Chapter 4

1This résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from Montero y Vidal’sHistoria de Filipinas, ii, pp. 66–70, 115–140, 229–382; that work is mainly annalistic. Of those which we have used in former volumes, Murillo Velarde’s stops at 1716, and Concepción and Zúñiga at the siege of Manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which Zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); Montero y Vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. Wherever possible, we have used his own language—which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks.↑2On March 27, 1765, Viana declared (Respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of Pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the English invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. Later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; “for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay.”↑3Puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (VOL. XLIX, p. 337, note208)—cf. what Viana says of those officials in his “Memorial” (VOL. XLVIII), chapter v, sections 34–38—but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials.↑4Ferrando (v, pp. 9–16) says that Puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, Father Bernardo Pazaengos (more correctly written Pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, “with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into Manila during the invasion by the English;” and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. The Audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the Jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that Puch should give satisfaction to the Audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. Pazuengos laid the case before the heads of Santo Tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the Audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the Audiencia; but that he declared Puch to be “immune and exempt from blame” in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the Audiencia. He added that, if this were not enough, he would send Puch to the Mindanao missions. This aroused Viana’s anger, first “against the Jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel.” At this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting Viana’s attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the English invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at Tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal’s unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. Ferrando condemns Puch’s imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the Jesuits. Ferrando adds (p. 24): “We have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister Pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the Catholic king. Aranda, Roda, Campománes,Azpuru, and Floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the French encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated Tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines”—that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (Gray’sVelázquez Dictionary).In regard to this last statement, cf. Manuel Danvila y Collado, in hisReinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 561–564: “Religious intolerance, still great in the reign of Felipe V, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. In the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in España twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the Holy Office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemnauto de fewas held in 1701, which he declined to attend. Nevertheless, he protected the Inquisition, because Louis XIV had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the Jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in España after the annexation of Portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of Bourbon. The sect of Molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even Macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from España, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of theHistoria civil de España, by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. These rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of Fernando VI, who permitted Macanaz to return to España, and who established as a principle that the coming of the Bourbons to the throne of the Españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the Holy Office … Even the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of España, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. TheDiario de los literatosalso enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought tobe formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of Fernando VI; while at the same time the rigors of the Inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. Indeed, from that time the Holy Office occupied itself only with persecuting the Jesuits and the Free Masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of Clement XII of April 28, 1738, renewed on May 18, 1751)…. There certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of Diderot and D’Alambert—and especially of theEncyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772—it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the French freethinkers—but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state …. The Spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or Encyclopedistic propaganda of France.”The official opinion by Viana regarding the Puch episode may be found in a MS. volume entitled,Respuestas dadas por el fiscal de S. M., fol. 22v–26; it is apparently Viana’s own original record of his official opinions delivered to the Audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the British forces.↑5Le Gentil (who sojourned in Manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in hisVoyage(t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and Raón even displayed to Le Gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a French ship which came to Manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. Raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the Jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion.↑6This date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture ofbarrillason February 16, 1765. This is shown by the entry for that date in Viana’sRespuestas(MS.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. From fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in March.↑7See Jagor’s description of the great volcano of Mayon and his ascent of it (September, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in hisReisen, pp. 75–84. Cf. Le Gentil’s description of it and of this eruption (Voyage, ii, pp. 13–19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of Albay. Its summit was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen made the ascent in April, 1858.↑8Santa Justa belonged to the Order of Escuelas Pías (seeVOL. XLVIII, pp. 52–54, note 10). See list of writings by this prelate, in Montero y Vidal’sHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380–389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the Spanish government.↑9When Raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to Arandía in the like case. The Dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor’s commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in Europe; Raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. “This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the Parián and Binondo, and afterwards those of the province of Bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. He found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in Bataan, in the banishment of the Jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating.” “As the ministries in the island of Negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the Jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. The latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the Dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of Bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of Negros. He offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of thisopportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of Bataan. In effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of Negros.” “The bishop of Cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of Negros and the province of Iloilo,… consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of Iloilo, Himaras, Mandurriao and Molog, in the island of Panay; and those of Ilog, Cabancalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgonan, in that of Negros. With great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the Jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. Thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages.” (Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.)↑10“All the curacies of the banished Jesuits, those of the Dominicans and Recollects, and those of the Augustinians in Pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. In order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many Indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. On account of this it was a common saying in Manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all.” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, ii, p. 279.)The result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 51–61. He recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; hereproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before God for their transgressions. From Ferrando (pp. 59–60) we translate Santa Justa’s “Instructions to the secular clergy” in 1771; it will appear later in this volume.↑11Forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the Mindanao Moros (Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 277, 278):“Though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of Magindano are these. For theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the Mahometans of Atcheen. For maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (The industrious Chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcingkangansupon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. The ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in Germany, in former days.) Inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. Where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. If there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the Sultan claims it for the poor. It is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. If a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. A child’s name is not given by priests, as in the Molucca islands, and in other Mahometan countries. The father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water.“The form of government at Magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. Next to the Sultan is Rajah Moodo, his successor elect. Then Mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain Laut, overseer of the Sultan’s little navy, are both named by the Sultan. There are also six Manteries, or judges named by the Sultan, and six Amba Rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, Forrest calls them “protectors of the people’s privileges”]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. Although the Sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the Datoos,not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. When he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary.”↑12Montero y Vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. Later, he ascribes this proceeding to Governor Basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from Mamburao.↑13“Plan of the present condition of the city of Manila, and of its environs and suburbs. Explanation.—A. Royal fort. B. Small bastion of San Francisco. C. San Juan. D. Santa Ysabel. E. San Eugenio. F. San Joseph. G. Ancient redoubt. H. Bastion of the foundry. I. A kind of ravelin. J. Bastion of San Andres or Carranza. K. Bastion of San Lorenzo of Dilao. L. Work of the reverse. M. Bastion and gate of the Parian. N. Bastion of San Gabriel. O. Bastion and gate of Santo Domingo. P. Bastion and gate of the magazines. Q. Bastion or stronghold of the fortin. R. Royal alcaiceria of San Fernando. S. The cathedral church. T. San Domingo. V. San Francisco. X. San Agustin. Y. The church of the former Society of Jesus. Z. San Nicolas de Recoletos. 1. San Juan de Dios. 2. Royal chapel. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Ysabel. 5. Santa Potenciana. 6. Beaterio of the former Society, and now of Buena Enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. Beaterio of Santa Cathalina. 9. College of San Phelipe. 10. College of the former San Joseph. 11. College of Santo Thomàs. 12. Royal hospital. 14. Convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of Tondo. 15. Parish church of the village of Binondo. 16. Parish church of the village of Santa Cruz. 17. Parish church of Quyapo. 18. Convent and parish church of San Sebastian. 19. Convent and parish church of the Parian. 20. Chapel of San Anton, a chapel of ease. 21. Convent and parish church of Dilao. 22. Parish church of San Miguel. 23. Hospital of San Lazaro. 24. Ruined convent of San Juan de Bagombaya. 25. Hospital of San Gabriel. Here the Sangleys are treated. 26. Convalescent hospital of San Juan de Dios. 27. Mayjalique, a former estate of the Society of Jesus. 28. Palace where the Governor resides. 29. Royal Audiencia and accountancy. 30. Houses of cabildo. 31. Battery of the English. 32. Spanish battery.” [Below is giventhe scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 94 × 64 cm.]↑14Cf. Anda’s earlier management of revenues: “Anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which Anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. Thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship ‘Filipino,’ the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury.” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.)On January 14, 1765, Viana rendered an opinion (see hisRespuestas, fol. 67v–74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of Manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king’s needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. The contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the Acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but Viana refutes their objections, and reminds the Audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. In this document, Viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to Manila by the “Filipino,” 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later Torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter.↑15See also Le Gentil’s account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at Manila (Voyage, ii, pp. 360–366). He states that the Spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes:terræ moto, a trembling which “makes itself felt from below upward;” andtemblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea.A list of the earthquakes which the Philippine Islands (andespecially Manila) have suffered was made by Alexis Perrey, and published in theMémoiresof the Academy of Dijon, in 1860. (Jagor,Reisen, p. 6.)↑16See, as an instance of this, the citation made by Mas (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” pp. 18, 19) from a MS. by Martínez Zúñiga, complaining of Anda’s conduct toward the friars. Mas, however, cordially endorses most of Anda’s conduct while in command in Filipinas.↑17See this document,post(Anda’sMemorial). Montero y Vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see hisHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 239–244.↑18Fray Miguel Garcia, bishop of Nueva Segovia, died at Vigan, on November 11, 1779.↑19The present lists of the islands contain no such name as Balambangan. As Montero y Vidal says that it was next to Cagayán de Joló (now Cagayán Sulu) it may be the islet now called Mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile.↑20When the Chinese were expelled from Manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in Joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of Cencelly’s expedition; these took sides with the Joloans against the Spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 265.)↑21“The Datos at once feared the vengeance of the English, and declared Tenteng unworthy of the rights of a Joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. The Sultan wrote to the governor of Zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the Datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him theCuria filípicaand theEmpresas políticasof Saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the English would make against him. (This sultan Israel had studied in the college of San José at Manila.)” Tenteng repaired to Joló with his booty and the captured English vessel; “these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted.” He surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. “About the year 1803, in which the squadron of General Álava returned to the Peninsula, the English again took possession of the island of Balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in Joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the Visayas, telling the Joloans that they themselves only cared to seize Manila and the Acapulko galleon …. In 1805, the English embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned Balanbangan.” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 16.)Montero y Vidal says (pp. 380–382) that the English attacked Zamboanga (1803) on the way to Balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. They had at the latter place three ships of the East India Company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 Sepoys under European officers, and 200 Chinese. “In a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned Balambangan to go to Batavia.” “The English, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned Balambangan, on December 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island.”↑22Regarding Anda’s birth, seeVOL. XLIX, p. 132, note 74. According to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at Alcalá)taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. He opened an office in Madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. In 1755 he received an appointment to the Audiencia of Manila, of which post he took possession on July 21, 1761.Anda was succeededad interimby Pedro Sarrio, “who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 21).↑23A full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in Mas,ut supra, pp. 23–28.↑24By a royal decree of January 12, 1777, it was ordained that the Indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by Anda.↑25Zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of San Pedro Tunasan (Estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): “The owner of these lands is the college of San José in Manila, which has there a good stone house, and a Spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. The land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. Also there are a good many mulberrytrees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. When the Economic Society was established in Manila, when Señor Basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. Silkworms were imported from China, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. Not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. A considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. When a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. In other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at Manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an Augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the Filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. The father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the Economic Society of Friends of the Country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. But, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. The rector of San José alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. The silkworms multiply well in Filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. There is practically not a month [in the year] when some silkcannot be obtained—very different from España, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. Notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near China, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands—where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country.”↑26Acordado, literally, meaning “decision;”lo acordado, “decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings.” Mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in America.↑27See Jagor’s note on this association (Reisen, pp. 307, 308).↑28“Only one plant of those that were carried to the Filipinas Islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. Perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. So important for España is its utility that it alone, if his Majesty’s government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony.” “Tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of Havana. The government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the Visayas, but in all the island of Luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. Nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in Pampanga, Gapan, Nueva Ecija, and in the province of Cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices.” “To the far-seeing policy of the captain-general Don José Basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. Its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. In 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of Luzon was then divided. It is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue—not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. Certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. But there was no other means, ifthat worthy governor’s economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of Luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. If to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous.” “At the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: Gapan, in the province of Pampanga; some districts in Cagayan, and the little island of Marinduque—although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. Notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros].” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.)See Jagor’s interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in hisReisen, pp. 257–270. One of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866–67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern China from the Philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “probably by way of Japan.”The idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by Viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110,post).↑29The title given to him was “Conde de la Conquista de las islas Batanes” (“Count of the Conquest of the Batanes islands”); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of Basco.↑30Regarding the Chinese in Filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: Mallat,Les Philippines(Paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; Jagor,Reisen, pp. 271–279; Rafael Comenge’sCuestiones filipinas, part i, “Los Chinos” (Manila, 1894); F. W. Williams, “The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia,” inReport, 1899, of American Historical Association (Washington, 1900), i, pp. 171–204;China en Filipinas(Manila, 1889), articles written mainly by Pablo Feced;Los Chinos en Filipinas(Manila, 1886).↑31When the tobacco monopoly was established in Cagayan, the natives so resented this measure “that many of them abandoned the province and went to Manila” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, p. 438).↑32Agustin Pedro Blaquier (Blasquier) was born at Barcelona in 1747, and entered the Augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. In 1772 he arrived at Manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to Ilocos. Later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. He died at Ilagan while visiting his diocese, December 30, 1803. He was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various MS. writings.↑33Apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use.↑34Huerta gives his name (Estado, p. 437) as Juan Antonio Gallego or de Santa Rosa, and Orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). He came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and Manila, spent the years 1771–79 as procurator of his province to the court of Madrid. Returning to Filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on April 27, 1780. In his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the Catanduanes Islands. After nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of Manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. He died at Santa Ana, on May 15, 1797. Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was “very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies.”↑35See note 26, p. 50,ante. An opinion rendered by Viana on April 22, 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the Santa Hermandad had been transplanted from Spain to the Philippines. It seems that the “alcalde of the Hermandad,” also styled the “provincial alcalde of Manila,” claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of Manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). The fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of Manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the Hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde’s commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the Audiencia is competent to settle the present question. Viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of Manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. “The said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing.”↑36Montero y Vidal cites (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from Fray Nicolás Becerra’sEstado general de la provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de padres Agustinos descalzos de Filipinas(Sampaloc, 1820): “Before the invasion of the Moros, Mindoro was the storehouse of Manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. In that epoch—truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the State—so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the Recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of Mindoro’s conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. Then came its desolation by the Moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of Calapan and Naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. These administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time Mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the Recollect fathers.” Montero y Vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 Aguilar created a corregidor for Mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants—who in fear of the Moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island—to return to their villages on the coasts. He made his headquarters at Calapan, the chief village of Mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the Moros seldom troubled that region.↑37“Besides the tribute, every male Indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólosand services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). The pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes—the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc.” This requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province—usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. “Thetanoriaconsists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. One maybuy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1¾ reals.” (Jagor,Reisen, p. 295.)On pp. 90, 91, Jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to Manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. He instances this use of it in the province of Albay (in 1840) by the alcalde Peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which Jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges.↑38Spanish,azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprintedaxúcar(“sugar”). The former reading is more probably correct.↑39Regarding the Chinese in the Philippines, seeReportsof the Philippine Commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the Commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619–631; 1904, part i, pp. 707–711. Also the recentCensusof the islands, especially vols. i and ii. See also the works mentionedante, p. 57, note 30.↑40Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 37): “Marquinawas accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for España except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. At Madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos.” Mas also states that during the terms of Basco and Marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates.↑41Thus named from the barrack or sheds of San Fernando; the locality was originally abarrioof Binondo called Santisimo Niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of Basco. On this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (Barrantes,Guerras piraticas, p. 163.)↑42It was Álava’s expeditions which gave Father Martínez de Zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in hisEstadismo de las Islas Filipinas; for he accompanied Álava therein, at the latter’s request.↑43“The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America. Arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established.All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra’s suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained …. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.” (Bancroft,Hist. Mexico, iii, p. 420.)↑44Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 47): “In that same year 1800,… the king ordered that the arsenal called La Barraca should be abolished, and that only that of Cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. The execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, Aguilar, and General Álava.”See Barrantes’s fuller account (Guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249–263) of the arsenals at La Barraca and Cavite, and the controversies over them. According to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of Corregidor Island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed—to say nothing of the fraud and “graft” already hinted at.↑45In 1797 the following military forces were maintained in Filipinas: Infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of Malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of Luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. There were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (Guía oficial de España, 1797; cited in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.)↑46The Spanish régime in Filipinas lasted 333 years, from Legazpi’s first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the United States. During that time, there were 97 governors—not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostlyad interim—and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands.↑

1This résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from Montero y Vidal’sHistoria de Filipinas, ii, pp. 66–70, 115–140, 229–382; that work is mainly annalistic. Of those which we have used in former volumes, Murillo Velarde’s stops at 1716, and Concepción and Zúñiga at the siege of Manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which Zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); Montero y Vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. Wherever possible, we have used his own language—which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks.↑2On March 27, 1765, Viana declared (Respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of Pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the English invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. Later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; “for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay.”↑3Puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (VOL. XLIX, p. 337, note208)—cf. what Viana says of those officials in his “Memorial” (VOL. XLVIII), chapter v, sections 34–38—but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials.↑4Ferrando (v, pp. 9–16) says that Puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, Father Bernardo Pazaengos (more correctly written Pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, “with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into Manila during the invasion by the English;” and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. The Audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the Jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that Puch should give satisfaction to the Audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. Pazuengos laid the case before the heads of Santo Tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the Audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the Audiencia; but that he declared Puch to be “immune and exempt from blame” in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the Audiencia. He added that, if this were not enough, he would send Puch to the Mindanao missions. This aroused Viana’s anger, first “against the Jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel.” At this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting Viana’s attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the English invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at Tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal’s unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. Ferrando condemns Puch’s imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the Jesuits. Ferrando adds (p. 24): “We have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister Pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the Catholic king. Aranda, Roda, Campománes,Azpuru, and Floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the French encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated Tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines”—that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (Gray’sVelázquez Dictionary).In regard to this last statement, cf. Manuel Danvila y Collado, in hisReinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 561–564: “Religious intolerance, still great in the reign of Felipe V, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. In the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in España twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the Holy Office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemnauto de fewas held in 1701, which he declined to attend. Nevertheless, he protected the Inquisition, because Louis XIV had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the Jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in España after the annexation of Portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of Bourbon. The sect of Molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even Macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from España, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of theHistoria civil de España, by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. These rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of Fernando VI, who permitted Macanaz to return to España, and who established as a principle that the coming of the Bourbons to the throne of the Españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the Holy Office … Even the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of España, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. TheDiario de los literatosalso enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought tobe formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of Fernando VI; while at the same time the rigors of the Inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. Indeed, from that time the Holy Office occupied itself only with persecuting the Jesuits and the Free Masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of Clement XII of April 28, 1738, renewed on May 18, 1751)…. There certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of Diderot and D’Alambert—and especially of theEncyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772—it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the French freethinkers—but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state …. The Spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or Encyclopedistic propaganda of France.”The official opinion by Viana regarding the Puch episode may be found in a MS. volume entitled,Respuestas dadas por el fiscal de S. M., fol. 22v–26; it is apparently Viana’s own original record of his official opinions delivered to the Audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the British forces.↑5Le Gentil (who sojourned in Manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in hisVoyage(t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and Raón even displayed to Le Gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a French ship which came to Manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. Raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the Jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion.↑6This date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture ofbarrillason February 16, 1765. This is shown by the entry for that date in Viana’sRespuestas(MS.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. From fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in March.↑7See Jagor’s description of the great volcano of Mayon and his ascent of it (September, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in hisReisen, pp. 75–84. Cf. Le Gentil’s description of it and of this eruption (Voyage, ii, pp. 13–19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of Albay. Its summit was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen made the ascent in April, 1858.↑8Santa Justa belonged to the Order of Escuelas Pías (seeVOL. XLVIII, pp. 52–54, note 10). See list of writings by this prelate, in Montero y Vidal’sHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380–389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the Spanish government.↑9When Raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to Arandía in the like case. The Dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor’s commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in Europe; Raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. “This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the Parián and Binondo, and afterwards those of the province of Bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. He found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in Bataan, in the banishment of the Jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating.” “As the ministries in the island of Negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the Jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. The latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the Dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of Bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of Negros. He offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of thisopportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of Bataan. In effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of Negros.” “The bishop of Cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of Negros and the province of Iloilo,… consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of Iloilo, Himaras, Mandurriao and Molog, in the island of Panay; and those of Ilog, Cabancalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgonan, in that of Negros. With great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the Jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. Thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages.” (Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.)↑10“All the curacies of the banished Jesuits, those of the Dominicans and Recollects, and those of the Augustinians in Pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. In order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many Indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. On account of this it was a common saying in Manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all.” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, ii, p. 279.)The result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 51–61. He recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; hereproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before God for their transgressions. From Ferrando (pp. 59–60) we translate Santa Justa’s “Instructions to the secular clergy” in 1771; it will appear later in this volume.↑11Forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the Mindanao Moros (Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 277, 278):“Though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of Magindano are these. For theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the Mahometans of Atcheen. For maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (The industrious Chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcingkangansupon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. The ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in Germany, in former days.) Inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. Where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. If there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the Sultan claims it for the poor. It is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. If a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. A child’s name is not given by priests, as in the Molucca islands, and in other Mahometan countries. The father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water.“The form of government at Magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. Next to the Sultan is Rajah Moodo, his successor elect. Then Mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain Laut, overseer of the Sultan’s little navy, are both named by the Sultan. There are also six Manteries, or judges named by the Sultan, and six Amba Rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, Forrest calls them “protectors of the people’s privileges”]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. Although the Sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the Datoos,not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. When he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary.”↑12Montero y Vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. Later, he ascribes this proceeding to Governor Basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from Mamburao.↑13“Plan of the present condition of the city of Manila, and of its environs and suburbs. Explanation.—A. Royal fort. B. Small bastion of San Francisco. C. San Juan. D. Santa Ysabel. E. San Eugenio. F. San Joseph. G. Ancient redoubt. H. Bastion of the foundry. I. A kind of ravelin. J. Bastion of San Andres or Carranza. K. Bastion of San Lorenzo of Dilao. L. Work of the reverse. M. Bastion and gate of the Parian. N. Bastion of San Gabriel. O. Bastion and gate of Santo Domingo. P. Bastion and gate of the magazines. Q. Bastion or stronghold of the fortin. R. Royal alcaiceria of San Fernando. S. The cathedral church. T. San Domingo. V. San Francisco. X. San Agustin. Y. The church of the former Society of Jesus. Z. San Nicolas de Recoletos. 1. San Juan de Dios. 2. Royal chapel. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Ysabel. 5. Santa Potenciana. 6. Beaterio of the former Society, and now of Buena Enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. Beaterio of Santa Cathalina. 9. College of San Phelipe. 10. College of the former San Joseph. 11. College of Santo Thomàs. 12. Royal hospital. 14. Convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of Tondo. 15. Parish church of the village of Binondo. 16. Parish church of the village of Santa Cruz. 17. Parish church of Quyapo. 18. Convent and parish church of San Sebastian. 19. Convent and parish church of the Parian. 20. Chapel of San Anton, a chapel of ease. 21. Convent and parish church of Dilao. 22. Parish church of San Miguel. 23. Hospital of San Lazaro. 24. Ruined convent of San Juan de Bagombaya. 25. Hospital of San Gabriel. Here the Sangleys are treated. 26. Convalescent hospital of San Juan de Dios. 27. Mayjalique, a former estate of the Society of Jesus. 28. Palace where the Governor resides. 29. Royal Audiencia and accountancy. 30. Houses of cabildo. 31. Battery of the English. 32. Spanish battery.” [Below is giventhe scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 94 × 64 cm.]↑14Cf. Anda’s earlier management of revenues: “Anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which Anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. Thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship ‘Filipino,’ the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury.” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.)On January 14, 1765, Viana rendered an opinion (see hisRespuestas, fol. 67v–74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of Manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king’s needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. The contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the Acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but Viana refutes their objections, and reminds the Audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. In this document, Viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to Manila by the “Filipino,” 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later Torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter.↑15See also Le Gentil’s account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at Manila (Voyage, ii, pp. 360–366). He states that the Spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes:terræ moto, a trembling which “makes itself felt from below upward;” andtemblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea.A list of the earthquakes which the Philippine Islands (andespecially Manila) have suffered was made by Alexis Perrey, and published in theMémoiresof the Academy of Dijon, in 1860. (Jagor,Reisen, p. 6.)↑16See, as an instance of this, the citation made by Mas (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” pp. 18, 19) from a MS. by Martínez Zúñiga, complaining of Anda’s conduct toward the friars. Mas, however, cordially endorses most of Anda’s conduct while in command in Filipinas.↑17See this document,post(Anda’sMemorial). Montero y Vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see hisHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 239–244.↑18Fray Miguel Garcia, bishop of Nueva Segovia, died at Vigan, on November 11, 1779.↑19The present lists of the islands contain no such name as Balambangan. As Montero y Vidal says that it was next to Cagayán de Joló (now Cagayán Sulu) it may be the islet now called Mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile.↑20When the Chinese were expelled from Manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in Joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of Cencelly’s expedition; these took sides with the Joloans against the Spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 265.)↑21“The Datos at once feared the vengeance of the English, and declared Tenteng unworthy of the rights of a Joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. The Sultan wrote to the governor of Zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the Datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him theCuria filípicaand theEmpresas políticasof Saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the English would make against him. (This sultan Israel had studied in the college of San José at Manila.)” Tenteng repaired to Joló with his booty and the captured English vessel; “these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted.” He surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. “About the year 1803, in which the squadron of General Álava returned to the Peninsula, the English again took possession of the island of Balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in Joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the Visayas, telling the Joloans that they themselves only cared to seize Manila and the Acapulko galleon …. In 1805, the English embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned Balanbangan.” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 16.)Montero y Vidal says (pp. 380–382) that the English attacked Zamboanga (1803) on the way to Balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. They had at the latter place three ships of the East India Company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 Sepoys under European officers, and 200 Chinese. “In a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned Balambangan to go to Batavia.” “The English, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned Balambangan, on December 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island.”↑22Regarding Anda’s birth, seeVOL. XLIX, p. 132, note 74. According to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at Alcalá)taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. He opened an office in Madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. In 1755 he received an appointment to the Audiencia of Manila, of which post he took possession on July 21, 1761.Anda was succeededad interimby Pedro Sarrio, “who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 21).↑23A full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in Mas,ut supra, pp. 23–28.↑24By a royal decree of January 12, 1777, it was ordained that the Indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by Anda.↑25Zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of San Pedro Tunasan (Estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): “The owner of these lands is the college of San José in Manila, which has there a good stone house, and a Spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. The land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. Also there are a good many mulberrytrees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. When the Economic Society was established in Manila, when Señor Basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. Silkworms were imported from China, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. Not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. A considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. When a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. In other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at Manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an Augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the Filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. The father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the Economic Society of Friends of the Country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. But, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. The rector of San José alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. The silkworms multiply well in Filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. There is practically not a month [in the year] when some silkcannot be obtained—very different from España, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. Notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near China, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands—where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country.”↑26Acordado, literally, meaning “decision;”lo acordado, “decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings.” Mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in America.↑27See Jagor’s note on this association (Reisen, pp. 307, 308).↑28“Only one plant of those that were carried to the Filipinas Islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. Perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. So important for España is its utility that it alone, if his Majesty’s government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony.” “Tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of Havana. The government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the Visayas, but in all the island of Luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. Nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in Pampanga, Gapan, Nueva Ecija, and in the province of Cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices.” “To the far-seeing policy of the captain-general Don José Basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. Its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. In 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of Luzon was then divided. It is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue—not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. Certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. But there was no other means, ifthat worthy governor’s economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of Luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. If to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous.” “At the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: Gapan, in the province of Pampanga; some districts in Cagayan, and the little island of Marinduque—although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. Notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros].” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.)See Jagor’s interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in hisReisen, pp. 257–270. One of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866–67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern China from the Philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “probably by way of Japan.”The idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by Viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110,post).↑29The title given to him was “Conde de la Conquista de las islas Batanes” (“Count of the Conquest of the Batanes islands”); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of Basco.↑30Regarding the Chinese in Filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: Mallat,Les Philippines(Paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; Jagor,Reisen, pp. 271–279; Rafael Comenge’sCuestiones filipinas, part i, “Los Chinos” (Manila, 1894); F. W. Williams, “The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia,” inReport, 1899, of American Historical Association (Washington, 1900), i, pp. 171–204;China en Filipinas(Manila, 1889), articles written mainly by Pablo Feced;Los Chinos en Filipinas(Manila, 1886).↑31When the tobacco monopoly was established in Cagayan, the natives so resented this measure “that many of them abandoned the province and went to Manila” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, p. 438).↑32Agustin Pedro Blaquier (Blasquier) was born at Barcelona in 1747, and entered the Augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. In 1772 he arrived at Manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to Ilocos. Later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. He died at Ilagan while visiting his diocese, December 30, 1803. He was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various MS. writings.↑33Apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use.↑34Huerta gives his name (Estado, p. 437) as Juan Antonio Gallego or de Santa Rosa, and Orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). He came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and Manila, spent the years 1771–79 as procurator of his province to the court of Madrid. Returning to Filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on April 27, 1780. In his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the Catanduanes Islands. After nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of Manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. He died at Santa Ana, on May 15, 1797. Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was “very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies.”↑35See note 26, p. 50,ante. An opinion rendered by Viana on April 22, 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the Santa Hermandad had been transplanted from Spain to the Philippines. It seems that the “alcalde of the Hermandad,” also styled the “provincial alcalde of Manila,” claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of Manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). The fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of Manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the Hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde’s commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the Audiencia is competent to settle the present question. Viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of Manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. “The said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing.”↑36Montero y Vidal cites (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from Fray Nicolás Becerra’sEstado general de la provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de padres Agustinos descalzos de Filipinas(Sampaloc, 1820): “Before the invasion of the Moros, Mindoro was the storehouse of Manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. In that epoch—truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the State—so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the Recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of Mindoro’s conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. Then came its desolation by the Moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of Calapan and Naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. These administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time Mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the Recollect fathers.” Montero y Vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 Aguilar created a corregidor for Mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants—who in fear of the Moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island—to return to their villages on the coasts. He made his headquarters at Calapan, the chief village of Mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the Moros seldom troubled that region.↑37“Besides the tribute, every male Indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólosand services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). The pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes—the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc.” This requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province—usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. “Thetanoriaconsists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. One maybuy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1¾ reals.” (Jagor,Reisen, p. 295.)On pp. 90, 91, Jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to Manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. He instances this use of it in the province of Albay (in 1840) by the alcalde Peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which Jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges.↑38Spanish,azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprintedaxúcar(“sugar”). The former reading is more probably correct.↑39Regarding the Chinese in the Philippines, seeReportsof the Philippine Commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the Commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619–631; 1904, part i, pp. 707–711. Also the recentCensusof the islands, especially vols. i and ii. See also the works mentionedante, p. 57, note 30.↑40Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 37): “Marquinawas accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for España except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. At Madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos.” Mas also states that during the terms of Basco and Marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates.↑41Thus named from the barrack or sheds of San Fernando; the locality was originally abarrioof Binondo called Santisimo Niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of Basco. On this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (Barrantes,Guerras piraticas, p. 163.)↑42It was Álava’s expeditions which gave Father Martínez de Zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in hisEstadismo de las Islas Filipinas; for he accompanied Álava therein, at the latter’s request.↑43“The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America. Arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established.All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra’s suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained …. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.” (Bancroft,Hist. Mexico, iii, p. 420.)↑44Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 47): “In that same year 1800,… the king ordered that the arsenal called La Barraca should be abolished, and that only that of Cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. The execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, Aguilar, and General Álava.”See Barrantes’s fuller account (Guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249–263) of the arsenals at La Barraca and Cavite, and the controversies over them. According to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of Corregidor Island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed—to say nothing of the fraud and “graft” already hinted at.↑45In 1797 the following military forces were maintained in Filipinas: Infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of Malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of Luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. There were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (Guía oficial de España, 1797; cited in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.)↑46The Spanish régime in Filipinas lasted 333 years, from Legazpi’s first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the United States. During that time, there were 97 governors—not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostlyad interim—and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands.↑

1This résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from Montero y Vidal’sHistoria de Filipinas, ii, pp. 66–70, 115–140, 229–382; that work is mainly annalistic. Of those which we have used in former volumes, Murillo Velarde’s stops at 1716, and Concepción and Zúñiga at the siege of Manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which Zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); Montero y Vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. Wherever possible, we have used his own language—which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks.↑2On March 27, 1765, Viana declared (Respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of Pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the English invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. Later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; “for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay.”↑3Puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (VOL. XLIX, p. 337, note208)—cf. what Viana says of those officials in his “Memorial” (VOL. XLVIII), chapter v, sections 34–38—but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials.↑4Ferrando (v, pp. 9–16) says that Puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, Father Bernardo Pazaengos (more correctly written Pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, “with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into Manila during the invasion by the English;” and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. The Audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the Jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that Puch should give satisfaction to the Audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. Pazuengos laid the case before the heads of Santo Tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the Audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the Audiencia; but that he declared Puch to be “immune and exempt from blame” in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the Audiencia. He added that, if this were not enough, he would send Puch to the Mindanao missions. This aroused Viana’s anger, first “against the Jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel.” At this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting Viana’s attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the English invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at Tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal’s unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. Ferrando condemns Puch’s imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the Jesuits. Ferrando adds (p. 24): “We have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister Pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the Catholic king. Aranda, Roda, Campománes,Azpuru, and Floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the French encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated Tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines”—that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (Gray’sVelázquez Dictionary).In regard to this last statement, cf. Manuel Danvila y Collado, in hisReinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 561–564: “Religious intolerance, still great in the reign of Felipe V, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. In the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in España twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the Holy Office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemnauto de fewas held in 1701, which he declined to attend. Nevertheless, he protected the Inquisition, because Louis XIV had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the Jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in España after the annexation of Portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of Bourbon. The sect of Molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even Macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from España, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of theHistoria civil de España, by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. These rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of Fernando VI, who permitted Macanaz to return to España, and who established as a principle that the coming of the Bourbons to the throne of the Españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the Holy Office … Even the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of España, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. TheDiario de los literatosalso enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought tobe formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of Fernando VI; while at the same time the rigors of the Inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. Indeed, from that time the Holy Office occupied itself only with persecuting the Jesuits and the Free Masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of Clement XII of April 28, 1738, renewed on May 18, 1751)…. There certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of Diderot and D’Alambert—and especially of theEncyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772—it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the French freethinkers—but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state …. The Spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or Encyclopedistic propaganda of France.”The official opinion by Viana regarding the Puch episode may be found in a MS. volume entitled,Respuestas dadas por el fiscal de S. M., fol. 22v–26; it is apparently Viana’s own original record of his official opinions delivered to the Audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the British forces.↑5Le Gentil (who sojourned in Manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in hisVoyage(t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and Raón even displayed to Le Gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a French ship which came to Manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. Raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the Jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion.↑6This date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture ofbarrillason February 16, 1765. This is shown by the entry for that date in Viana’sRespuestas(MS.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. From fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in March.↑7See Jagor’s description of the great volcano of Mayon and his ascent of it (September, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in hisReisen, pp. 75–84. Cf. Le Gentil’s description of it and of this eruption (Voyage, ii, pp. 13–19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of Albay. Its summit was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen made the ascent in April, 1858.↑8Santa Justa belonged to the Order of Escuelas Pías (seeVOL. XLVIII, pp. 52–54, note 10). See list of writings by this prelate, in Montero y Vidal’sHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380–389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the Spanish government.↑9When Raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to Arandía in the like case. The Dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor’s commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in Europe; Raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. “This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the Parián and Binondo, and afterwards those of the province of Bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. He found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in Bataan, in the banishment of the Jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating.” “As the ministries in the island of Negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the Jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. The latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the Dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of Bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of Negros. He offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of thisopportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of Bataan. In effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of Negros.” “The bishop of Cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of Negros and the province of Iloilo,… consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of Iloilo, Himaras, Mandurriao and Molog, in the island of Panay; and those of Ilog, Cabancalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgonan, in that of Negros. With great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the Jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. Thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages.” (Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.)↑10“All the curacies of the banished Jesuits, those of the Dominicans and Recollects, and those of the Augustinians in Pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. In order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many Indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. On account of this it was a common saying in Manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all.” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, ii, p. 279.)The result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 51–61. He recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; hereproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before God for their transgressions. From Ferrando (pp. 59–60) we translate Santa Justa’s “Instructions to the secular clergy” in 1771; it will appear later in this volume.↑11Forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the Mindanao Moros (Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 277, 278):“Though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of Magindano are these. For theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the Mahometans of Atcheen. For maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (The industrious Chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcingkangansupon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. The ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in Germany, in former days.) Inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. Where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. If there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the Sultan claims it for the poor. It is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. If a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. A child’s name is not given by priests, as in the Molucca islands, and in other Mahometan countries. The father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water.“The form of government at Magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. Next to the Sultan is Rajah Moodo, his successor elect. Then Mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain Laut, overseer of the Sultan’s little navy, are both named by the Sultan. There are also six Manteries, or judges named by the Sultan, and six Amba Rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, Forrest calls them “protectors of the people’s privileges”]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. Although the Sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the Datoos,not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. When he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary.”↑12Montero y Vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. Later, he ascribes this proceeding to Governor Basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from Mamburao.↑13“Plan of the present condition of the city of Manila, and of its environs and suburbs. Explanation.—A. Royal fort. B. Small bastion of San Francisco. C. San Juan. D. Santa Ysabel. E. San Eugenio. F. San Joseph. G. Ancient redoubt. H. Bastion of the foundry. I. A kind of ravelin. J. Bastion of San Andres or Carranza. K. Bastion of San Lorenzo of Dilao. L. Work of the reverse. M. Bastion and gate of the Parian. N. Bastion of San Gabriel. O. Bastion and gate of Santo Domingo. P. Bastion and gate of the magazines. Q. Bastion or stronghold of the fortin. R. Royal alcaiceria of San Fernando. S. The cathedral church. T. San Domingo. V. San Francisco. X. San Agustin. Y. The church of the former Society of Jesus. Z. San Nicolas de Recoletos. 1. San Juan de Dios. 2. Royal chapel. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Ysabel. 5. Santa Potenciana. 6. Beaterio of the former Society, and now of Buena Enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. Beaterio of Santa Cathalina. 9. College of San Phelipe. 10. College of the former San Joseph. 11. College of Santo Thomàs. 12. Royal hospital. 14. Convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of Tondo. 15. Parish church of the village of Binondo. 16. Parish church of the village of Santa Cruz. 17. Parish church of Quyapo. 18. Convent and parish church of San Sebastian. 19. Convent and parish church of the Parian. 20. Chapel of San Anton, a chapel of ease. 21. Convent and parish church of Dilao. 22. Parish church of San Miguel. 23. Hospital of San Lazaro. 24. Ruined convent of San Juan de Bagombaya. 25. Hospital of San Gabriel. Here the Sangleys are treated. 26. Convalescent hospital of San Juan de Dios. 27. Mayjalique, a former estate of the Society of Jesus. 28. Palace where the Governor resides. 29. Royal Audiencia and accountancy. 30. Houses of cabildo. 31. Battery of the English. 32. Spanish battery.” [Below is giventhe scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 94 × 64 cm.]↑14Cf. Anda’s earlier management of revenues: “Anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which Anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. Thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship ‘Filipino,’ the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury.” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.)On January 14, 1765, Viana rendered an opinion (see hisRespuestas, fol. 67v–74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of Manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king’s needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. The contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the Acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but Viana refutes their objections, and reminds the Audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. In this document, Viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to Manila by the “Filipino,” 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later Torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter.↑15See also Le Gentil’s account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at Manila (Voyage, ii, pp. 360–366). He states that the Spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes:terræ moto, a trembling which “makes itself felt from below upward;” andtemblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea.A list of the earthquakes which the Philippine Islands (andespecially Manila) have suffered was made by Alexis Perrey, and published in theMémoiresof the Academy of Dijon, in 1860. (Jagor,Reisen, p. 6.)↑16See, as an instance of this, the citation made by Mas (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” pp. 18, 19) from a MS. by Martínez Zúñiga, complaining of Anda’s conduct toward the friars. Mas, however, cordially endorses most of Anda’s conduct while in command in Filipinas.↑17See this document,post(Anda’sMemorial). Montero y Vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see hisHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 239–244.↑18Fray Miguel Garcia, bishop of Nueva Segovia, died at Vigan, on November 11, 1779.↑19The present lists of the islands contain no such name as Balambangan. As Montero y Vidal says that it was next to Cagayán de Joló (now Cagayán Sulu) it may be the islet now called Mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile.↑20When the Chinese were expelled from Manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in Joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of Cencelly’s expedition; these took sides with the Joloans against the Spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 265.)↑21“The Datos at once feared the vengeance of the English, and declared Tenteng unworthy of the rights of a Joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. The Sultan wrote to the governor of Zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the Datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him theCuria filípicaand theEmpresas políticasof Saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the English would make against him. (This sultan Israel had studied in the college of San José at Manila.)” Tenteng repaired to Joló with his booty and the captured English vessel; “these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted.” He surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. “About the year 1803, in which the squadron of General Álava returned to the Peninsula, the English again took possession of the island of Balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in Joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the Visayas, telling the Joloans that they themselves only cared to seize Manila and the Acapulko galleon …. In 1805, the English embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned Balanbangan.” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 16.)Montero y Vidal says (pp. 380–382) that the English attacked Zamboanga (1803) on the way to Balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. They had at the latter place three ships of the East India Company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 Sepoys under European officers, and 200 Chinese. “In a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned Balambangan to go to Batavia.” “The English, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned Balambangan, on December 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island.”↑22Regarding Anda’s birth, seeVOL. XLIX, p. 132, note 74. According to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at Alcalá)taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. He opened an office in Madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. In 1755 he received an appointment to the Audiencia of Manila, of which post he took possession on July 21, 1761.Anda was succeededad interimby Pedro Sarrio, “who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 21).↑23A full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in Mas,ut supra, pp. 23–28.↑24By a royal decree of January 12, 1777, it was ordained that the Indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by Anda.↑25Zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of San Pedro Tunasan (Estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): “The owner of these lands is the college of San José in Manila, which has there a good stone house, and a Spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. The land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. Also there are a good many mulberrytrees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. When the Economic Society was established in Manila, when Señor Basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. Silkworms were imported from China, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. Not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. A considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. When a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. In other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at Manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an Augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the Filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. The father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the Economic Society of Friends of the Country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. But, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. The rector of San José alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. The silkworms multiply well in Filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. There is practically not a month [in the year] when some silkcannot be obtained—very different from España, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. Notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near China, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands—where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country.”↑26Acordado, literally, meaning “decision;”lo acordado, “decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings.” Mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in America.↑27See Jagor’s note on this association (Reisen, pp. 307, 308).↑28“Only one plant of those that were carried to the Filipinas Islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. Perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. So important for España is its utility that it alone, if his Majesty’s government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony.” “Tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of Havana. The government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the Visayas, but in all the island of Luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. Nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in Pampanga, Gapan, Nueva Ecija, and in the province of Cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices.” “To the far-seeing policy of the captain-general Don José Basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. Its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. In 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of Luzon was then divided. It is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue—not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. Certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. But there was no other means, ifthat worthy governor’s economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of Luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. If to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous.” “At the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: Gapan, in the province of Pampanga; some districts in Cagayan, and the little island of Marinduque—although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. Notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros].” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.)See Jagor’s interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in hisReisen, pp. 257–270. One of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866–67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern China from the Philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “probably by way of Japan.”The idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by Viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110,post).↑29The title given to him was “Conde de la Conquista de las islas Batanes” (“Count of the Conquest of the Batanes islands”); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of Basco.↑30Regarding the Chinese in Filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: Mallat,Les Philippines(Paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; Jagor,Reisen, pp. 271–279; Rafael Comenge’sCuestiones filipinas, part i, “Los Chinos” (Manila, 1894); F. W. Williams, “The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia,” inReport, 1899, of American Historical Association (Washington, 1900), i, pp. 171–204;China en Filipinas(Manila, 1889), articles written mainly by Pablo Feced;Los Chinos en Filipinas(Manila, 1886).↑31When the tobacco monopoly was established in Cagayan, the natives so resented this measure “that many of them abandoned the province and went to Manila” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, p. 438).↑32Agustin Pedro Blaquier (Blasquier) was born at Barcelona in 1747, and entered the Augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. In 1772 he arrived at Manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to Ilocos. Later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. He died at Ilagan while visiting his diocese, December 30, 1803. He was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various MS. writings.↑33Apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use.↑34Huerta gives his name (Estado, p. 437) as Juan Antonio Gallego or de Santa Rosa, and Orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). He came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and Manila, spent the years 1771–79 as procurator of his province to the court of Madrid. Returning to Filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on April 27, 1780. In his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the Catanduanes Islands. After nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of Manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. He died at Santa Ana, on May 15, 1797. Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was “very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies.”↑35See note 26, p. 50,ante. An opinion rendered by Viana on April 22, 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the Santa Hermandad had been transplanted from Spain to the Philippines. It seems that the “alcalde of the Hermandad,” also styled the “provincial alcalde of Manila,” claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of Manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). The fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of Manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the Hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde’s commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the Audiencia is competent to settle the present question. Viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of Manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. “The said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing.”↑36Montero y Vidal cites (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from Fray Nicolás Becerra’sEstado general de la provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de padres Agustinos descalzos de Filipinas(Sampaloc, 1820): “Before the invasion of the Moros, Mindoro was the storehouse of Manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. In that epoch—truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the State—so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the Recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of Mindoro’s conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. Then came its desolation by the Moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of Calapan and Naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. These administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time Mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the Recollect fathers.” Montero y Vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 Aguilar created a corregidor for Mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants—who in fear of the Moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island—to return to their villages on the coasts. He made his headquarters at Calapan, the chief village of Mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the Moros seldom troubled that region.↑37“Besides the tribute, every male Indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólosand services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). The pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes—the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc.” This requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province—usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. “Thetanoriaconsists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. One maybuy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1¾ reals.” (Jagor,Reisen, p. 295.)On pp. 90, 91, Jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to Manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. He instances this use of it in the province of Albay (in 1840) by the alcalde Peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which Jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges.↑38Spanish,azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprintedaxúcar(“sugar”). The former reading is more probably correct.↑39Regarding the Chinese in the Philippines, seeReportsof the Philippine Commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the Commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619–631; 1904, part i, pp. 707–711. Also the recentCensusof the islands, especially vols. i and ii. See also the works mentionedante, p. 57, note 30.↑40Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 37): “Marquinawas accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for España except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. At Madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos.” Mas also states that during the terms of Basco and Marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates.↑41Thus named from the barrack or sheds of San Fernando; the locality was originally abarrioof Binondo called Santisimo Niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of Basco. On this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (Barrantes,Guerras piraticas, p. 163.)↑42It was Álava’s expeditions which gave Father Martínez de Zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in hisEstadismo de las Islas Filipinas; for he accompanied Álava therein, at the latter’s request.↑43“The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America. Arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established.All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra’s suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained …. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.” (Bancroft,Hist. Mexico, iii, p. 420.)↑44Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 47): “In that same year 1800,… the king ordered that the arsenal called La Barraca should be abolished, and that only that of Cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. The execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, Aguilar, and General Álava.”See Barrantes’s fuller account (Guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249–263) of the arsenals at La Barraca and Cavite, and the controversies over them. According to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of Corregidor Island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed—to say nothing of the fraud and “graft” already hinted at.↑45In 1797 the following military forces were maintained in Filipinas: Infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of Malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of Luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. There were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (Guía oficial de España, 1797; cited in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.)↑46The Spanish régime in Filipinas lasted 333 years, from Legazpi’s first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the United States. During that time, there were 97 governors—not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostlyad interim—and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands.↑

1This résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from Montero y Vidal’sHistoria de Filipinas, ii, pp. 66–70, 115–140, 229–382; that work is mainly annalistic. Of those which we have used in former volumes, Murillo Velarde’s stops at 1716, and Concepción and Zúñiga at the siege of Manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which Zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); Montero y Vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. Wherever possible, we have used his own language—which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks.↑2On March 27, 1765, Viana declared (Respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of Pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the English invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. Later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; “for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay.”↑3Puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (VOL. XLIX, p. 337, note208)—cf. what Viana says of those officials in his “Memorial” (VOL. XLVIII), chapter v, sections 34–38—but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials.↑4Ferrando (v, pp. 9–16) says that Puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, Father Bernardo Pazaengos (more correctly written Pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, “with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into Manila during the invasion by the English;” and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. The Audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the Jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that Puch should give satisfaction to the Audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. Pazuengos laid the case before the heads of Santo Tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the Audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the Audiencia; but that he declared Puch to be “immune and exempt from blame” in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the Audiencia. He added that, if this were not enough, he would send Puch to the Mindanao missions. This aroused Viana’s anger, first “against the Jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel.” At this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting Viana’s attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the English invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at Tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal’s unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. Ferrando condemns Puch’s imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the Jesuits. Ferrando adds (p. 24): “We have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister Pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the Catholic king. Aranda, Roda, Campománes,Azpuru, and Floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the French encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated Tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines”—that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (Gray’sVelázquez Dictionary).In regard to this last statement, cf. Manuel Danvila y Collado, in hisReinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 561–564: “Religious intolerance, still great in the reign of Felipe V, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. In the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in España twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the Holy Office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemnauto de fewas held in 1701, which he declined to attend. Nevertheless, he protected the Inquisition, because Louis XIV had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the Jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in España after the annexation of Portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of Bourbon. The sect of Molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even Macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from España, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of theHistoria civil de España, by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. These rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of Fernando VI, who permitted Macanaz to return to España, and who established as a principle that the coming of the Bourbons to the throne of the Españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the Holy Office … Even the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of España, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. TheDiario de los literatosalso enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought tobe formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of Fernando VI; while at the same time the rigors of the Inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. Indeed, from that time the Holy Office occupied itself only with persecuting the Jesuits and the Free Masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of Clement XII of April 28, 1738, renewed on May 18, 1751)…. There certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of Diderot and D’Alambert—and especially of theEncyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772—it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the French freethinkers—but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state …. The Spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or Encyclopedistic propaganda of France.”The official opinion by Viana regarding the Puch episode may be found in a MS. volume entitled,Respuestas dadas por el fiscal de S. M., fol. 22v–26; it is apparently Viana’s own original record of his official opinions delivered to the Audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the British forces.↑5Le Gentil (who sojourned in Manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in hisVoyage(t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and Raón even displayed to Le Gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a French ship which came to Manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. Raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the Jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion.↑6This date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture ofbarrillason February 16, 1765. This is shown by the entry for that date in Viana’sRespuestas(MS.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. From fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in March.↑7See Jagor’s description of the great volcano of Mayon and his ascent of it (September, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in hisReisen, pp. 75–84. Cf. Le Gentil’s description of it and of this eruption (Voyage, ii, pp. 13–19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of Albay. Its summit was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen made the ascent in April, 1858.↑8Santa Justa belonged to the Order of Escuelas Pías (seeVOL. XLVIII, pp. 52–54, note 10). See list of writings by this prelate, in Montero y Vidal’sHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380–389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the Spanish government.↑9When Raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to Arandía in the like case. The Dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor’s commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in Europe; Raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. “This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the Parián and Binondo, and afterwards those of the province of Bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. He found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in Bataan, in the banishment of the Jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating.” “As the ministries in the island of Negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the Jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. The latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the Dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of Bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of Negros. He offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of thisopportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of Bataan. In effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of Negros.” “The bishop of Cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of Negros and the province of Iloilo,… consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of Iloilo, Himaras, Mandurriao and Molog, in the island of Panay; and those of Ilog, Cabancalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgonan, in that of Negros. With great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the Jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. Thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages.” (Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.)↑10“All the curacies of the banished Jesuits, those of the Dominicans and Recollects, and those of the Augustinians in Pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. In order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many Indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. On account of this it was a common saying in Manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all.” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, ii, p. 279.)The result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 51–61. He recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; hereproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before God for their transgressions. From Ferrando (pp. 59–60) we translate Santa Justa’s “Instructions to the secular clergy” in 1771; it will appear later in this volume.↑11Forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the Mindanao Moros (Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 277, 278):“Though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of Magindano are these. For theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the Mahometans of Atcheen. For maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (The industrious Chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcingkangansupon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. The ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in Germany, in former days.) Inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. Where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. If there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the Sultan claims it for the poor. It is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. If a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. A child’s name is not given by priests, as in the Molucca islands, and in other Mahometan countries. The father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water.“The form of government at Magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. Next to the Sultan is Rajah Moodo, his successor elect. Then Mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain Laut, overseer of the Sultan’s little navy, are both named by the Sultan. There are also six Manteries, or judges named by the Sultan, and six Amba Rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, Forrest calls them “protectors of the people’s privileges”]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. Although the Sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the Datoos,not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. When he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary.”↑12Montero y Vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. Later, he ascribes this proceeding to Governor Basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from Mamburao.↑13“Plan of the present condition of the city of Manila, and of its environs and suburbs. Explanation.—A. Royal fort. B. Small bastion of San Francisco. C. San Juan. D. Santa Ysabel. E. San Eugenio. F. San Joseph. G. Ancient redoubt. H. Bastion of the foundry. I. A kind of ravelin. J. Bastion of San Andres or Carranza. K. Bastion of San Lorenzo of Dilao. L. Work of the reverse. M. Bastion and gate of the Parian. N. Bastion of San Gabriel. O. Bastion and gate of Santo Domingo. P. Bastion and gate of the magazines. Q. Bastion or stronghold of the fortin. R. Royal alcaiceria of San Fernando. S. The cathedral church. T. San Domingo. V. San Francisco. X. San Agustin. Y. The church of the former Society of Jesus. Z. San Nicolas de Recoletos. 1. San Juan de Dios. 2. Royal chapel. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Ysabel. 5. Santa Potenciana. 6. Beaterio of the former Society, and now of Buena Enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. Beaterio of Santa Cathalina. 9. College of San Phelipe. 10. College of the former San Joseph. 11. College of Santo Thomàs. 12. Royal hospital. 14. Convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of Tondo. 15. Parish church of the village of Binondo. 16. Parish church of the village of Santa Cruz. 17. Parish church of Quyapo. 18. Convent and parish church of San Sebastian. 19. Convent and parish church of the Parian. 20. Chapel of San Anton, a chapel of ease. 21. Convent and parish church of Dilao. 22. Parish church of San Miguel. 23. Hospital of San Lazaro. 24. Ruined convent of San Juan de Bagombaya. 25. Hospital of San Gabriel. Here the Sangleys are treated. 26. Convalescent hospital of San Juan de Dios. 27. Mayjalique, a former estate of the Society of Jesus. 28. Palace where the Governor resides. 29. Royal Audiencia and accountancy. 30. Houses of cabildo. 31. Battery of the English. 32. Spanish battery.” [Below is giventhe scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 94 × 64 cm.]↑14Cf. Anda’s earlier management of revenues: “Anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which Anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. Thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship ‘Filipino,’ the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury.” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.)On January 14, 1765, Viana rendered an opinion (see hisRespuestas, fol. 67v–74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of Manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king’s needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. The contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the Acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but Viana refutes their objections, and reminds the Audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. In this document, Viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to Manila by the “Filipino,” 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later Torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter.↑15See also Le Gentil’s account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at Manila (Voyage, ii, pp. 360–366). He states that the Spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes:terræ moto, a trembling which “makes itself felt from below upward;” andtemblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea.A list of the earthquakes which the Philippine Islands (andespecially Manila) have suffered was made by Alexis Perrey, and published in theMémoiresof the Academy of Dijon, in 1860. (Jagor,Reisen, p. 6.)↑16See, as an instance of this, the citation made by Mas (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” pp. 18, 19) from a MS. by Martínez Zúñiga, complaining of Anda’s conduct toward the friars. Mas, however, cordially endorses most of Anda’s conduct while in command in Filipinas.↑17See this document,post(Anda’sMemorial). Montero y Vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see hisHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 239–244.↑18Fray Miguel Garcia, bishop of Nueva Segovia, died at Vigan, on November 11, 1779.↑19The present lists of the islands contain no such name as Balambangan. As Montero y Vidal says that it was next to Cagayán de Joló (now Cagayán Sulu) it may be the islet now called Mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile.↑20When the Chinese were expelled from Manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in Joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of Cencelly’s expedition; these took sides with the Joloans against the Spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 265.)↑21“The Datos at once feared the vengeance of the English, and declared Tenteng unworthy of the rights of a Joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. The Sultan wrote to the governor of Zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the Datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him theCuria filípicaand theEmpresas políticasof Saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the English would make against him. (This sultan Israel had studied in the college of San José at Manila.)” Tenteng repaired to Joló with his booty and the captured English vessel; “these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted.” He surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. “About the year 1803, in which the squadron of General Álava returned to the Peninsula, the English again took possession of the island of Balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in Joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the Visayas, telling the Joloans that they themselves only cared to seize Manila and the Acapulko galleon …. In 1805, the English embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned Balanbangan.” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 16.)Montero y Vidal says (pp. 380–382) that the English attacked Zamboanga (1803) on the way to Balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. They had at the latter place three ships of the East India Company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 Sepoys under European officers, and 200 Chinese. “In a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned Balambangan to go to Batavia.” “The English, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned Balambangan, on December 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island.”↑22Regarding Anda’s birth, seeVOL. XLIX, p. 132, note 74. According to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at Alcalá)taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. He opened an office in Madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. In 1755 he received an appointment to the Audiencia of Manila, of which post he took possession on July 21, 1761.Anda was succeededad interimby Pedro Sarrio, “who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 21).↑23A full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in Mas,ut supra, pp. 23–28.↑24By a royal decree of January 12, 1777, it was ordained that the Indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by Anda.↑25Zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of San Pedro Tunasan (Estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): “The owner of these lands is the college of San José in Manila, which has there a good stone house, and a Spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. The land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. Also there are a good many mulberrytrees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. When the Economic Society was established in Manila, when Señor Basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. Silkworms were imported from China, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. Not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. A considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. When a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. In other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at Manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an Augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the Filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. The father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the Economic Society of Friends of the Country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. But, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. The rector of San José alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. The silkworms multiply well in Filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. There is practically not a month [in the year] when some silkcannot be obtained—very different from España, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. Notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near China, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands—where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country.”↑26Acordado, literally, meaning “decision;”lo acordado, “decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings.” Mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in America.↑27See Jagor’s note on this association (Reisen, pp. 307, 308).↑28“Only one plant of those that were carried to the Filipinas Islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. Perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. So important for España is its utility that it alone, if his Majesty’s government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony.” “Tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of Havana. The government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the Visayas, but in all the island of Luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. Nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in Pampanga, Gapan, Nueva Ecija, and in the province of Cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices.” “To the far-seeing policy of the captain-general Don José Basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. Its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. In 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of Luzon was then divided. It is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue—not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. Certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. But there was no other means, ifthat worthy governor’s economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of Luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. If to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous.” “At the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: Gapan, in the province of Pampanga; some districts in Cagayan, and the little island of Marinduque—although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. Notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros].” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.)See Jagor’s interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in hisReisen, pp. 257–270. One of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866–67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern China from the Philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “probably by way of Japan.”The idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by Viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110,post).↑29The title given to him was “Conde de la Conquista de las islas Batanes” (“Count of the Conquest of the Batanes islands”); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of Basco.↑30Regarding the Chinese in Filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: Mallat,Les Philippines(Paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; Jagor,Reisen, pp. 271–279; Rafael Comenge’sCuestiones filipinas, part i, “Los Chinos” (Manila, 1894); F. W. Williams, “The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia,” inReport, 1899, of American Historical Association (Washington, 1900), i, pp. 171–204;China en Filipinas(Manila, 1889), articles written mainly by Pablo Feced;Los Chinos en Filipinas(Manila, 1886).↑31When the tobacco monopoly was established in Cagayan, the natives so resented this measure “that many of them abandoned the province and went to Manila” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, p. 438).↑32Agustin Pedro Blaquier (Blasquier) was born at Barcelona in 1747, and entered the Augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. In 1772 he arrived at Manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to Ilocos. Later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. He died at Ilagan while visiting his diocese, December 30, 1803. He was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various MS. writings.↑33Apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use.↑34Huerta gives his name (Estado, p. 437) as Juan Antonio Gallego or de Santa Rosa, and Orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). He came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and Manila, spent the years 1771–79 as procurator of his province to the court of Madrid. Returning to Filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on April 27, 1780. In his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the Catanduanes Islands. After nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of Manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. He died at Santa Ana, on May 15, 1797. Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was “very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies.”↑35See note 26, p. 50,ante. An opinion rendered by Viana on April 22, 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the Santa Hermandad had been transplanted from Spain to the Philippines. It seems that the “alcalde of the Hermandad,” also styled the “provincial alcalde of Manila,” claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of Manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). The fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of Manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the Hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde’s commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the Audiencia is competent to settle the present question. Viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of Manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. “The said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing.”↑36Montero y Vidal cites (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from Fray Nicolás Becerra’sEstado general de la provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de padres Agustinos descalzos de Filipinas(Sampaloc, 1820): “Before the invasion of the Moros, Mindoro was the storehouse of Manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. In that epoch—truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the State—so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the Recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of Mindoro’s conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. Then came its desolation by the Moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of Calapan and Naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. These administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time Mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the Recollect fathers.” Montero y Vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 Aguilar created a corregidor for Mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants—who in fear of the Moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island—to return to their villages on the coasts. He made his headquarters at Calapan, the chief village of Mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the Moros seldom troubled that region.↑37“Besides the tribute, every male Indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólosand services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). The pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes—the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc.” This requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province—usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. “Thetanoriaconsists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. One maybuy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1¾ reals.” (Jagor,Reisen, p. 295.)On pp. 90, 91, Jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to Manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. He instances this use of it in the province of Albay (in 1840) by the alcalde Peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which Jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges.↑38Spanish,azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprintedaxúcar(“sugar”). The former reading is more probably correct.↑39Regarding the Chinese in the Philippines, seeReportsof the Philippine Commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the Commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619–631; 1904, part i, pp. 707–711. Also the recentCensusof the islands, especially vols. i and ii. See also the works mentionedante, p. 57, note 30.↑40Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 37): “Marquinawas accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for España except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. At Madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos.” Mas also states that during the terms of Basco and Marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates.↑41Thus named from the barrack or sheds of San Fernando; the locality was originally abarrioof Binondo called Santisimo Niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of Basco. On this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (Barrantes,Guerras piraticas, p. 163.)↑42It was Álava’s expeditions which gave Father Martínez de Zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in hisEstadismo de las Islas Filipinas; for he accompanied Álava therein, at the latter’s request.↑43“The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America. Arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established.All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra’s suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained …. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.” (Bancroft,Hist. Mexico, iii, p. 420.)↑44Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 47): “In that same year 1800,… the king ordered that the arsenal called La Barraca should be abolished, and that only that of Cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. The execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, Aguilar, and General Álava.”See Barrantes’s fuller account (Guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249–263) of the arsenals at La Barraca and Cavite, and the controversies over them. According to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of Corregidor Island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed—to say nothing of the fraud and “graft” already hinted at.↑45In 1797 the following military forces were maintained in Filipinas: Infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of Malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of Luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. There were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (Guía oficial de España, 1797; cited in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.)↑46The Spanish régime in Filipinas lasted 333 years, from Legazpi’s first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the United States. During that time, there were 97 governors—not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostlyad interim—and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands.↑

1This résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from Montero y Vidal’sHistoria de Filipinas, ii, pp. 66–70, 115–140, 229–382; that work is mainly annalistic. Of those which we have used in former volumes, Murillo Velarde’s stops at 1716, and Concepción and Zúñiga at the siege of Manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which Zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); Montero y Vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. Wherever possible, we have used his own language—which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks.↑2On March 27, 1765, Viana declared (Respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of Pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the English invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. Later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; “for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay.”↑3Puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (VOL. XLIX, p. 337, note208)—cf. what Viana says of those officials in his “Memorial” (VOL. XLVIII), chapter v, sections 34–38—but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials.↑4Ferrando (v, pp. 9–16) says that Puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, Father Bernardo Pazaengos (more correctly written Pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, “with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into Manila during the invasion by the English;” and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. The Audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the Jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that Puch should give satisfaction to the Audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. Pazuengos laid the case before the heads of Santo Tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the Audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the Audiencia; but that he declared Puch to be “immune and exempt from blame” in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the Audiencia. He added that, if this were not enough, he would send Puch to the Mindanao missions. This aroused Viana’s anger, first “against the Jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel.” At this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting Viana’s attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the English invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at Tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal’s unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. Ferrando condemns Puch’s imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the Jesuits. Ferrando adds (p. 24): “We have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister Pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the Catholic king. Aranda, Roda, Campománes,Azpuru, and Floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the French encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated Tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines”—that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (Gray’sVelázquez Dictionary).In regard to this last statement, cf. Manuel Danvila y Collado, in hisReinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 561–564: “Religious intolerance, still great in the reign of Felipe V, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. In the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in España twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the Holy Office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemnauto de fewas held in 1701, which he declined to attend. Nevertheless, he protected the Inquisition, because Louis XIV had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the Jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in España after the annexation of Portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of Bourbon. The sect of Molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even Macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from España, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of theHistoria civil de España, by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. These rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of Fernando VI, who permitted Macanaz to return to España, and who established as a principle that the coming of the Bourbons to the throne of the Españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the Holy Office … Even the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of España, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. TheDiario de los literatosalso enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought tobe formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of Fernando VI; while at the same time the rigors of the Inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. Indeed, from that time the Holy Office occupied itself only with persecuting the Jesuits and the Free Masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of Clement XII of April 28, 1738, renewed on May 18, 1751)…. There certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of Diderot and D’Alambert—and especially of theEncyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772—it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the French freethinkers—but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state …. The Spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or Encyclopedistic propaganda of France.”The official opinion by Viana regarding the Puch episode may be found in a MS. volume entitled,Respuestas dadas por el fiscal de S. M., fol. 22v–26; it is apparently Viana’s own original record of his official opinions delivered to the Audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the British forces.↑5Le Gentil (who sojourned in Manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in hisVoyage(t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and Raón even displayed to Le Gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a French ship which came to Manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. Raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the Jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion.↑6This date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture ofbarrillason February 16, 1765. This is shown by the entry for that date in Viana’sRespuestas(MS.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. From fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in March.↑7See Jagor’s description of the great volcano of Mayon and his ascent of it (September, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in hisReisen, pp. 75–84. Cf. Le Gentil’s description of it and of this eruption (Voyage, ii, pp. 13–19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of Albay. Its summit was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen made the ascent in April, 1858.↑8Santa Justa belonged to the Order of Escuelas Pías (seeVOL. XLVIII, pp. 52–54, note 10). See list of writings by this prelate, in Montero y Vidal’sHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380–389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the Spanish government.↑9When Raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to Arandía in the like case. The Dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor’s commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in Europe; Raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. “This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the Parián and Binondo, and afterwards those of the province of Bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. He found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in Bataan, in the banishment of the Jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating.” “As the ministries in the island of Negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the Jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. The latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the Dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of Bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of Negros. He offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of thisopportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of Bataan. In effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of Negros.” “The bishop of Cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of Negros and the province of Iloilo,… consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of Iloilo, Himaras, Mandurriao and Molog, in the island of Panay; and those of Ilog, Cabancalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgonan, in that of Negros. With great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the Jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. Thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages.” (Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.)↑10“All the curacies of the banished Jesuits, those of the Dominicans and Recollects, and those of the Augustinians in Pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. In order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many Indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. On account of this it was a common saying in Manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all.” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, ii, p. 279.)The result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 51–61. He recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; hereproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before God for their transgressions. From Ferrando (pp. 59–60) we translate Santa Justa’s “Instructions to the secular clergy” in 1771; it will appear later in this volume.↑11Forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the Mindanao Moros (Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 277, 278):“Though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of Magindano are these. For theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the Mahometans of Atcheen. For maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (The industrious Chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcingkangansupon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. The ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in Germany, in former days.) Inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. Where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. If there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the Sultan claims it for the poor. It is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. If a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. A child’s name is not given by priests, as in the Molucca islands, and in other Mahometan countries. The father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water.“The form of government at Magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. Next to the Sultan is Rajah Moodo, his successor elect. Then Mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain Laut, overseer of the Sultan’s little navy, are both named by the Sultan. There are also six Manteries, or judges named by the Sultan, and six Amba Rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, Forrest calls them “protectors of the people’s privileges”]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. Although the Sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the Datoos,not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. When he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary.”↑12Montero y Vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. Later, he ascribes this proceeding to Governor Basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from Mamburao.↑13“Plan of the present condition of the city of Manila, and of its environs and suburbs. Explanation.—A. Royal fort. B. Small bastion of San Francisco. C. San Juan. D. Santa Ysabel. E. San Eugenio. F. San Joseph. G. Ancient redoubt. H. Bastion of the foundry. I. A kind of ravelin. J. Bastion of San Andres or Carranza. K. Bastion of San Lorenzo of Dilao. L. Work of the reverse. M. Bastion and gate of the Parian. N. Bastion of San Gabriel. O. Bastion and gate of Santo Domingo. P. Bastion and gate of the magazines. Q. Bastion or stronghold of the fortin. R. Royal alcaiceria of San Fernando. S. The cathedral church. T. San Domingo. V. San Francisco. X. San Agustin. Y. The church of the former Society of Jesus. Z. San Nicolas de Recoletos. 1. San Juan de Dios. 2. Royal chapel. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Ysabel. 5. Santa Potenciana. 6. Beaterio of the former Society, and now of Buena Enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. Beaterio of Santa Cathalina. 9. College of San Phelipe. 10. College of the former San Joseph. 11. College of Santo Thomàs. 12. Royal hospital. 14. Convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of Tondo. 15. Parish church of the village of Binondo. 16. Parish church of the village of Santa Cruz. 17. Parish church of Quyapo. 18. Convent and parish church of San Sebastian. 19. Convent and parish church of the Parian. 20. Chapel of San Anton, a chapel of ease. 21. Convent and parish church of Dilao. 22. Parish church of San Miguel. 23. Hospital of San Lazaro. 24. Ruined convent of San Juan de Bagombaya. 25. Hospital of San Gabriel. Here the Sangleys are treated. 26. Convalescent hospital of San Juan de Dios. 27. Mayjalique, a former estate of the Society of Jesus. 28. Palace where the Governor resides. 29. Royal Audiencia and accountancy. 30. Houses of cabildo. 31. Battery of the English. 32. Spanish battery.” [Below is giventhe scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 94 × 64 cm.]↑14Cf. Anda’s earlier management of revenues: “Anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which Anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. Thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship ‘Filipino,’ the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury.” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.)On January 14, 1765, Viana rendered an opinion (see hisRespuestas, fol. 67v–74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of Manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king’s needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. The contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the Acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but Viana refutes their objections, and reminds the Audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. In this document, Viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to Manila by the “Filipino,” 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later Torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter.↑15See also Le Gentil’s account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at Manila (Voyage, ii, pp. 360–366). He states that the Spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes:terræ moto, a trembling which “makes itself felt from below upward;” andtemblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea.A list of the earthquakes which the Philippine Islands (andespecially Manila) have suffered was made by Alexis Perrey, and published in theMémoiresof the Academy of Dijon, in 1860. (Jagor,Reisen, p. 6.)↑16See, as an instance of this, the citation made by Mas (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” pp. 18, 19) from a MS. by Martínez Zúñiga, complaining of Anda’s conduct toward the friars. Mas, however, cordially endorses most of Anda’s conduct while in command in Filipinas.↑17See this document,post(Anda’sMemorial). Montero y Vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see hisHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 239–244.↑18Fray Miguel Garcia, bishop of Nueva Segovia, died at Vigan, on November 11, 1779.↑19The present lists of the islands contain no such name as Balambangan. As Montero y Vidal says that it was next to Cagayán de Joló (now Cagayán Sulu) it may be the islet now called Mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile.↑20When the Chinese were expelled from Manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in Joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of Cencelly’s expedition; these took sides with the Joloans against the Spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 265.)↑21“The Datos at once feared the vengeance of the English, and declared Tenteng unworthy of the rights of a Joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. The Sultan wrote to the governor of Zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the Datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him theCuria filípicaand theEmpresas políticasof Saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the English would make against him. (This sultan Israel had studied in the college of San José at Manila.)” Tenteng repaired to Joló with his booty and the captured English vessel; “these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted.” He surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. “About the year 1803, in which the squadron of General Álava returned to the Peninsula, the English again took possession of the island of Balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in Joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the Visayas, telling the Joloans that they themselves only cared to seize Manila and the Acapulko galleon …. In 1805, the English embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned Balanbangan.” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 16.)Montero y Vidal says (pp. 380–382) that the English attacked Zamboanga (1803) on the way to Balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. They had at the latter place three ships of the East India Company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 Sepoys under European officers, and 200 Chinese. “In a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned Balambangan to go to Batavia.” “The English, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned Balambangan, on December 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island.”↑22Regarding Anda’s birth, seeVOL. XLIX, p. 132, note 74. According to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at Alcalá)taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. He opened an office in Madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. In 1755 he received an appointment to the Audiencia of Manila, of which post he took possession on July 21, 1761.Anda was succeededad interimby Pedro Sarrio, “who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 21).↑23A full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in Mas,ut supra, pp. 23–28.↑24By a royal decree of January 12, 1777, it was ordained that the Indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by Anda.↑25Zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of San Pedro Tunasan (Estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): “The owner of these lands is the college of San José in Manila, which has there a good stone house, and a Spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. The land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. Also there are a good many mulberrytrees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. When the Economic Society was established in Manila, when Señor Basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. Silkworms were imported from China, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. Not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. A considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. When a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. In other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at Manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an Augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the Filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. The father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the Economic Society of Friends of the Country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. But, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. The rector of San José alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. The silkworms multiply well in Filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. There is practically not a month [in the year] when some silkcannot be obtained—very different from España, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. Notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near China, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands—where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country.”↑26Acordado, literally, meaning “decision;”lo acordado, “decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings.” Mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in America.↑27See Jagor’s note on this association (Reisen, pp. 307, 308).↑28“Only one plant of those that were carried to the Filipinas Islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. Perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. So important for España is its utility that it alone, if his Majesty’s government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony.” “Tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of Havana. The government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the Visayas, but in all the island of Luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. Nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in Pampanga, Gapan, Nueva Ecija, and in the province of Cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices.” “To the far-seeing policy of the captain-general Don José Basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. Its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. In 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of Luzon was then divided. It is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue—not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. Certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. But there was no other means, ifthat worthy governor’s economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of Luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. If to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous.” “At the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: Gapan, in the province of Pampanga; some districts in Cagayan, and the little island of Marinduque—although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. Notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros].” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.)See Jagor’s interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in hisReisen, pp. 257–270. One of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866–67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern China from the Philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “probably by way of Japan.”The idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by Viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110,post).↑29The title given to him was “Conde de la Conquista de las islas Batanes” (“Count of the Conquest of the Batanes islands”); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of Basco.↑30Regarding the Chinese in Filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: Mallat,Les Philippines(Paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; Jagor,Reisen, pp. 271–279; Rafael Comenge’sCuestiones filipinas, part i, “Los Chinos” (Manila, 1894); F. W. Williams, “The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia,” inReport, 1899, of American Historical Association (Washington, 1900), i, pp. 171–204;China en Filipinas(Manila, 1889), articles written mainly by Pablo Feced;Los Chinos en Filipinas(Manila, 1886).↑31When the tobacco monopoly was established in Cagayan, the natives so resented this measure “that many of them abandoned the province and went to Manila” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, p. 438).↑32Agustin Pedro Blaquier (Blasquier) was born at Barcelona in 1747, and entered the Augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. In 1772 he arrived at Manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to Ilocos. Later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. He died at Ilagan while visiting his diocese, December 30, 1803. He was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various MS. writings.↑33Apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use.↑34Huerta gives his name (Estado, p. 437) as Juan Antonio Gallego or de Santa Rosa, and Orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). He came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and Manila, spent the years 1771–79 as procurator of his province to the court of Madrid. Returning to Filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on April 27, 1780. In his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the Catanduanes Islands. After nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of Manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. He died at Santa Ana, on May 15, 1797. Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was “very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies.”↑35See note 26, p. 50,ante. An opinion rendered by Viana on April 22, 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the Santa Hermandad had been transplanted from Spain to the Philippines. It seems that the “alcalde of the Hermandad,” also styled the “provincial alcalde of Manila,” claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of Manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). The fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of Manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the Hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde’s commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the Audiencia is competent to settle the present question. Viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of Manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. “The said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing.”↑36Montero y Vidal cites (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from Fray Nicolás Becerra’sEstado general de la provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de padres Agustinos descalzos de Filipinas(Sampaloc, 1820): “Before the invasion of the Moros, Mindoro was the storehouse of Manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. In that epoch—truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the State—so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the Recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of Mindoro’s conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. Then came its desolation by the Moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of Calapan and Naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. These administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time Mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the Recollect fathers.” Montero y Vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 Aguilar created a corregidor for Mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants—who in fear of the Moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island—to return to their villages on the coasts. He made his headquarters at Calapan, the chief village of Mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the Moros seldom troubled that region.↑37“Besides the tribute, every male Indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólosand services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). The pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes—the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc.” This requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province—usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. “Thetanoriaconsists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. One maybuy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1¾ reals.” (Jagor,Reisen, p. 295.)On pp. 90, 91, Jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to Manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. He instances this use of it in the province of Albay (in 1840) by the alcalde Peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which Jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges.↑38Spanish,azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprintedaxúcar(“sugar”). The former reading is more probably correct.↑39Regarding the Chinese in the Philippines, seeReportsof the Philippine Commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the Commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619–631; 1904, part i, pp. 707–711. Also the recentCensusof the islands, especially vols. i and ii. See also the works mentionedante, p. 57, note 30.↑40Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 37): “Marquinawas accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for España except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. At Madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos.” Mas also states that during the terms of Basco and Marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates.↑41Thus named from the barrack or sheds of San Fernando; the locality was originally abarrioof Binondo called Santisimo Niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of Basco. On this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (Barrantes,Guerras piraticas, p. 163.)↑42It was Álava’s expeditions which gave Father Martínez de Zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in hisEstadismo de las Islas Filipinas; for he accompanied Álava therein, at the latter’s request.↑43“The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America. Arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established.All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra’s suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained …. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.” (Bancroft,Hist. Mexico, iii, p. 420.)↑44Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 47): “In that same year 1800,… the king ordered that the arsenal called La Barraca should be abolished, and that only that of Cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. The execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, Aguilar, and General Álava.”See Barrantes’s fuller account (Guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249–263) of the arsenals at La Barraca and Cavite, and the controversies over them. According to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of Corregidor Island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed—to say nothing of the fraud and “graft” already hinted at.↑45In 1797 the following military forces were maintained in Filipinas: Infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of Malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of Luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. There were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (Guía oficial de España, 1797; cited in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.)↑46The Spanish régime in Filipinas lasted 333 years, from Legazpi’s first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the United States. During that time, there were 97 governors—not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostlyad interim—and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands.↑

1This résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from Montero y Vidal’sHistoria de Filipinas, ii, pp. 66–70, 115–140, 229–382; that work is mainly annalistic. Of those which we have used in former volumes, Murillo Velarde’s stops at 1716, and Concepción and Zúñiga at the siege of Manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which Zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); Montero y Vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. Wherever possible, we have used his own language—which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks.↑

2On March 27, 1765, Viana declared (Respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of Pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the English invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. Later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; “for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay.”↑

3Puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (VOL. XLIX, p. 337, note208)—cf. what Viana says of those officials in his “Memorial” (VOL. XLVIII), chapter v, sections 34–38—but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials.↑

4Ferrando (v, pp. 9–16) says that Puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, Father Bernardo Pazaengos (more correctly written Pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, “with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into Manila during the invasion by the English;” and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. The Audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the Jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that Puch should give satisfaction to the Audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. Pazuengos laid the case before the heads of Santo Tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the Audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the Audiencia; but that he declared Puch to be “immune and exempt from blame” in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the Audiencia. He added that, if this were not enough, he would send Puch to the Mindanao missions. This aroused Viana’s anger, first “against the Jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel.” At this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting Viana’s attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the English invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at Tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal’s unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. Ferrando condemns Puch’s imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the Jesuits. Ferrando adds (p. 24): “We have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister Pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the Catholic king. Aranda, Roda, Campománes,Azpuru, and Floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the French encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated Tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines”—that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (Gray’sVelázquez Dictionary).

In regard to this last statement, cf. Manuel Danvila y Collado, in hisReinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 561–564: “Religious intolerance, still great in the reign of Felipe V, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. In the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in España twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the Holy Office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemnauto de fewas held in 1701, which he declined to attend. Nevertheless, he protected the Inquisition, because Louis XIV had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the Jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in España after the annexation of Portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of Bourbon. The sect of Molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even Macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from España, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of theHistoria civil de España, by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. These rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of Fernando VI, who permitted Macanaz to return to España, and who established as a principle that the coming of the Bourbons to the throne of the Españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the Holy Office … Even the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of España, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. TheDiario de los literatosalso enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought tobe formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of Fernando VI; while at the same time the rigors of the Inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. Indeed, from that time the Holy Office occupied itself only with persecuting the Jesuits and the Free Masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of Clement XII of April 28, 1738, renewed on May 18, 1751)…. There certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of Diderot and D’Alambert—and especially of theEncyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772—it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the French freethinkers—but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state …. The Spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or Encyclopedistic propaganda of France.”

The official opinion by Viana regarding the Puch episode may be found in a MS. volume entitled,Respuestas dadas por el fiscal de S. M., fol. 22v–26; it is apparently Viana’s own original record of his official opinions delivered to the Audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the British forces.↑

5Le Gentil (who sojourned in Manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in hisVoyage(t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and Raón even displayed to Le Gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a French ship which came to Manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. Raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the Jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion.↑

6This date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture ofbarrillason February 16, 1765. This is shown by the entry for that date in Viana’sRespuestas(MS.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. From fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in March.↑

7See Jagor’s description of the great volcano of Mayon and his ascent of it (September, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in hisReisen, pp. 75–84. Cf. Le Gentil’s description of it and of this eruption (Voyage, ii, pp. 13–19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of Albay. Its summit was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen made the ascent in April, 1858.↑

8Santa Justa belonged to the Order of Escuelas Pías (seeVOL. XLVIII, pp. 52–54, note 10). See list of writings by this prelate, in Montero y Vidal’sHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380–389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the Spanish government.↑

9When Raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to Arandía in the like case. The Dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor’s commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in Europe; Raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. “This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the Parián and Binondo, and afterwards those of the province of Bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. He found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in Bataan, in the banishment of the Jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating.” “As the ministries in the island of Negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the Jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. The latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the Dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of Bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of Negros. He offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of thisopportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of Bataan. In effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of Negros.” “The bishop of Cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of Negros and the province of Iloilo,… consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of Iloilo, Himaras, Mandurriao and Molog, in the island of Panay; and those of Ilog, Cabancalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgonan, in that of Negros. With great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the Jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. Thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages.” (Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.)↑

10“All the curacies of the banished Jesuits, those of the Dominicans and Recollects, and those of the Augustinians in Pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. In order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many Indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. On account of this it was a common saying in Manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all.” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, ii, p. 279.)

The result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in Ferrando,Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 51–61. He recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; hereproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before God for their transgressions. From Ferrando (pp. 59–60) we translate Santa Justa’s “Instructions to the secular clergy” in 1771; it will appear later in this volume.↑

11Forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the Mindanao Moros (Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 277, 278):

“Though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of Magindano are these. For theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the Mahometans of Atcheen. For maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (The industrious Chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcingkangansupon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. The ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in Germany, in former days.) Inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. Where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. If there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the Sultan claims it for the poor. It is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. If a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. A child’s name is not given by priests, as in the Molucca islands, and in other Mahometan countries. The father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water.

“The form of government at Magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. Next to the Sultan is Rajah Moodo, his successor elect. Then Mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain Laut, overseer of the Sultan’s little navy, are both named by the Sultan. There are also six Manteries, or judges named by the Sultan, and six Amba Rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, Forrest calls them “protectors of the people’s privileges”]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. Although the Sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the Datoos,not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. When he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary.”↑

12Montero y Vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. Later, he ascribes this proceeding to Governor Basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from Mamburao.↑

13“Plan of the present condition of the city of Manila, and of its environs and suburbs. Explanation.—A. Royal fort. B. Small bastion of San Francisco. C. San Juan. D. Santa Ysabel. E. San Eugenio. F. San Joseph. G. Ancient redoubt. H. Bastion of the foundry. I. A kind of ravelin. J. Bastion of San Andres or Carranza. K. Bastion of San Lorenzo of Dilao. L. Work of the reverse. M. Bastion and gate of the Parian. N. Bastion of San Gabriel. O. Bastion and gate of Santo Domingo. P. Bastion and gate of the magazines. Q. Bastion or stronghold of the fortin. R. Royal alcaiceria of San Fernando. S. The cathedral church. T. San Domingo. V. San Francisco. X. San Agustin. Y. The church of the former Society of Jesus. Z. San Nicolas de Recoletos. 1. San Juan de Dios. 2. Royal chapel. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Ysabel. 5. Santa Potenciana. 6. Beaterio of the former Society, and now of Buena Enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. Beaterio of Santa Cathalina. 9. College of San Phelipe. 10. College of the former San Joseph. 11. College of Santo Thomàs. 12. Royal hospital. 14. Convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of Tondo. 15. Parish church of the village of Binondo. 16. Parish church of the village of Santa Cruz. 17. Parish church of Quyapo. 18. Convent and parish church of San Sebastian. 19. Convent and parish church of the Parian. 20. Chapel of San Anton, a chapel of ease. 21. Convent and parish church of Dilao. 22. Parish church of San Miguel. 23. Hospital of San Lazaro. 24. Ruined convent of San Juan de Bagombaya. 25. Hospital of San Gabriel. Here the Sangleys are treated. 26. Convalescent hospital of San Juan de Dios. 27. Mayjalique, a former estate of the Society of Jesus. 28. Palace where the Governor resides. 29. Royal Audiencia and accountancy. 30. Houses of cabildo. 31. Battery of the English. 32. Spanish battery.” [Below is giventhe scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 94 × 64 cm.]↑

14Cf. Anda’s earlier management of revenues: “Anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which Anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. Thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship ‘Filipino,’ the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury.” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.)

On January 14, 1765, Viana rendered an opinion (see hisRespuestas, fol. 67v–74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of Manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king’s needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. The contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the Acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but Viana refutes their objections, and reminds the Audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. In this document, Viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to Manila by the “Filipino,” 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later Torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter.↑

15See also Le Gentil’s account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at Manila (Voyage, ii, pp. 360–366). He states that the Spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes:terræ moto, a trembling which “makes itself felt from below upward;” andtemblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea.

A list of the earthquakes which the Philippine Islands (andespecially Manila) have suffered was made by Alexis Perrey, and published in theMémoiresof the Academy of Dijon, in 1860. (Jagor,Reisen, p. 6.)↑

16See, as an instance of this, the citation made by Mas (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” pp. 18, 19) from a MS. by Martínez Zúñiga, complaining of Anda’s conduct toward the friars. Mas, however, cordially endorses most of Anda’s conduct while in command in Filipinas.↑

17See this document,post(Anda’sMemorial). Montero y Vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see hisHist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 239–244.↑

18Fray Miguel Garcia, bishop of Nueva Segovia, died at Vigan, on November 11, 1779.↑

19The present lists of the islands contain no such name as Balambangan. As Montero y Vidal says that it was next to Cagayán de Joló (now Cagayán Sulu) it may be the islet now called Mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile.↑

20When the Chinese were expelled from Manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in Joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of Cencelly’s expedition; these took sides with the Joloans against the Spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 265.)↑

21“The Datos at once feared the vengeance of the English, and declared Tenteng unworthy of the rights of a Joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. The Sultan wrote to the governor of Zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the Datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him theCuria filípicaand theEmpresas políticasof Saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the English would make against him. (This sultan Israel had studied in the college of San José at Manila.)” Tenteng repaired to Joló with his booty and the captured English vessel; “these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted.” He surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. “About the year 1803, in which the squadron of General Álava returned to the Peninsula, the English again took possession of the island of Balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in Joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the Visayas, telling the Joloans that they themselves only cared to seize Manila and the Acapulko galleon …. In 1805, the English embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned Balanbangan.” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 16.)

Montero y Vidal says (pp. 380–382) that the English attacked Zamboanga (1803) on the way to Balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. They had at the latter place three ships of the East India Company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 Sepoys under European officers, and 200 Chinese. “In a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned Balambangan to go to Batavia.” “The English, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned Balambangan, on December 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island.”↑

22Regarding Anda’s birth, seeVOL. XLIX, p. 132, note 74. According to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at Alcalá)taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. He opened an office in Madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. In 1755 he received an appointment to the Audiencia of Manila, of which post he took possession on July 21, 1761.

Anda was succeededad interimby Pedro Sarrio, “who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government” (Mas,Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 21).↑

23A full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in Mas,ut supra, pp. 23–28.↑

24By a royal decree of January 12, 1777, it was ordained that the Indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by Anda.↑

25Zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of San Pedro Tunasan (Estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): “The owner of these lands is the college of San José in Manila, which has there a good stone house, and a Spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. The land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. Also there are a good many mulberrytrees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. When the Economic Society was established in Manila, when Señor Basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. Silkworms were imported from China, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. Not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. A considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. When a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. In other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at Manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an Augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the Filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. The father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the Economic Society of Friends of the Country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. But, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. The rector of San José alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. The silkworms multiply well in Filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. There is practically not a month [in the year] when some silkcannot be obtained—very different from España, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. Notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near China, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands—where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country.”↑

26Acordado, literally, meaning “decision;”lo acordado, “decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings.” Mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in America.↑

27See Jagor’s note on this association (Reisen, pp. 307, 308).↑

28“Only one plant of those that were carried to the Filipinas Islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. Perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. So important for España is its utility that it alone, if his Majesty’s government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony.” “Tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of Havana. The government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the Visayas, but in all the island of Luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. Nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in Pampanga, Gapan, Nueva Ecija, and in the province of Cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices.” “To the far-seeing policy of the captain-general Don José Basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. Its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. In 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of Luzon was then divided. It is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue—not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. Certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. But there was no other means, ifthat worthy governor’s economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of Luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. If to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous.” “At the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: Gapan, in the province of Pampanga; some districts in Cagayan, and the little island of Marinduque—although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. Notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros].” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.)

See Jagor’s interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in hisReisen, pp. 257–270. One of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866–67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern China from the Philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “probably by way of Japan.”

The idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by Viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110,post).↑

29The title given to him was “Conde de la Conquista de las islas Batanes” (“Count of the Conquest of the Batanes islands”); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of Basco.↑

30Regarding the Chinese in Filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: Mallat,Les Philippines(Paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; Jagor,Reisen, pp. 271–279; Rafael Comenge’sCuestiones filipinas, part i, “Los Chinos” (Manila, 1894); F. W. Williams, “The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia,” inReport, 1899, of American Historical Association (Washington, 1900), i, pp. 171–204;China en Filipinas(Manila, 1889), articles written mainly by Pablo Feced;Los Chinos en Filipinas(Manila, 1886).↑

31When the tobacco monopoly was established in Cagayan, the natives so resented this measure “that many of them abandoned the province and went to Manila” (Buzeta and Bravo,Diccionario, i, p. 438).↑

32Agustin Pedro Blaquier (Blasquier) was born at Barcelona in 1747, and entered the Augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. In 1772 he arrived at Manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to Ilocos. Later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of Nueva Segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. He died at Ilagan while visiting his diocese, December 30, 1803. He was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various MS. writings.↑

33Apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use.↑

34Huerta gives his name (Estado, p. 437) as Juan Antonio Gallego or de Santa Rosa, and Orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). He came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and Manila, spent the years 1771–79 as procurator of his province to the court of Madrid. Returning to Filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on April 27, 1780. In his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the Catanduanes Islands. After nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of Manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. He died at Santa Ana, on May 15, 1797. Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was “very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies.”↑

35See note 26, p. 50,ante. An opinion rendered by Viana on April 22, 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the Santa Hermandad had been transplanted from Spain to the Philippines. It seems that the “alcalde of the Hermandad,” also styled the “provincial alcalde of Manila,” claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of Manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). The fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of Manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the Hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde’s commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the Audiencia is competent to settle the present question. Viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of Manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. “The said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing.”↑

36Montero y Vidal cites (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from Fray Nicolás Becerra’sEstado general de la provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de padres Agustinos descalzos de Filipinas(Sampaloc, 1820): “Before the invasion of the Moros, Mindoro was the storehouse of Manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. In that epoch—truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the State—so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the Recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of Mindoro’s conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. Then came its desolation by the Moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of Calapan and Naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. These administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time Mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the Recollect fathers.” Montero y Vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 Aguilar created a corregidor for Mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants—who in fear of the Moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island—to return to their villages on the coasts. He made his headquarters at Calapan, the chief village of Mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the Moros seldom troubled that region.↑

37“Besides the tribute, every male Indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólosand services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). The pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes—the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc.” This requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province—usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. “Thetanoriaconsists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. One maybuy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1¾ reals.” (Jagor,Reisen, p. 295.)

On pp. 90, 91, Jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to Manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. He instances this use of it in the province of Albay (in 1840) by the alcalde Peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which Jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges.↑

38Spanish,azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprintedaxúcar(“sugar”). The former reading is more probably correct.↑

39Regarding the Chinese in the Philippines, seeReportsof the Philippine Commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the Commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619–631; 1904, part i, pp. 707–711. Also the recentCensusof the islands, especially vols. i and ii. See also the works mentionedante, p. 57, note 30.↑

40Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 37): “Marquinawas accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for España except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. At Madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos.” Mas also states that during the terms of Basco and Marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates.↑

41Thus named from the barrack or sheds of San Fernando; the locality was originally abarrioof Binondo called Santisimo Niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of Basco. On this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (Barrantes,Guerras piraticas, p. 163.)↑

42It was Álava’s expeditions which gave Father Martínez de Zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in hisEstadismo de las Islas Filipinas; for he accompanied Álava therein, at the latter’s request.↑

43“The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America. Arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established.All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra’s suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained …. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.” (Bancroft,Hist. Mexico, iii, p. 420.)↑

44Mas says (Informe, i, part ii of “Historia,” p. 47): “In that same year 1800,… the king ordered that the arsenal called La Barraca should be abolished, and that only that of Cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. The execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, Aguilar, and General Álava.”

See Barrantes’s fuller account (Guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249–263) of the arsenals at La Barraca and Cavite, and the controversies over them. According to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of Corregidor Island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed—to say nothing of the fraud and “graft” already hinted at.↑

45In 1797 the following military forces were maintained in Filipinas: Infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of Malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of Luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. There were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (Guía oficial de España, 1797; cited in Vindel’sCatálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.)↑

46The Spanish régime in Filipinas lasted 333 years, from Legazpi’s first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the United States. During that time, there were 97 governors—not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostlyad interim—and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands.↑

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