probably theMercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name ofMercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The nameMercure de Francewas adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title “Historical and political news.” The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814–1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the nameMercurein imitation of it. SeeGrand Dictionnaire(Paris), vol. xi.↑

SYNOPSIS OF COMMUNICATIONS BY ANDA TO CARLOS IIISubstantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar, informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of the capitulation which was made between the English general and the reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.All the representations are dated June and July, of last year 1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia, in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain, the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military, and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila, causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms, getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions, remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and intimidated.In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms [thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging, aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan in charge. The Augustiniansattended the several meetings which he called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him.1There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to assure the patache “Filipino” and its wealth, which came from Acapulco and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province of Pampanga.The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they, the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums so that they could support themselves. He also caused the winecasks, chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy, and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the subsistence of the state would have been impossible.He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was despatched with a warning.At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council ofwar of the British nation, because some letters which he had written had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally, there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction, and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services; obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses, proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them, in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the vicar-provincial of thatprovince to pacify it. He communicated to them all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious, and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another] and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with the Pangasinans,2Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him [i.e., to Anda].Informed that the Ilocan Indians were committingdisorders in this state, some following steadfastly the party of his Majesty, and others that of Diego Silang,3he determined with the advice of experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the Catholic villages, and another master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the Monteses infidels. He despatched them their titles in the name of his Majesty, granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. That provision resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that Don Miguel Vicos killed Diego Silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had seized. Therefore, that province began to settle down until it became quiet and restored to the obedience of his Majesty, said prelate having promised (and Don Simon confirmed it in his Majesty’s name) a general pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends for their support. He declared as faithful and noble the villages of Santa Catalina, Vigan, Bantay, and San Vicente, as they were the ones which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition.He also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up in the province of Pangasinan, and which originated in the village of Binalatongan,which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of St. Dominic. Those natives, also instigated by the English, taking as their leader Juan de la Cruz Palaris, an unworthy man, who had also been a coachman in Manila in the employ of Auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust, extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored, since they could not have any trade with Manila, as the English were in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute, they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that province was not to be given outside the village of Binalatongan; that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new fathers. Finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal.This insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint Don Juan Antonio Panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province, and that some Spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearfulof the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled the province. Consequently, he gave commission to other religious; prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under command of Don Fernando Arayat. The latter’s troop departed on the expedition, and the Pampangos advancing on their march, took position in front of the enemy. Having sent an embassy to them, so that they might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his Majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. Notwithstanding that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing, and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them, attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four muskets and five hundred natives, counting Pampangos and Cagayans, after summoning them to peace five times. They replied to his summons from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze, with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots from falconets. Thereupon, Don Pedro Hernani, lieutenant of Spanish infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began to cross the river in pursuit of the Cagayans, leaving Alférez Don Jose Solorzano as a reserve. Don Pedro Hernani invested the trenches with so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them, although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast with a lance and fell dead. But Don Pedro Fagle substituted him, and picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. The latter afterward presented it to Don Simon de Anda. It was twovaras long and a trifle more narrow. At each corner it had a two-headed eagle, and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the arms of the Order of St. Dominic. They also wounded a Spanish soldier with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. Since the number of the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen, obliged them to retire. But desiring to avoid all confusion of blood, and manifesting to them the love of his Majesty for his vassals, he [i.e., the Spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another Dominican religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp Manalartay.Finally, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. A few days afterward they sent a deputation to Don Simon, asking mercy, bearing recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their repentance. They recognized his Majesty as their only sovereign and asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. He condescended to this, pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in case they repeated their error. Juan Palaris and Domingo Magalog, his brother, were included in the pardon. He ordered Don Joaquin Gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter resigned. Consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to Don Jose Acevedo. Various measures were taken so that the families who had retired to Pampangaand fled the insurrection, might be restored to Pangasinan.He also recommends the religious orders for the good services which they have rendered, especially that of the calced Augustinians, who have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their love and fidelity during the invasion of the English.He also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious of St. John of God, as they had opposed a government measure conducive to the royal service. But since this was a prohibition to taking from an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of Manila, it is to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty.Lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to continue the aid which had been established on his Majesty’s account in honor of Fernando I, king of Joló. He states that, at the beginning of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his Majesty, and recognized Don Simon as Audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would send him the aid, which he asked of him. Having advised him that he would transfer him to Pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and having arrived at the village of Pasig, he was overtaken by an accident which impeded him for six days. During that interim, the enemy made him a prisoner. The English, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him to Joló. Afterward when the Englishevacuated Manila, they took the prince Ysrael and all those of his kingdom. It was presumed that the English had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish themselves in Joló. That would be to the great prejudice of the Visayan provinces and their trade both because of the English and the Moros.In a separate measure, both Don Simon de Anda, in his representations, and the royal lieutenant, Don Francisco de la Torre, governorad interimof Filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched July 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared against the auditor Don Francisco de Villacorta, and the fiscal, Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, because of the irregularity of the process which they prosecuted against Doctor Don Santiago Orendain, which they have not made manifest because of having produced various exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. In regard to this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his Majesty decide as to the matter what he considers just. He encloses a report of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned fiscal Viana.He also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime of disloyalty, which was incurred by Doctor Don Santiago Orendain as being partial to and director of the British government. Don Simon delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue it. This man and his family went with the English when they evacuated the fort of Manila, to the city of Madras.The royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of a royal decree, dated July 23, 762,the question of not forbidding Sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives information of the league which the Christian Sangleys made with the English, and the atrocities which they committed. He publicly ordered their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of the Sangleys who have kept the title of Christian, as was done with the infidels; in which Don Simon and the ecclesiastical estate also coöperate with convincing and practical reasons.From all the above, it results from this extract that measures could have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to the absolute expulsion of the Christian Sangleys from those islands; and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as governor as happened to Don Simon, and restitution [of the government] having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister who has held the command. These two measures look toward the future; for what was done by Don Simon is approved by his Majesty and whatever said Don Simon has done ought to be approved—the posts which he has given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on the account of the royal treasury. In a word he has become worthy, not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal magnificence, but also of eternal memory.1When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.↑2Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).↑3A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.↑

SYNOPSIS OF COMMUNICATIONS BY ANDA TO CARLOS III

Substantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar, informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of the capitulation which was made between the English general and the reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.All the representations are dated June and July, of last year 1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia, in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain, the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military, and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila, causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms, getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions, remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and intimidated.In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms [thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging, aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan in charge. The Augustiniansattended the several meetings which he called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him.1There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to assure the patache “Filipino” and its wealth, which came from Acapulco and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province of Pampanga.The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they, the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums so that they could support themselves. He also caused the winecasks, chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy, and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the subsistence of the state would have been impossible.He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was despatched with a warning.At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council ofwar of the British nation, because some letters which he had written had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally, there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction, and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services; obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses, proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them, in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the vicar-provincial of thatprovince to pacify it. He communicated to them all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious, and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another] and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with the Pangasinans,2Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him [i.e., to Anda].Informed that the Ilocan Indians were committingdisorders in this state, some following steadfastly the party of his Majesty, and others that of Diego Silang,3he determined with the advice of experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the Catholic villages, and another master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the Monteses infidels. He despatched them their titles in the name of his Majesty, granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. That provision resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that Don Miguel Vicos killed Diego Silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had seized. Therefore, that province began to settle down until it became quiet and restored to the obedience of his Majesty, said prelate having promised (and Don Simon confirmed it in his Majesty’s name) a general pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends for their support. He declared as faithful and noble the villages of Santa Catalina, Vigan, Bantay, and San Vicente, as they were the ones which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition.He also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up in the province of Pangasinan, and which originated in the village of Binalatongan,which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of St. Dominic. Those natives, also instigated by the English, taking as their leader Juan de la Cruz Palaris, an unworthy man, who had also been a coachman in Manila in the employ of Auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust, extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored, since they could not have any trade with Manila, as the English were in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute, they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that province was not to be given outside the village of Binalatongan; that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new fathers. Finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal.This insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint Don Juan Antonio Panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province, and that some Spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearfulof the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled the province. Consequently, he gave commission to other religious; prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under command of Don Fernando Arayat. The latter’s troop departed on the expedition, and the Pampangos advancing on their march, took position in front of the enemy. Having sent an embassy to them, so that they might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his Majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. Notwithstanding that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing, and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them, attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four muskets and five hundred natives, counting Pampangos and Cagayans, after summoning them to peace five times. They replied to his summons from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze, with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots from falconets. Thereupon, Don Pedro Hernani, lieutenant of Spanish infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began to cross the river in pursuit of the Cagayans, leaving Alférez Don Jose Solorzano as a reserve. Don Pedro Hernani invested the trenches with so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them, although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast with a lance and fell dead. But Don Pedro Fagle substituted him, and picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. The latter afterward presented it to Don Simon de Anda. It was twovaras long and a trifle more narrow. At each corner it had a two-headed eagle, and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the arms of the Order of St. Dominic. They also wounded a Spanish soldier with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. Since the number of the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen, obliged them to retire. But desiring to avoid all confusion of blood, and manifesting to them the love of his Majesty for his vassals, he [i.e., the Spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another Dominican religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp Manalartay.Finally, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. A few days afterward they sent a deputation to Don Simon, asking mercy, bearing recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their repentance. They recognized his Majesty as their only sovereign and asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. He condescended to this, pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in case they repeated their error. Juan Palaris and Domingo Magalog, his brother, were included in the pardon. He ordered Don Joaquin Gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter resigned. Consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to Don Jose Acevedo. Various measures were taken so that the families who had retired to Pampangaand fled the insurrection, might be restored to Pangasinan.He also recommends the religious orders for the good services which they have rendered, especially that of the calced Augustinians, who have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their love and fidelity during the invasion of the English.He also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious of St. John of God, as they had opposed a government measure conducive to the royal service. But since this was a prohibition to taking from an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of Manila, it is to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty.Lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to continue the aid which had been established on his Majesty’s account in honor of Fernando I, king of Joló. He states that, at the beginning of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his Majesty, and recognized Don Simon as Audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would send him the aid, which he asked of him. Having advised him that he would transfer him to Pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and having arrived at the village of Pasig, he was overtaken by an accident which impeded him for six days. During that interim, the enemy made him a prisoner. The English, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him to Joló. Afterward when the Englishevacuated Manila, they took the prince Ysrael and all those of his kingdom. It was presumed that the English had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish themselves in Joló. That would be to the great prejudice of the Visayan provinces and their trade both because of the English and the Moros.In a separate measure, both Don Simon de Anda, in his representations, and the royal lieutenant, Don Francisco de la Torre, governorad interimof Filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched July 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared against the auditor Don Francisco de Villacorta, and the fiscal, Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, because of the irregularity of the process which they prosecuted against Doctor Don Santiago Orendain, which they have not made manifest because of having produced various exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. In regard to this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his Majesty decide as to the matter what he considers just. He encloses a report of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned fiscal Viana.He also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime of disloyalty, which was incurred by Doctor Don Santiago Orendain as being partial to and director of the British government. Don Simon delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue it. This man and his family went with the English when they evacuated the fort of Manila, to the city of Madras.The royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of a royal decree, dated July 23, 762,the question of not forbidding Sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives information of the league which the Christian Sangleys made with the English, and the atrocities which they committed. He publicly ordered their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of the Sangleys who have kept the title of Christian, as was done with the infidels; in which Don Simon and the ecclesiastical estate also coöperate with convincing and practical reasons.From all the above, it results from this extract that measures could have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to the absolute expulsion of the Christian Sangleys from those islands; and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as governor as happened to Don Simon, and restitution [of the government] having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister who has held the command. These two measures look toward the future; for what was done by Don Simon is approved by his Majesty and whatever said Don Simon has done ought to be approved—the posts which he has given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on the account of the royal treasury. In a word he has become worthy, not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal magnificence, but also of eternal memory.

Substantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar, informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of the capitulation which was made between the English general and the reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.

All the representations are dated June and July, of last year 1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia, in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain, the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.

Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military, and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila, causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms, getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions, remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and intimidated.

In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.

As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms [thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging, aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan in charge. The Augustiniansattended the several meetings which he called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him.1

There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to assure the patache “Filipino” and its wealth, which came from Acapulco and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province of Pampanga.

The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they, the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums so that they could support themselves. He also caused the winecasks, chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy, and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the subsistence of the state would have been impossible.

He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was despatched with a warning.

At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council ofwar of the British nation, because some letters which he had written had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally, there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction, and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services; obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses, proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them, in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.

Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the vicar-provincial of thatprovince to pacify it. He communicated to them all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious, and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another] and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with the Pangasinans,2Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him [i.e., to Anda].

Informed that the Ilocan Indians were committingdisorders in this state, some following steadfastly the party of his Majesty, and others that of Diego Silang,3he determined with the advice of experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the Catholic villages, and another master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the Monteses infidels. He despatched them their titles in the name of his Majesty, granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. That provision resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that Don Miguel Vicos killed Diego Silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had seized. Therefore, that province began to settle down until it became quiet and restored to the obedience of his Majesty, said prelate having promised (and Don Simon confirmed it in his Majesty’s name) a general pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends for their support. He declared as faithful and noble the villages of Santa Catalina, Vigan, Bantay, and San Vicente, as they were the ones which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition.

He also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up in the province of Pangasinan, and which originated in the village of Binalatongan,which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of St. Dominic. Those natives, also instigated by the English, taking as their leader Juan de la Cruz Palaris, an unworthy man, who had also been a coachman in Manila in the employ of Auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust, extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored, since they could not have any trade with Manila, as the English were in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute, they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that province was not to be given outside the village of Binalatongan; that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new fathers. Finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal.

This insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint Don Juan Antonio Panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province, and that some Spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearfulof the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled the province. Consequently, he gave commission to other religious; prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under command of Don Fernando Arayat. The latter’s troop departed on the expedition, and the Pampangos advancing on their march, took position in front of the enemy. Having sent an embassy to them, so that they might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his Majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. Notwithstanding that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing, and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them, attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four muskets and five hundred natives, counting Pampangos and Cagayans, after summoning them to peace five times. They replied to his summons from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze, with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots from falconets. Thereupon, Don Pedro Hernani, lieutenant of Spanish infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began to cross the river in pursuit of the Cagayans, leaving Alférez Don Jose Solorzano as a reserve. Don Pedro Hernani invested the trenches with so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them, although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast with a lance and fell dead. But Don Pedro Fagle substituted him, and picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. The latter afterward presented it to Don Simon de Anda. It was twovaras long and a trifle more narrow. At each corner it had a two-headed eagle, and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the arms of the Order of St. Dominic. They also wounded a Spanish soldier with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. Since the number of the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen, obliged them to retire. But desiring to avoid all confusion of blood, and manifesting to them the love of his Majesty for his vassals, he [i.e., the Spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another Dominican religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp Manalartay.

Finally, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. A few days afterward they sent a deputation to Don Simon, asking mercy, bearing recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their repentance. They recognized his Majesty as their only sovereign and asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. He condescended to this, pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in case they repeated their error. Juan Palaris and Domingo Magalog, his brother, were included in the pardon. He ordered Don Joaquin Gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter resigned. Consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to Don Jose Acevedo. Various measures were taken so that the families who had retired to Pampangaand fled the insurrection, might be restored to Pangasinan.

He also recommends the religious orders for the good services which they have rendered, especially that of the calced Augustinians, who have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their love and fidelity during the invasion of the English.

He also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious of St. John of God, as they had opposed a government measure conducive to the royal service. But since this was a prohibition to taking from an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of Manila, it is to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty.

Lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to continue the aid which had been established on his Majesty’s account in honor of Fernando I, king of Joló. He states that, at the beginning of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his Majesty, and recognized Don Simon as Audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would send him the aid, which he asked of him. Having advised him that he would transfer him to Pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and having arrived at the village of Pasig, he was overtaken by an accident which impeded him for six days. During that interim, the enemy made him a prisoner. The English, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him to Joló. Afterward when the Englishevacuated Manila, they took the prince Ysrael and all those of his kingdom. It was presumed that the English had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish themselves in Joló. That would be to the great prejudice of the Visayan provinces and their trade both because of the English and the Moros.

In a separate measure, both Don Simon de Anda, in his representations, and the royal lieutenant, Don Francisco de la Torre, governorad interimof Filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched July 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared against the auditor Don Francisco de Villacorta, and the fiscal, Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, because of the irregularity of the process which they prosecuted against Doctor Don Santiago Orendain, which they have not made manifest because of having produced various exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. In regard to this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his Majesty decide as to the matter what he considers just. He encloses a report of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned fiscal Viana.

He also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime of disloyalty, which was incurred by Doctor Don Santiago Orendain as being partial to and director of the British government. Don Simon delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue it. This man and his family went with the English when they evacuated the fort of Manila, to the city of Madras.

The royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of a royal decree, dated July 23, 762,the question of not forbidding Sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives information of the league which the Christian Sangleys made with the English, and the atrocities which they committed. He publicly ordered their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of the Sangleys who have kept the title of Christian, as was done with the infidels; in which Don Simon and the ecclesiastical estate also coöperate with convincing and practical reasons.

From all the above, it results from this extract that measures could have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to the absolute expulsion of the Christian Sangleys from those islands; and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as governor as happened to Don Simon, and restitution [of the government] having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister who has held the command. These two measures look toward the future; for what was done by Don Simon is approved by his Majesty and whatever said Don Simon has done ought to be approved—the posts which he has given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on the account of the royal treasury. In a word he has become worthy, not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal magnificence, but also of eternal memory.

1When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.↑2Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).↑3A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.↑

1When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.↑2Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).↑3A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.↑

1When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.↑

2Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).↑

3A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.↑

DRAPER’S DEFENSEA PLAIN NARRATIVE1The Conquest of Manila, Cavita, and the whole Phillipine Islands, having been of late the Topic of Conversation, from the Crown of Spain’s Refusal to pay the Bills drawn by its Archbishop and Captain-General, in Consequence of the Capitulation;2andhaving Reason to apprehend, that the Public are as ignorant of the Nature and Importance of that Acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with the Particulars relative to the Capitulation, and its Consequences; I think it a Duty incumbent on me to set the material Transactions of that Expedition in aproper Point of View, as well as in Justice to my own Conduct and Character, as to the Officers and Men serving under me: and for the particular Information of the Representatives of the Nation, who have condescended to think our Services deserving their public Approbation of our Conduct, in the particular Honour of their Thanks conveyed to us by their Speaker.Manila is the Metropolis of the Phillipine Islands, situated in a large Bay on the Island of Luconia, in the Latitude 14, 40 North, Longitude 118 East, from London, in Possession of the Spaniards, and maintained by the Crown of Spain, at the Request of the Church for propagating the Christian Faith among the Indians, for which they have a large annual Allowance from Mexico, for the Maintenance of their public Officers and Clergy, and for the support of their Convents: They are also indulged with Ships, built and navigated at the King’s Expence, to bring the said Allowance in Money: These Ships go laden with Merchandize belonging to the Inhabitants (a still further Indulgence allowed them) from Manila to Acapulca, and return with Money: The King’s is registered; and the Remainder (about as much more) a smuggling Trade, and connived at.This trade is so very prejudicial to Old Spain, the Cargoes they send being China Silks, India Cottons, Spices, &c., for the Use of the People in America, that the Cadiz and Bayone Companies have frequentlypresented the strongest Memorials and Remonstrances to the King, setting forth the Damage sustained by it, but without any Success, the Church always getting the better of them.In Consequence of Orders from Europe to attack Manila on the War with Spain, the Squadron and Troops sailed from Madrass the First of August, 1762, and arrived in the Bay of Manila the 24th of September following; and after summoning the Town to surrender, and receiving for Answer their Resolution to defend it, the Troops were immediately landed, and began the Siege. A breach being made the 6th of October, we stormed and took the City, on which the principal Inhabitants retired into the Citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long, sent out a Flag of Truce, desiring to capitulate. The Terms offered were, on paying “Four Millions of Dollars, they were to have their Churches, Convents, Palaces, and other public Buildings, with the Town preserved, the Plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their Religion, and other Liberties; otherwise to be Prisoners of War, and put on Board the Squadron, and sent to the Coast of India as such.”These Terms they accepted; and whilst the Articles were settling, they pleaded their Inability to raise immediately the Sum demanded, unless we would admit the Phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the Port of Pallapa, on the Island of Semar from Acapulca) into the Capitulation, and the Vice Roy to send Letters to the General that commanded her, to deliver her up to our Ships, which had been sent after her; to which we assented, on Condition that the said Phillipina was actually in the Port of Pallapa,and delivered up to our Ships in Consequence of the said Letter.This is the only Ship ever admitted into the Capitulation (and that Conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or ordered to proceed to Manila, agreeable to the promised Letter of the Vice Roy, was, by other Letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed not to comply with the Vice Roy’s Letter, but to land the Money on the Island where they were, and secure it in the best Manner they could until they should receive further Directions from Manila.3All things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the Town was immediately Stopped4and the City restored to Order, an Account taken of the Ordnance and military Stores, and the Garrison established, which took up the whole of the Troops of the Expedition; and the Place (in Obedience to his Majesty’s Instructions) delivered up to the East India Company’s Agent for their Use and Benefit, until his further Pleasure should be known. During these Transactions the Treasure remaining in the Town (a great deal being conveyed out during the Siege) was collected together, and the principal Inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the Remainder as far as two Millions; and if the Phillipina was not to be got at, we were to take Bills on the King of Spain for the other two Millions, which the Captain General, or Viceroy, (who was also Archbishop)declared he had Authority to draw, and would be duly honoured.As soon as the Place was in Possession of the East India Company, the Spaniards perceived the King’s Officers had no further Power over them, and therefore stopped any further Collections toward the Payment; and from the Excess of Lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent, broke every Part of the Capitulation by retiring into the Country and joining Anda, one of the Royal Audience, who had taken up Arms, and proclaimed himself Captain General, while their Priests and Friars publicly exhorted Rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up Arms and destroy us.As several of the principal Men of the Place were likewise concerned with him, the Captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing more was to be got by fair Means, and were willing to secure what was still in their Power; and therefore ordered their Agents to bring into the City what Merchandize was belonging to the said Men in the Suburbs, as a Security till they made good their Ransom. But were greatly surprized to find the East India Company’s Governor had placed Guards, and would not suffer the Agents to remove any one Thing, by which the Captors lost upwards of 200,000 Dollars. The Captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their Power, gave Directions to seize, and dispose of a Ship, named the Santo Nino,5that lay in the Portof Cavita at the Time of the Town being taken, and placed her Produce to the Account of the four Million (altho’ she was not mentioned or included in the Capitulation).This was the only Ship taken in the Port, and sold for only 16,000 Dollars, and which the Spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored to propagate to be the Santissima Trinidad; tis therefore in this Place necessary to make known, that the Santissima Trinidad sailed from Manila on the 1st of August, which was upwards of seven Weeks before the Squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred Leagues on her Voyage to Acapulca; when meeting with a Storm she was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with off the Island of Capul by two of our Ships, the Panther and Argo (the two Ships that were detached after the Phillipina) and after an Engagement taken by them, above two hundred Miles from the Port of Manila, and which Ships knew nothing at that Time of the Surrender or Capitulation of Manila.These two Ships that were sent after the Phillipina (in Consequence of Intelligence obtained by a Gally we took in the Bay soon after our Arrival) had got as far as the Island of Capul, in their Way to Palapa, when they met with the Trinidad, and she being much disabled, and having a great Number of Men on Board, they were obliged to return to the Bay of Manila with her; on which, as soon as possible, two Frigates were dispatched again after the Phillipina, but before they could reach the Streights of St. Bernardino, the North-East Monsoon was set in, and the Weather too stormy to pass the Streights, and after ten Weeks fruitlessly attempting it, were obliged to return.The Squadron being obliged (by Instructions on that Head) to return to the Coast of India for the Protection of the East India Company’s Settlements, before the North-East Monsoon was expired, sailed from the Bay of Manila the beginning of March, leaving orders with the Commanding Officer of the Ships left for the Protection of the Place, so soon as the South-West Monsoon prevailed, to proceed to Palapa, in order to take Possession of the Phillipina, who, on his Arrival, found only the Ship, the Treasure having been carried in small Vessels to the Island of Luconia by Orders from the Inhabitants of Manila, who had all this Time amused us with the Promise of the Money of this Ship for Payment, and even sent Men as Hostages6in our Ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was removed from that Place. Through the whole of the above Transactions, the Spaniards by Evasions avoided complying with the Capitulation in every one Respect, except in the bringing in the Money from the Misericordia and Ordentercara, which was out of their Power to secrete. They basely and ungratefully took up Arms against us, after having their Lives given them. They preached publicly in their Churches Rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us.And these people have still furthermore the Impudence to charge us with an Infringment of the Capitulation, and the Effrontery to claim the Santissima Trinidad, which was taken above 200 Miles from Manila by two of his Majesty’s Ships, who knew nothing of the Surrender of the Place, nor was in any Shape mentioned or included in the Capitulation,having sailed on her Voyage seven Weeks previous to our Arrival, as may be seen by the Capitulation annexed hereto.It is true they have given Bills on the King their Master for Part of the Ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a Right to draw, and therefore refuses Payment of. But surely I may with Equity be permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large Sum annually for their Support, and has again put the Place into their Possession, is he not bound in Honour and strict Justice to oblige his Subjects to make good their solemn Covenant and Capitulation, having the Means so fully in his Power?The Account of Ransom stands correctly thus:dollarsr. d.dollarsr. d.Ransom agreeable to Capitulation4,000,00000Received from the public Funds and Collections515,802310Plunder taken from the Seamen and Soldiers26,62300542,425310Remains due to the Captors3,457 57442One third of which is the Proportion belonging to the East India Company.The King’s Instructions were, if we succeeded in the Conquest of Manila, to deliver up the Fortifications, with the Cannon, Stores and Ammunition, tothe East India Company, until his Majesty’s Pleasure should be signified with Regard to the future Dispositions of the said Conquests, &c.Upon the Peace, when the Place was delivered up to the Spaniards, the East India Company applied to the Secretary of State for Leave to carry the Artillery and Stores to Madrass, but received for Answer, That they must remain for the Defence of the Place; but were afterward told, That if the Spaniards would give Security for the Payment of the Value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the East India Company might remove them to Madrass. This last Answer did not arrive in India till after Orders had been sent to deliver it up, and the Season too late to send that Year.7[Here follow the “Conditions” and “Proposals,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.][At the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written by hand: “with Admiral Cornish’s Compliments.”]COLONEL DRAPER’S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTSTo the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8My Lord,Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,William DraperThe Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.RefutationIt is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.ExtractsOctober 6th, Manila.“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.October 7th.“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.PostscriptIt is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]1The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: “A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands.” This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress,Books of the Philippine Islands(p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several “Conditions” and “Proposals” inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of thePlain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet,Colonel Draper’s answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that thePlain narrativewas published at London in 1764, and prior toColonel Draper’s answer.↑2The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:TheGentleman’s Magazinefor 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: “A categorical answer came over from the courts ofFranceandSpain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of theManillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers.”TheLondon Chroniclefor February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: “We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces.”“London, Jan. 25.By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted.” (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)“London, May 20.They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry.” (Ut supra, p. 270.)“London, Aug. 29.According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money.” (Ut supra, p. 441.)“Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors.” (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)“London, Nov. 19.A letter from Madrid has this passage: ‘Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.’ ” (Ut supra, p. 605.)↑3If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy’s Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)↑4The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)↑5A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)↑6Seeante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.↑7This is reprinted in vol. ii ofThe Field of Mars(London, 1781). SeeBibliography of Philippines(Washington, 1903), p. 124.↑8The full title of this book is as follows: “Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preservingManilafrom Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl ofHalifax, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, inPall-mall. MDCCLXIV.”Scots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, ⅛th£.14120129To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2⁄8​th, each153908½To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, ⅛th, each16548To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, ⅛th, each8005½To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, ⅛th, each3001To the seamen and soldiers, 2⁄8​ths, each603↑9i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.↑10A famousSpanishAmbassador, in the Reign ofJamesthe First. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 9, note.)↑11These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.↑12TheSpaniards, by sailing toManila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 13, note.)↑13The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. SeeSitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.↑14i.e., “Even to the death.”↑15Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.↑16A letter written to theLondon Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27–29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. “The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper’s own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company’s service—a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper’s humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period.” If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.↑17Col. Draper’s answer to this point is contained inScots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 722–724; and an extract is given inLondon Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.↑18When ColonelDraperleftManila, all theOyidores(the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr.Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform theEast IndiaCompany, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 27, note.)↑

DRAPER’S DEFENSE

A PLAIN NARRATIVE1The Conquest of Manila, Cavita, and the whole Phillipine Islands, having been of late the Topic of Conversation, from the Crown of Spain’s Refusal to pay the Bills drawn by its Archbishop and Captain-General, in Consequence of the Capitulation;2andhaving Reason to apprehend, that the Public are as ignorant of the Nature and Importance of that Acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with the Particulars relative to the Capitulation, and its Consequences; I think it a Duty incumbent on me to set the material Transactions of that Expedition in aproper Point of View, as well as in Justice to my own Conduct and Character, as to the Officers and Men serving under me: and for the particular Information of the Representatives of the Nation, who have condescended to think our Services deserving their public Approbation of our Conduct, in the particular Honour of their Thanks conveyed to us by their Speaker.Manila is the Metropolis of the Phillipine Islands, situated in a large Bay on the Island of Luconia, in the Latitude 14, 40 North, Longitude 118 East, from London, in Possession of the Spaniards, and maintained by the Crown of Spain, at the Request of the Church for propagating the Christian Faith among the Indians, for which they have a large annual Allowance from Mexico, for the Maintenance of their public Officers and Clergy, and for the support of their Convents: They are also indulged with Ships, built and navigated at the King’s Expence, to bring the said Allowance in Money: These Ships go laden with Merchandize belonging to the Inhabitants (a still further Indulgence allowed them) from Manila to Acapulca, and return with Money: The King’s is registered; and the Remainder (about as much more) a smuggling Trade, and connived at.This trade is so very prejudicial to Old Spain, the Cargoes they send being China Silks, India Cottons, Spices, &c., for the Use of the People in America, that the Cadiz and Bayone Companies have frequentlypresented the strongest Memorials and Remonstrances to the King, setting forth the Damage sustained by it, but without any Success, the Church always getting the better of them.In Consequence of Orders from Europe to attack Manila on the War with Spain, the Squadron and Troops sailed from Madrass the First of August, 1762, and arrived in the Bay of Manila the 24th of September following; and after summoning the Town to surrender, and receiving for Answer their Resolution to defend it, the Troops were immediately landed, and began the Siege. A breach being made the 6th of October, we stormed and took the City, on which the principal Inhabitants retired into the Citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long, sent out a Flag of Truce, desiring to capitulate. The Terms offered were, on paying “Four Millions of Dollars, they were to have their Churches, Convents, Palaces, and other public Buildings, with the Town preserved, the Plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their Religion, and other Liberties; otherwise to be Prisoners of War, and put on Board the Squadron, and sent to the Coast of India as such.”These Terms they accepted; and whilst the Articles were settling, they pleaded their Inability to raise immediately the Sum demanded, unless we would admit the Phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the Port of Pallapa, on the Island of Semar from Acapulca) into the Capitulation, and the Vice Roy to send Letters to the General that commanded her, to deliver her up to our Ships, which had been sent after her; to which we assented, on Condition that the said Phillipina was actually in the Port of Pallapa,and delivered up to our Ships in Consequence of the said Letter.This is the only Ship ever admitted into the Capitulation (and that Conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or ordered to proceed to Manila, agreeable to the promised Letter of the Vice Roy, was, by other Letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed not to comply with the Vice Roy’s Letter, but to land the Money on the Island where they were, and secure it in the best Manner they could until they should receive further Directions from Manila.3All things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the Town was immediately Stopped4and the City restored to Order, an Account taken of the Ordnance and military Stores, and the Garrison established, which took up the whole of the Troops of the Expedition; and the Place (in Obedience to his Majesty’s Instructions) delivered up to the East India Company’s Agent for their Use and Benefit, until his further Pleasure should be known. During these Transactions the Treasure remaining in the Town (a great deal being conveyed out during the Siege) was collected together, and the principal Inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the Remainder as far as two Millions; and if the Phillipina was not to be got at, we were to take Bills on the King of Spain for the other two Millions, which the Captain General, or Viceroy, (who was also Archbishop)declared he had Authority to draw, and would be duly honoured.As soon as the Place was in Possession of the East India Company, the Spaniards perceived the King’s Officers had no further Power over them, and therefore stopped any further Collections toward the Payment; and from the Excess of Lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent, broke every Part of the Capitulation by retiring into the Country and joining Anda, one of the Royal Audience, who had taken up Arms, and proclaimed himself Captain General, while their Priests and Friars publicly exhorted Rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up Arms and destroy us.As several of the principal Men of the Place were likewise concerned with him, the Captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing more was to be got by fair Means, and were willing to secure what was still in their Power; and therefore ordered their Agents to bring into the City what Merchandize was belonging to the said Men in the Suburbs, as a Security till they made good their Ransom. But were greatly surprized to find the East India Company’s Governor had placed Guards, and would not suffer the Agents to remove any one Thing, by which the Captors lost upwards of 200,000 Dollars. The Captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their Power, gave Directions to seize, and dispose of a Ship, named the Santo Nino,5that lay in the Portof Cavita at the Time of the Town being taken, and placed her Produce to the Account of the four Million (altho’ she was not mentioned or included in the Capitulation).This was the only Ship taken in the Port, and sold for only 16,000 Dollars, and which the Spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored to propagate to be the Santissima Trinidad; tis therefore in this Place necessary to make known, that the Santissima Trinidad sailed from Manila on the 1st of August, which was upwards of seven Weeks before the Squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred Leagues on her Voyage to Acapulca; when meeting with a Storm she was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with off the Island of Capul by two of our Ships, the Panther and Argo (the two Ships that were detached after the Phillipina) and after an Engagement taken by them, above two hundred Miles from the Port of Manila, and which Ships knew nothing at that Time of the Surrender or Capitulation of Manila.These two Ships that were sent after the Phillipina (in Consequence of Intelligence obtained by a Gally we took in the Bay soon after our Arrival) had got as far as the Island of Capul, in their Way to Palapa, when they met with the Trinidad, and she being much disabled, and having a great Number of Men on Board, they were obliged to return to the Bay of Manila with her; on which, as soon as possible, two Frigates were dispatched again after the Phillipina, but before they could reach the Streights of St. Bernardino, the North-East Monsoon was set in, and the Weather too stormy to pass the Streights, and after ten Weeks fruitlessly attempting it, were obliged to return.The Squadron being obliged (by Instructions on that Head) to return to the Coast of India for the Protection of the East India Company’s Settlements, before the North-East Monsoon was expired, sailed from the Bay of Manila the beginning of March, leaving orders with the Commanding Officer of the Ships left for the Protection of the Place, so soon as the South-West Monsoon prevailed, to proceed to Palapa, in order to take Possession of the Phillipina, who, on his Arrival, found only the Ship, the Treasure having been carried in small Vessels to the Island of Luconia by Orders from the Inhabitants of Manila, who had all this Time amused us with the Promise of the Money of this Ship for Payment, and even sent Men as Hostages6in our Ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was removed from that Place. Through the whole of the above Transactions, the Spaniards by Evasions avoided complying with the Capitulation in every one Respect, except in the bringing in the Money from the Misericordia and Ordentercara, which was out of their Power to secrete. They basely and ungratefully took up Arms against us, after having their Lives given them. They preached publicly in their Churches Rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us.And these people have still furthermore the Impudence to charge us with an Infringment of the Capitulation, and the Effrontery to claim the Santissima Trinidad, which was taken above 200 Miles from Manila by two of his Majesty’s Ships, who knew nothing of the Surrender of the Place, nor was in any Shape mentioned or included in the Capitulation,having sailed on her Voyage seven Weeks previous to our Arrival, as may be seen by the Capitulation annexed hereto.It is true they have given Bills on the King their Master for Part of the Ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a Right to draw, and therefore refuses Payment of. But surely I may with Equity be permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large Sum annually for their Support, and has again put the Place into their Possession, is he not bound in Honour and strict Justice to oblige his Subjects to make good their solemn Covenant and Capitulation, having the Means so fully in his Power?The Account of Ransom stands correctly thus:dollarsr. d.dollarsr. d.Ransom agreeable to Capitulation4,000,00000Received from the public Funds and Collections515,802310Plunder taken from the Seamen and Soldiers26,62300542,425310Remains due to the Captors3,457 57442One third of which is the Proportion belonging to the East India Company.The King’s Instructions were, if we succeeded in the Conquest of Manila, to deliver up the Fortifications, with the Cannon, Stores and Ammunition, tothe East India Company, until his Majesty’s Pleasure should be signified with Regard to the future Dispositions of the said Conquests, &c.Upon the Peace, when the Place was delivered up to the Spaniards, the East India Company applied to the Secretary of State for Leave to carry the Artillery and Stores to Madrass, but received for Answer, That they must remain for the Defence of the Place; but were afterward told, That if the Spaniards would give Security for the Payment of the Value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the East India Company might remove them to Madrass. This last Answer did not arrive in India till after Orders had been sent to deliver it up, and the Season too late to send that Year.7[Here follow the “Conditions” and “Proposals,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.][At the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written by hand: “with Admiral Cornish’s Compliments.”]COLONEL DRAPER’S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTSTo the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8My Lord,Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,William DraperThe Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.RefutationIt is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.ExtractsOctober 6th, Manila.“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.October 7th.“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.PostscriptIt is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]

A PLAIN NARRATIVE1

The Conquest of Manila, Cavita, and the whole Phillipine Islands, having been of late the Topic of Conversation, from the Crown of Spain’s Refusal to pay the Bills drawn by its Archbishop and Captain-General, in Consequence of the Capitulation;2andhaving Reason to apprehend, that the Public are as ignorant of the Nature and Importance of that Acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with the Particulars relative to the Capitulation, and its Consequences; I think it a Duty incumbent on me to set the material Transactions of that Expedition in aproper Point of View, as well as in Justice to my own Conduct and Character, as to the Officers and Men serving under me: and for the particular Information of the Representatives of the Nation, who have condescended to think our Services deserving their public Approbation of our Conduct, in the particular Honour of their Thanks conveyed to us by their Speaker.

Manila is the Metropolis of the Phillipine Islands, situated in a large Bay on the Island of Luconia, in the Latitude 14, 40 North, Longitude 118 East, from London, in Possession of the Spaniards, and maintained by the Crown of Spain, at the Request of the Church for propagating the Christian Faith among the Indians, for which they have a large annual Allowance from Mexico, for the Maintenance of their public Officers and Clergy, and for the support of their Convents: They are also indulged with Ships, built and navigated at the King’s Expence, to bring the said Allowance in Money: These Ships go laden with Merchandize belonging to the Inhabitants (a still further Indulgence allowed them) from Manila to Acapulca, and return with Money: The King’s is registered; and the Remainder (about as much more) a smuggling Trade, and connived at.

This trade is so very prejudicial to Old Spain, the Cargoes they send being China Silks, India Cottons, Spices, &c., for the Use of the People in America, that the Cadiz and Bayone Companies have frequentlypresented the strongest Memorials and Remonstrances to the King, setting forth the Damage sustained by it, but without any Success, the Church always getting the better of them.

In Consequence of Orders from Europe to attack Manila on the War with Spain, the Squadron and Troops sailed from Madrass the First of August, 1762, and arrived in the Bay of Manila the 24th of September following; and after summoning the Town to surrender, and receiving for Answer their Resolution to defend it, the Troops were immediately landed, and began the Siege. A breach being made the 6th of October, we stormed and took the City, on which the principal Inhabitants retired into the Citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long, sent out a Flag of Truce, desiring to capitulate. The Terms offered were, on paying “Four Millions of Dollars, they were to have their Churches, Convents, Palaces, and other public Buildings, with the Town preserved, the Plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their Religion, and other Liberties; otherwise to be Prisoners of War, and put on Board the Squadron, and sent to the Coast of India as such.”

These Terms they accepted; and whilst the Articles were settling, they pleaded their Inability to raise immediately the Sum demanded, unless we would admit the Phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the Port of Pallapa, on the Island of Semar from Acapulca) into the Capitulation, and the Vice Roy to send Letters to the General that commanded her, to deliver her up to our Ships, which had been sent after her; to which we assented, on Condition that the said Phillipina was actually in the Port of Pallapa,and delivered up to our Ships in Consequence of the said Letter.This is the only Ship ever admitted into the Capitulation (and that Conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or ordered to proceed to Manila, agreeable to the promised Letter of the Vice Roy, was, by other Letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed not to comply with the Vice Roy’s Letter, but to land the Money on the Island where they were, and secure it in the best Manner they could until they should receive further Directions from Manila.3

All things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the Town was immediately Stopped4and the City restored to Order, an Account taken of the Ordnance and military Stores, and the Garrison established, which took up the whole of the Troops of the Expedition; and the Place (in Obedience to his Majesty’s Instructions) delivered up to the East India Company’s Agent for their Use and Benefit, until his further Pleasure should be known. During these Transactions the Treasure remaining in the Town (a great deal being conveyed out during the Siege) was collected together, and the principal Inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the Remainder as far as two Millions; and if the Phillipina was not to be got at, we were to take Bills on the King of Spain for the other two Millions, which the Captain General, or Viceroy, (who was also Archbishop)declared he had Authority to draw, and would be duly honoured.

As soon as the Place was in Possession of the East India Company, the Spaniards perceived the King’s Officers had no further Power over them, and therefore stopped any further Collections toward the Payment; and from the Excess of Lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent, broke every Part of the Capitulation by retiring into the Country and joining Anda, one of the Royal Audience, who had taken up Arms, and proclaimed himself Captain General, while their Priests and Friars publicly exhorted Rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up Arms and destroy us.

As several of the principal Men of the Place were likewise concerned with him, the Captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing more was to be got by fair Means, and were willing to secure what was still in their Power; and therefore ordered their Agents to bring into the City what Merchandize was belonging to the said Men in the Suburbs, as a Security till they made good their Ransom. But were greatly surprized to find the East India Company’s Governor had placed Guards, and would not suffer the Agents to remove any one Thing, by which the Captors lost upwards of 200,000 Dollars. The Captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their Power, gave Directions to seize, and dispose of a Ship, named the Santo Nino,5that lay in the Portof Cavita at the Time of the Town being taken, and placed her Produce to the Account of the four Million (altho’ she was not mentioned or included in the Capitulation).This was the only Ship taken in the Port, and sold for only 16,000 Dollars, and which the Spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored to propagate to be the Santissima Trinidad; tis therefore in this Place necessary to make known, that the Santissima Trinidad sailed from Manila on the 1st of August, which was upwards of seven Weeks before the Squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred Leagues on her Voyage to Acapulca; when meeting with a Storm she was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with off the Island of Capul by two of our Ships, the Panther and Argo (the two Ships that were detached after the Phillipina) and after an Engagement taken by them, above two hundred Miles from the Port of Manila, and which Ships knew nothing at that Time of the Surrender or Capitulation of Manila.These two Ships that were sent after the Phillipina (in Consequence of Intelligence obtained by a Gally we took in the Bay soon after our Arrival) had got as far as the Island of Capul, in their Way to Palapa, when they met with the Trinidad, and she being much disabled, and having a great Number of Men on Board, they were obliged to return to the Bay of Manila with her; on which, as soon as possible, two Frigates were dispatched again after the Phillipina, but before they could reach the Streights of St. Bernardino, the North-East Monsoon was set in, and the Weather too stormy to pass the Streights, and after ten Weeks fruitlessly attempting it, were obliged to return.

The Squadron being obliged (by Instructions on that Head) to return to the Coast of India for the Protection of the East India Company’s Settlements, before the North-East Monsoon was expired, sailed from the Bay of Manila the beginning of March, leaving orders with the Commanding Officer of the Ships left for the Protection of the Place, so soon as the South-West Monsoon prevailed, to proceed to Palapa, in order to take Possession of the Phillipina, who, on his Arrival, found only the Ship, the Treasure having been carried in small Vessels to the Island of Luconia by Orders from the Inhabitants of Manila, who had all this Time amused us with the Promise of the Money of this Ship for Payment, and even sent Men as Hostages6in our Ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was removed from that Place. Through the whole of the above Transactions, the Spaniards by Evasions avoided complying with the Capitulation in every one Respect, except in the bringing in the Money from the Misericordia and Ordentercara, which was out of their Power to secrete. They basely and ungratefully took up Arms against us, after having their Lives given them. They preached publicly in their Churches Rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us.

And these people have still furthermore the Impudence to charge us with an Infringment of the Capitulation, and the Effrontery to claim the Santissima Trinidad, which was taken above 200 Miles from Manila by two of his Majesty’s Ships, who knew nothing of the Surrender of the Place, nor was in any Shape mentioned or included in the Capitulation,having sailed on her Voyage seven Weeks previous to our Arrival, as may be seen by the Capitulation annexed hereto.

It is true they have given Bills on the King their Master for Part of the Ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a Right to draw, and therefore refuses Payment of. But surely I may with Equity be permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large Sum annually for their Support, and has again put the Place into their Possession, is he not bound in Honour and strict Justice to oblige his Subjects to make good their solemn Covenant and Capitulation, having the Means so fully in his Power?

The Account of Ransom stands correctly thus:

dollarsr. d.dollarsr. d.Ransom agreeable to Capitulation4,000,00000Received from the public Funds and Collections515,802310Plunder taken from the Seamen and Soldiers26,62300542,425310Remains due to the Captors3,457 57442

One third of which is the Proportion belonging to the East India Company.

The King’s Instructions were, if we succeeded in the Conquest of Manila, to deliver up the Fortifications, with the Cannon, Stores and Ammunition, tothe East India Company, until his Majesty’s Pleasure should be signified with Regard to the future Dispositions of the said Conquests, &c.

Upon the Peace, when the Place was delivered up to the Spaniards, the East India Company applied to the Secretary of State for Leave to carry the Artillery and Stores to Madrass, but received for Answer, That they must remain for the Defence of the Place; but were afterward told, That if the Spaniards would give Security for the Payment of the Value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the East India Company might remove them to Madrass. This last Answer did not arrive in India till after Orders had been sent to deliver it up, and the Season too late to send that Year.7

[Here follow the “Conditions” and “Proposals,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]

[At the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written by hand: “with Admiral Cornish’s Compliments.”]

COLONEL DRAPER’S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTSTo the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8My Lord,Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,William DraperThe Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.RefutationIt is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.ExtractsOctober 6th, Manila.“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.October 7th.“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.PostscriptIt is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]

COLONEL DRAPER’S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTS

To the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8My Lord,Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,William DraperThe Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.RefutationIt is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.ExtractsOctober 6th, Manila.“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.October 7th.“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.PostscriptIt is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]

To the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State For the Southern Department.8

My Lord,

Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the Consciousness of having done myDuty, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship my Answer to theSpanishAmbassador’s Memorial.

This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had the Honour of presenting toyour Lordship inMarchlast: The new Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.

I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of theSpanishNation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills, drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor ofManila, and do now claim the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success, to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.

Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which in their Names, I again request from your Lordship’s good Offices.

I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought, were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what theSpanishMemorial accuses me. A Dey ofTunis, orAlgiers, would blush to make use of so black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country, whose Representatives were pleased to honourme with their public Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have received for my late Services.—Sed mihi facti fama sat est.9

My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.

TheSpaniardshave assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a SecondGondemar10is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the greatRaleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days ofJamesthe First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.

I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,

William Draper

The Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment.11

TheEnglishGenerals who made themselves Masters ofManilaproposed, on the12Fifth ofOctober, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.

Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, GeneralDraperordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.13

Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because GeneralDraperfirst violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by AdmiralCornishand GeneralDraper, upon the seventh ofOctober, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.

The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants ofManila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of hisBritannicMajesty.

Refutation

It is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.

Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exertthe utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, LieutenantFryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.

The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which theSpaniardsmost artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which theSpaniardsthought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.

The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have theSpaniardsforgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed againstFrancisthe First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle ofPavia, and his Captivity?

Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will beimpossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried onusque ad internecionem;14and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.

By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.

The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King ofSpain’s own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, theSpanishEmpire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,15together with the Lives of manyThousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, theSpanishMemorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, GeneralDraperordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four ThousandEnglish, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.

As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.

We enteredManilaby Storm, on the 6th ofOctober1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees,FrenchandGermanDeserters.16

Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.

Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it’s Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People ofManila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.

The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, willsufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.

Extracts

October 6th, Manila.

“The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.

“All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.

“The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.

“The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.

“The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.

October 7th.

“All the Inhabitants ofManilaare to be looked upon and treated as HisBritannickMajesty’s Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.

“The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset.”17

I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral’s Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate,and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.

Now let us examine the Foundation of theSpanishPretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of theSpanishArguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages18and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.

How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court ofSpain’s Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Untilthat Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.

Postscript

It is now pretended that theSpanishGovernor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? InEurope, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.

We find in History, that theRomans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.

I flatter myself that theSpaniardswill not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.

It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town ofManila, with those of the Citadel and Port ofCavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks,&c.be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather howEnglishmenshould act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case theSpaniardsare bound in Honour to oblige the People ofManilato pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of thePhilippinaGaleon.

Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy’s Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius,ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. “They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they couldnot have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties.”

We have an indisputable Right toManila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.

I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, andEast IndiaCompany) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.

[Here follow the “Proposals” and “Conditions,”q.v.,ante, pp. 75–80.]

1The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: “A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands.” This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress,Books of the Philippine Islands(p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several “Conditions” and “Proposals” inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of thePlain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet,Colonel Draper’s answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that thePlain narrativewas published at London in 1764, and prior toColonel Draper’s answer.↑2The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:TheGentleman’s Magazinefor 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: “A categorical answer came over from the courts ofFranceandSpain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of theManillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers.”TheLondon Chroniclefor February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: “We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces.”“London, Jan. 25.By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted.” (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)“London, May 20.They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry.” (Ut supra, p. 270.)“London, Aug. 29.According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money.” (Ut supra, p. 441.)“Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors.” (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)“London, Nov. 19.A letter from Madrid has this passage: ‘Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.’ ” (Ut supra, p. 605.)↑3If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy’s Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)↑4The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)↑5A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)↑6Seeante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.↑7This is reprinted in vol. ii ofThe Field of Mars(London, 1781). SeeBibliography of Philippines(Washington, 1903), p. 124.↑8The full title of this book is as follows: “Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preservingManilafrom Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl ofHalifax, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, inPall-mall. MDCCLXIV.”Scots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, ⅛th£.14120129To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2⁄8​th, each153908½To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, ⅛th, each16548To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, ⅛th, each8005½To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, ⅛th, each3001To the seamen and soldiers, 2⁄8​ths, each603↑9i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.↑10A famousSpanishAmbassador, in the Reign ofJamesthe First. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 9, note.)↑11These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.↑12TheSpaniards, by sailing toManila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 13, note.)↑13The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. SeeSitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.↑14i.e., “Even to the death.”↑15Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.↑16A letter written to theLondon Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27–29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. “The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper’s own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company’s service—a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper’s humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period.” If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.↑17Col. Draper’s answer to this point is contained inScots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 722–724; and an extract is given inLondon Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.↑18When ColonelDraperleftManila, all theOyidores(the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr.Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform theEast IndiaCompany, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 27, note.)↑

1The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: “A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands.” This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress,Books of the Philippine Islands(p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several “Conditions” and “Proposals” inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of thePlain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet,Colonel Draper’s answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that thePlain narrativewas published at London in 1764, and prior toColonel Draper’s answer.↑2The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:TheGentleman’s Magazinefor 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: “A categorical answer came over from the courts ofFranceandSpain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of theManillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers.”TheLondon Chroniclefor February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: “We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces.”“London, Jan. 25.By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted.” (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)“London, May 20.They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry.” (Ut supra, p. 270.)“London, Aug. 29.According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money.” (Ut supra, p. 441.)“Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors.” (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)“London, Nov. 19.A letter from Madrid has this passage: ‘Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.’ ” (Ut supra, p. 605.)↑3If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy’s Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)↑4The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)↑5A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)↑6Seeante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.↑7This is reprinted in vol. ii ofThe Field of Mars(London, 1781). SeeBibliography of Philippines(Washington, 1903), p. 124.↑8The full title of this book is as follows: “Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preservingManilafrom Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl ofHalifax, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, inPall-mall. MDCCLXIV.”Scots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, ⅛th£.14120129To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2⁄8​th, each153908½To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, ⅛th, each16548To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, ⅛th, each8005½To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, ⅛th, each3001To the seamen and soldiers, 2⁄8​ths, each603↑9i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.↑10A famousSpanishAmbassador, in the Reign ofJamesthe First. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 9, note.)↑11These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.↑12TheSpaniards, by sailing toManila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 13, note.)↑13The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. SeeSitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.↑14i.e., “Even to the death.”↑15Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.↑16A letter written to theLondon Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27–29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. “The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper’s own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company’s service—a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper’s humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period.” If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.↑17Col. Draper’s answer to this point is contained inScots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 722–724; and an extract is given inLondon Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.↑18When ColonelDraperleftManila, all theOyidores(the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr.Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform theEast IndiaCompany, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 27, note.)↑

1The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: “A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands.” This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress,Books of the Philippine Islands(p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several “Conditions” and “Proposals” inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of thePlain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet,Colonel Draper’s answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that thePlain narrativewas published at London in 1764, and prior toColonel Draper’s answer.↑

2The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:

TheGentleman’s Magazinefor 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: “A categorical answer came over from the courts ofFranceandSpain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of theManillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers.”

TheLondon Chroniclefor February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: “We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces.”

“London, Jan. 25.By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted.” (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)

“London, May 20.They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry.” (Ut supra, p. 270.)

“London, Aug. 29.According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money.” (Ut supra, p. 441.)

“Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors.” (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)

“London, Nov. 19.A letter from Madrid has this passage: ‘Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.’ ” (Ut supra, p. 605.)↑

3If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy’s Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)↑

4The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)↑

5A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)↑

6Seeante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.↑

7This is reprinted in vol. ii ofThe Field of Mars(London, 1781). SeeBibliography of Philippines(Washington, 1903), p. 124.↑

8The full title of this book is as follows: “Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preservingManilafrom Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl ofHalifax, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, inPall-mall. MDCCLXIV.”

Scots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:

Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:

Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, ⅛th£.14120129To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2⁄8​th, each153908½To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, ⅛th, each16548To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, ⅛th, each8005½To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, ⅛th, each3001To the seamen and soldiers, 2⁄8​ths, each603

↑

9i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.↑

10A famousSpanishAmbassador, in the Reign ofJamesthe First. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 9, note.)↑

11These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.↑

12TheSpaniards, by sailing toManila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 13, note.)↑

13The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. SeeSitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.↑

14i.e., “Even to the death.”↑

15Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.↑

16A letter written to theLondon Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27–29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. “The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper’s own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company’s service—a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper’s humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period.” If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.↑

17Col. Draper’s answer to this point is contained inScots Magazinefor 1764, pp. 722–724; and an extract is given inLondon Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.↑

18When ColonelDraperleftManila, all theOyidores(the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr.Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform theEast IndiaCompany, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper’s Answer, p. 27, note.)↑

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