Chapter XLV

Chapter XLVOf other customs of these peoples, and in regard to their marriage, dowries, children, and issue484. It is not known whether these natives divided the time into hours, days, weeks, months, or years, or made any other division of time. As this was necessary to them for the reckoning of their commerce, trade, and contracts (in which they all engaged), they used for reckoning their times of payment, and for other transactions and business of their government—for the hours, the state of the sun in the sky, the crowing of the cock, and the layingtime of the hens, and several other enigmas which are still employed in the Tagálog speech. To keep account of the changing of seasons, they knew when it was winter or summer by the trees, and their leaves and fruit. They knew of the division into months or years by moons. Consequently, in order to designate the date of payment, they said “in so many moons, in so many harvests, or in so many fruitings of such and such a tree.” These were the methods employed in their trading and government.485. The days were reckoned by the name of the sun, namely,arao. Thus the Tagálogs now reckonysang árao, “one day;”dalauang árao, “two [days],” and so on until they have the difference of weeks, which they call by the nameDomingo, saying “so many Domingos.”18The night is calledgab-ì; and the dayarao, from the name of the sun. The months were named and reckoned by the name of the moon, namely,bovanin Tagálog. Thus did they divide the seasons after their own manner, and in their own speech. Only there are no terms to indicate the hours of the clock [in their speech]; and now the Castilian [names of] hours are Tagalized, in order to indicate the hours of time. They call the clockhorasan, that is, “a thing in which one sees the hours;” whether in its place or in the instrument made for it.486. They expressed “the year” in their old speech by the wordtaòn. It is metaphorical, for it really means “the assembling of many,” and that they have joined together months to make one year. They had a word to signify seasons and climates, namelypanahon. But they never knew the word “time” [tiempo], in its general sense, and there is no proper Tagálog word for it; but they use the Spanish word only, corrupted after their manner, for they make ittiyempo.487. Their business and contracts were for the greater part illegal, filled with usury, interest, and tricks; for each one thought only of increasing his own profits, and paid no attention to his nearest relatives. Consequently, loans with interest were very common and generally practiced (and even yet this archipelago is not free from this abuse, nor have the difficulties experienced in the confessional ceased); and the interest increases to a very high figure, the debt doubling and increasing for so long a time as the debt is delayed, until it results that the debtor, his wealth, and his children, are all slaves. Their general business was the bartering of one product for another (and it is still much in vogue)—food, mantas, birds, stock, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fisheries, palms, nipa-groves, woodlands, and other similar products. Sometimes those products were sold for a price, which was paid in gold, according to the terms of the agreement. Thus they traded among themselves with the products of their own lands, and with foreigners from other nations for products peculiar to them; and for this they were wont to have their deferred payments, their days of reckoning, and their bondsmen who were concerned therein—but with exorbitant profits, because they were all usurers.488. In regard to money of silver or gold they did not possess it in that [early] time. Those metals were employed in their trading only by the weight,which was used alone for silver and gold; and that weight they calledtalaro, and was indicated by balances, like ours. They reckoned and divided by this. And after they learned about money they gave to each piece its proper name, taking the coin that we call “tostòn,” or “real of four,” as the basis for greater sums. This they calledsalapì, although that is the common term for all kinds of money. They divided thesalapìinto twocahàtis, thecahàtisinto twoseycapat, theseycapatinto twoseycávalos, theseycávalointo twocalatíos, thecalatìo(which they callaliu) into thecũding, etc. All this division was regulated by tostòns in this manner: thecahàtisignifies one-half tostòn;seycàpat, the fourth part;seycávalo, the eighth;calatìois the Tagálog cuartillo;19and so on. In order to say “three reals,” they saytatlongbahagui, that is, three parts of the tostòn. From the tostòn on, they count up to ten, and from ten to twenty, etc. Consequently, in their language they use this expression for ours, saying, “I ask ten and one more,” or “I ask one for twenty;” and so on. But now since they know what pesos are, that is, reals of eight, some of them reckon by pesos, which is more familiar to the Spaniards. But most of them do not forget their salapìs, nor the method of reckoning used by the ancients.489. The gold, which they callguinto, was also reckoned by weight. The largest weight is thetàhel, which is the weight of ten reals of silver—or, as we say, of one escudo. The half-tàhel is calledtingà, which is the weight of five reals. The fourth part is calledsapaha, which is two and one-half reals. They also used other metaphorical terms (asthe Spanish do the termgranos), and saidsangsàga, which is the weight of one red kidney-bean [frixolillo] with a white spot in the middle.490. In order to weigh bulkier things, such as wax, silk, meat, etc., they had steelyards, which they calledsinantan, which was equivalent to tencates, of twenty onzas [i.e., ounce] apiece. The half of that they calledbanal, which was five cates; and the half of the cate they calledsoco. Consequently, these old weights having been adjusted to the Spanish weights by the regulations of the year 1727, one cale is equivalent to one libra, six onzas; one chinanta to thirteen libras, and twelve onzas; hence one quintal, of eighty of the old cates, corresponds to four arrobas and ten libras of our weight. Apicoof one hundred cates is equivalent to five arrobas, twelve and one-half libras, in the new arrangement. As in the case of gold, one tàhel must weigh one and one-fourth onzas in our weight.491. In regard to the measures of quantity which the ancients used, they were the same as those we now see:cabàn,ganta,half-ganta, andchupa. The city has regulated them by the Spanish measures in the following manner. Thecaban, which signifies “box” [arca] in their own Tagalog speech, is equivalent to one fanega of the standard of Toledo. Theganta(gantangin Visayan, andsalòpin Tagálog) is equivalent to one half of a Toledo almud, which is the hal-zelemin in other territories. Thehalf-gantais equivalent to one cuartillo, which is calledpitìsorcaguiinain Tagálog. Thechupais the eighth of the half-almud of Toledo, which is calledgàtangin Tagálog, and alsogahinan, for it is the ration of cleaned rice sufficient for each meal of aman. The act of measuring in this manner is expressed by the wordtàcalamong the Tagálogs. When the king issues orders for rice, it is reckoned by cabàns of twenty-four gantas apiece; and now it is known that it is ofpálayrice, which is rice with the husk and uncleaned. When vouchers are issued for the stipends and the support of the religious ministers, the reckoning is by fanegas, at the rate of two cabàns of twenty-four gantas each, of the said pálay rice uncleaned. And because his Majesty chooses that they give it to us very clean, it is now ruled in the royal accountancy that forty-eight gantas of the fanega of pálay is equivalent to a basket of twenty gantas ofbigàs, which is the name for cleaned rice. Henge the king in his charity, in order to give us our sustenance in the rice without waste, gives valuation to the measure at his own pleasure, for the rice with husk, so that the quantity may be doubled. The estimation of the king in this is not the same as looking into the hollow measure in its strict capacity, as has been already explained.492. They also measure by brazas and palmos (but for the vara, I find no proper Tagálog term, but only the Spanish). The braza is calleddipa; that of the city is of sixty points, into which the six feet contained in it are divided. The palmo is calleddancal.Tumòrois onejeme.20Sangdamàcis the whole width of the hand with the five fingers.Sangdaliis the width of one finger; andsucatis the act of measuring in this manner.21493. So was their usage in their business. Although there are no arithmetical numbers among their characters, such as we use, they counted with little stones, making small heaps of them, and made use of the natural words of their own speech, which are very expressive in Tagálog; and they did not feel their ignorance of the numbers written in their own characters; for they could express the highest number very clearly by word of mouth.494. The maritime folk were wont to go out upon many raids, and those ashore to set strange ambushes for their robberies, to the great loss of life. Their arms were bow and arrow, and a short lance resembling a dart, with the iron head of innumerable shapes; and some without iron, the points being made from the bamboos themselves, or from stakes hardened in the fire. They used cutlasses; large and broad daggers, of excellent quality, with sharp edges; and long blowpipes, through which they discharged arrows dipped in poison. Their defensive arms were wooden shields, breastplates of rattan or thick cord, and helmets of the same material.495. Among so many barbaric customs, the universality of their vices prevailed; and they were infidel, tyrannical, and unchaste. They regarded virginity as an opprobrium, and there were men who received a salary for the office of deflowering [the girls] of their virginity. No woman, married or single, assured her honor and credit, unless she had some sweetheart; and although this was so honorable for the women, it was considered a dishonor to give the liberty of her body freely. Now the womenare modest in their behavior, but easy, if they are sought, as the smoke from the fire of their beginnings still endures. At the birth of males, and even the females, the midwives themselves made easier for them the carnal act, by cutting off I know not what from their organs. And now that the midwives do not do it, there is no lack of the introduction of this abuse among the boys; but it is assured that this is not the circumcision of the Jews. The devil influenced them in other curious ways for the greater sensuality and duration in their carnal acts, methods which are now completely extinct. But they have sufficiently caught the plague of sodomy from the Japanese and Chinese; and I have already seen some persons burned, in my time. In short, men and women never think of being chaste, so that among the most holy all their thought is of their marriages.496. At the present time we have always tried to see that the brides and grooms are always of equal rank and condition. It was not usual for them to have more than one own wife, and one own husband; but those who were chiefs and wealthy were allowed to have some slaves as concubines, especially if their own wives did not prove fruitful. Only among the Visayans did the first religious ministers of the gospel find established the custom of one man having many legitimate wives, and that of large dowries, which was no small obstruction to the planting of the gospel. The general rule was for each man to have one legitimate wife; and they tried to obtain one who was of their own family, and even very closely related to them, barring out the first degree, for that was always a direct impedimentto their marriage. Their marriages were not indissoluble, as are those of Christians. For if the consorts returned the dowry, one to the other, the one at fault to the one without blame, that was sufficient for repudiation; and they could marry others, unless the couple had children, in which case all the dowry was given to these. If profits had been made with the lapse of time, while they had lived together, those profits were divided between them both, if the gains were in common. But if they were the secret gains of one of them, then that one kept them.497. The dowry, which is calledbigaycàya, was always given by the man (and it is even yet given), the parents of the girl determining the sum beforehand, at the time when they discussed the marriage. The parents of the bride received that dowry, and neither the bride nor her parents contributed any fund. The dowry was set according to the rank of the contracting parties; and if, perchance, the parents of the bride asked more than the ordinary sum, they were under obligations to bestow some gift to the married couple to suit the occasion as, for instance, a couple of slaves, some small gold jewel, or a bit of cleared land—for cultivation, as I have seen practiced even yet, and which they calledpasonòr. In thisbigaycayawas included what they calledpanhimùyat, which was the sum that had to be paid to the mother of the bride in return for her care and labor in the rearing and education of her daughter. In it was also included thepasòso, or the sum that was to be paid to thechichiva, or nurse, who had reared her. At present, if perhaps there is no bigaycaya in any marriage, for any reason, they neverfail to collect these revenues from the groom, upon which there is generally a suit.498. This dowry orbigaycayawas and is given before the marriage with all the solemnity that they can muster up, amid a great concourse of maguinoos, relatives, and friends of the lovers. The latter are given the crosses on the money to kiss, which is counted and exhibited in public, in confirmation of the pact; and then the marriage is immediately celebrated with feasting and rejoicing. The employment of this bigaycaya is not the same in all the villages. In some it is all converted into the property of the parents of the bride, by way of trade, they selling their daughter (as do those of Mesopotamia) for a reasonable price. If the men do not possess the wherewithal with which to buy them promptly, innumerable sins follow and the two live in improper relations, even to the knowledge of the parents themselves—the young man serving as a servant in the houses of the latter to do their will, but in the capacity of a son, as far as familiarity and permission for evil are concerned. Many efforts are employed to extirpate this diabolical abuse, but it still costs great toil. Under the title ofcatipàdos(thus they call those who are engaged for marriage) are some concubinages legitimate for all time, for which the bigaycàya is not necessary. Having given up the bigaycàya, the poor couple are left destitute, for the parents of the bride take charge of everything.499. That money is better used in some villages; for it serves to provide all kinds of clothes for the bride, and for one-half the expenses of the wedding (which are generally very great), and the parochialfees of the marriage, so that scarcely any is left for the parents of the couple. This is the practice that I have seen observed where I have been. These and otherogalis(which are customs) can only have their origin in the past, and come from father to son, and even there is variety in them, according to their distinct origins.500. That which in España is called “the exchange of rings,” in order to give security to the marriage contract and the wishes of those who are to contract it, has also been observed here, the couple giving each other some jewel. This has been calledtalingbòhol. This was followed by thehabìlin, which is the sign that they have given the dowry which they had promised. And this was like the sign in shops to show that the price was fixed and that the article could not be sold at another price. Some fathers have maintained the custom of asking the same price for their daughter as they paid for the mother when they were married; but as fortunes are unequal, this cannot be maintained inexorably, nor at all times, nor with all.501. The dowry was never returned to the one who gave it, unless the son-in-law were so obedient to his parents-in-law that he should win their affection, in which case they returned him the dowry, at the death of any one; but this was rather a matter of charity than of obligation, as all confess. If the woman who was to be married was alone, and had neither parents nor grandparents, she herself and no other received the dowry. At present, the greed of the Indians must be greater; for this poor lone woman is never without either thechichivawho gave her the breast, who will not be left without her payment,or uncle, aunt, or other relative in whose care she has been because of the loss of her legitimate parents. And since the above consider themselves as her parents in this matter (thepinaca ama, as the Indians call it) they take upon themselves the place of her parents, and get all the money, just as if they were the true parents.502. All the relatives and friends who go to weddings were also wont to take each some little present. These gifts were set down very carefully and accurately, in an account, noting whatever each one gave. For if Pedro So-and-so gave two reals at this wedding, two reals were also given to him if he had another wedding in his house. All this money is spent, either in paying, if anything is due for the wedding, or as an aid in the expenses. Or if the parents of both the young couple are niggardly, they divide it and keep it. If they are generous, they use it in thepamamuhay, or furnishing of the house of the couple. Consequently, there is no regular custom in this. The nearest relatives give the couple a jewel as a mark of affection, but do not give money. These jewels belong to the bride, and to no one else.503. Three days before the wedding all the relatives of both parties assemble at the house where it is to be celebrated, to make thepàlapàla, which is a sort of bower, by which they make the house larger so that all the guests may be accommodated easily. They spend three days in making this. The next three days are those customary to the wedding and its feast. Consequently, there are six days of expense, of racket, of reveling, of dancing and singing, until they fall asleep with fatigue and repletion, all helter-skelter without any distinction. Oftenfrom this perverse river the devil in turn gets his little harvest—now in quarrels and mishaps which have happened, and now in other more common sins; the greatest vigilance of the father ministers is insufficient to stop these wrongs, and there are no human forces (although there ought to be) which can banish these perniciousogalis.504. In the olden days they employed certain ridiculous ceremonies, which had but little decency attending the intercourse of the couple upon the night of the wedding, customs which have now been totally uprooted. The least indecent was the coming of the catalona or babaylana to celebrate the espousals. They brought a hog for this purpose, and with it and on it performed their rites as in other sacrifices. The young couple seated themselves on their bridal bed, in the laps of certain old women who played the part of godmothers of the espousal. These women fed the young couple with their own hands from one dish, and they both drank from one vessel. The groom said that he loved the bride, and she that she loved the groom. Thereupon the shouts of joy broke out, and cries, and there was singing and dancing and drinking. Then the catalona arose with great gravity, and so many were the blessings that she showered down upon the young couple that, according to some that I have heard among these natives, they would exceed without any doubt the flatteries of our gypsy men and women, when they tell the fortune of one who has given them a large reward.505. If the recently-married couple did not agree well, the groom danced, spear in hand, before a hog, and then gave it the death-thrust, praying meanwhileto his anito, and this was sufficient to make the young couple agree. Now the couple go in festal procession in the manner of a masquerade, to the house where they are to live. Then they form another such procession, in order to convey the godparents to their abodes, and with this the festival is at an end. And after so great expense, they usually remain indebted for the small parochial marriage fees, if the father minister has not been very prompt.506. In regard to heirs, all the legitimate children equally inherited all the property of their parents. If there were no legitimate children, then the nearest relatives inherited. If one had two or more children by two wives, all legitimate, each child inherited what belonged to his mother, both of the wealth of her time, and of the profits made from it, which could have belonged to her. As to the dowry, it is inferred that the child’s grandparents received it, and spent it at the time of the wedding. If there were other children who were not legitimate, who had been had by a free woman, they had one-third of the property, and the legitimate children the other two thirds. But in case that there were no legitimate children, then the illegitimate children of a free woman were the absolute heirs. Some property was given to the children of slave women according to the wishes of the legitimate heirs, and the mother became free, as has been stated above—as did the children also, in the manner already explained.507. They were also accustomed to have adopted children, and they are still much addicted to this; but the adoption was purchased by the one adopted, who gave the adopter a certain sum of gold, and, without any other intricacies of law, the latter keptthe one adopted, although otherwise he had his own legitimate father. This was the contract made in such cases. If the adopter reared the one adopted during his life (whether he had other children or not), the one adopted was to inherit the sum that had been given for his adoption—increased by a like sum, obtaining in the inheritance twenty, if ten had been given. But if the one adopted died first, the total obligation of the adopter expired, even to the heirs of the one adopted. Over and above the inheritance obligation, the adopter generally left the one adopted something else, such as a jewel or a slave, if his services had been good, as a reward for his faithfulness and affection. If however, the one adopted was disagreeable, the adopter gave him up by giving back the sum that had been given for his adoption, and the contract was annulled.508. If children were had in adultery, they all lived with the mother. If the party aggrieved had been paid and satisfied by the culprit with gold, according to their custom, the children were declared legitimate, and inherited equally with the real legitimate children in the inheritance of the father; but they inherited nothing from the mother. But if the injury were not atoned for, they had no inheritance, and were not regarded as legitimate.509. These children, and those had by one’s own slave woman (notwithstanding the liberty which she and her children enjoyed), and much less the children had by a slave of another master (notwithstanding that gold was paid for her during her pregnancy), did not succeed to the nobility of their parents, nor to their privileges; but were always considered as people of low birth, and were enrolledamong the timavas in the villages. The legitimate children alone could inherit nobility, and even posts. Hence if the father were absolute lord in one barangay, his sons succeeded to that office, according to priority of birth; and if there were no sons, then the daughters, and after them the nearest relatives; and it was unnecessary to appoint or name them in their wills. They have never had the custom of making wills, and at most leave a list of their wealth and obligations. However, the custom is now coming in of making some testamentary memoranda before the village clerk, so that it may be legal in court.1Juan Francisco de San Antonio was born in Madrid in 1682, and made his profession in the Franciscan order at the age of twenty. In 1724 he brought a mission band to the islands, and spent there the rest of his life. His lifelong employ was in preaching, and as instructor in theology—save fifteen years spent in Indian villages near Manila. He died in that city May 29, 1744, the same year in which the last volume of hisCronicaswas published. See Huerta’sEstado, p. 537.2These are the Tagablis or Tagabili, also called Tagabelíes, Tagabaloy, Taga-bulú, Tagbalooys, etc. Murillo Velarde, in his map, places them west of Caraga and Bislig in Mindanao, but this district has been found to contain only Manobos and Mandayas. They are probably the heathen Malay people living between the bay of Sarangani and Lake Buluan, whence their name, meaning perhaps “people of Buluan.” See Blumentritt’sNative Tribes of Philippines(Mason’s translation), andCensus of Philippines, i, p. 476.3The cloth made from abacá alone is calledsinamay; that made of abacá and pineapple fiber,jusi; and that from a specially selected grade of abacá, much finer and more difficult to extract than commercial hemp or that used in making other cloths,lupis. SeeCensus of Philippines, iv, p. 19.4Zúñiga (Estadismo) mentions the Chinese mestizo population of Tambóbong or Malabón (now in Rizal province) as about 7,500. Some of them had acquired by trade property to the value of 40,000 pesos. The tribute collected from all the Chinese mestizos of Luzon numbered 10,500, over 8,000 of which came from the provinces immediately north of Manila—Tondó, Bulacán, and Pampanga. The Chinese mestizo element is very evident today in the provinces of Bulacán and Pampanga, and probably forms the principal element among the native owners of haciendas. SeeCensus of Philippines, i, pp. 435, 436, 438.5Spanish,con que se da Borney la mano; literally “shakes hands.”6An evidentlapsus calamifor Legazpi, such as has occurred in other writers.7A Moorish garment resembling a herdsman’s jacket, with which the body is covered and girt. It is still used on some festive occasions. (Dicc. Academia, 1726.)8Seeante, p. 123, note 48.9Spanish,amusco, pero encendido; the last word,encendido, is literally “kindled,” or “glowing”—that is, as here used, evidently referring to a reddish tint given by the blood showing through the skin.10The name of this book is probably theOrigen de los Indios de el nuevo mondo, e Indias occidentales(Valencia, 1607; 8vo). Garcia was also the author of a book entitledHistoria ecclesiastica y seglar de la Yndia oriental y occidental, y predicacion del sancto evangelio en ella por los apostolos(Baeça, 1626; 8vo).11See this report inVol. VII, pp. 173–196. See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 321–329. But San Antonio quite overlooks the earlier relation by Miguel de Loarca (Vol. V, pp. 34–187).12Antonio de Padua or de la Llave went to the Philippines with Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in 1590. He took the habit March 17, 1591, and professed in the province of San Gregorio March 19, 1592, changing his former name of Gonzalo to Antonio. After studying in the Manila Franciscan convent, he became missionary in the village of San Miguel de Guilinguiling, in 1602, and afterwards in the villages of Paete, Santa Cruz, Siniloan, Lilio, and Pila. He acted as definitorad interim, from October 7, 1634 to January 13, 1635, and after becoming missionary of Pila was appointed commissary-visitor, holding that office from June 12 to December 16, 1637. He served as definitor again in 1639, and finally died in the Franciscan convent of Mahayhay in 1645. He was the first chronicler of the province of San Gregorio, and wrote the annals of his order from its founding in the Philippines in 1577 to the year 1644, in two volumes; and a life of Gerónima de la Asuncion, foundress of the royal convent of Poor Clares in Manila. See Huerta’sEstado, pp. 452, 453.13Possibly a misprint formagaanito, as it is called elsewhere.14Seeante, p. 191, note 101.15Noceda and Sanlucar’sVocabulario de la lengua Tagala(Manila, 1860) definesticticas the “song of a nocturnal bird calledapira, whence the name was transferred to the bird itself. It is also known by the names of Lapira and Pirapira.”16That is, evidently without having enjoyed any of the fruits of the theft.17The Spanish edition of Juan de Solorzano Pereyra’sDisputationem de Indiarum jure(Matriti, 1629–39; 2 vols., fol.), and of which later editions were published. The title of the first edition of the Spanish work isPolitica Indiana sacada en lengua castellana de los dos tomos del derecho i govierno municipal de las Indias Occidentales que mas copiosamente escribio en la Latina. ... Por el mesmo autor ... Anadidas muchas cosas que no estan en los tomos Latinos(Madrid, 1648, fol.).18i.e., Sunday,Domingobeing the Spanish word; evidence that this method of styling the week was evolved after the conquest.19SeeVol. III, p. 161, note 42.20The distance from the extremity of the thumb to the extremity of the index finger, when outstretched; hence a span.21For the above weights and measures, seeVols. III, p. 71, note 20; p. 184, note 50; p. 253, note 87; and XV, p. 179, note 116. See alsoCensus of Philippines, i, p. 327; and iv, pp. 447–457(a long list of weights and measures, with many tables, used in the Philippines).

Of other customs of these peoples, and in regard to their marriage, dowries, children, and issue

484. It is not known whether these natives divided the time into hours, days, weeks, months, or years, or made any other division of time. As this was necessary to them for the reckoning of their commerce, trade, and contracts (in which they all engaged), they used for reckoning their times of payment, and for other transactions and business of their government—for the hours, the state of the sun in the sky, the crowing of the cock, and the layingtime of the hens, and several other enigmas which are still employed in the Tagálog speech. To keep account of the changing of seasons, they knew when it was winter or summer by the trees, and their leaves and fruit. They knew of the division into months or years by moons. Consequently, in order to designate the date of payment, they said “in so many moons, in so many harvests, or in so many fruitings of such and such a tree.” These were the methods employed in their trading and government.

485. The days were reckoned by the name of the sun, namely,arao. Thus the Tagálogs now reckonysang árao, “one day;”dalauang árao, “two [days],” and so on until they have the difference of weeks, which they call by the nameDomingo, saying “so many Domingos.”18The night is calledgab-ì; and the dayarao, from the name of the sun. The months were named and reckoned by the name of the moon, namely,bovanin Tagálog. Thus did they divide the seasons after their own manner, and in their own speech. Only there are no terms to indicate the hours of the clock [in their speech]; and now the Castilian [names of] hours are Tagalized, in order to indicate the hours of time. They call the clockhorasan, that is, “a thing in which one sees the hours;” whether in its place or in the instrument made for it.

486. They expressed “the year” in their old speech by the wordtaòn. It is metaphorical, for it really means “the assembling of many,” and that they have joined together months to make one year. They had a word to signify seasons and climates, namelypanahon. But they never knew the word “time” [tiempo], in its general sense, and there is no proper Tagálog word for it; but they use the Spanish word only, corrupted after their manner, for they make ittiyempo.

487. Their business and contracts were for the greater part illegal, filled with usury, interest, and tricks; for each one thought only of increasing his own profits, and paid no attention to his nearest relatives. Consequently, loans with interest were very common and generally practiced (and even yet this archipelago is not free from this abuse, nor have the difficulties experienced in the confessional ceased); and the interest increases to a very high figure, the debt doubling and increasing for so long a time as the debt is delayed, until it results that the debtor, his wealth, and his children, are all slaves. Their general business was the bartering of one product for another (and it is still much in vogue)—food, mantas, birds, stock, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fisheries, palms, nipa-groves, woodlands, and other similar products. Sometimes those products were sold for a price, which was paid in gold, according to the terms of the agreement. Thus they traded among themselves with the products of their own lands, and with foreigners from other nations for products peculiar to them; and for this they were wont to have their deferred payments, their days of reckoning, and their bondsmen who were concerned therein—but with exorbitant profits, because they were all usurers.

488. In regard to money of silver or gold they did not possess it in that [early] time. Those metals were employed in their trading only by the weight,which was used alone for silver and gold; and that weight they calledtalaro, and was indicated by balances, like ours. They reckoned and divided by this. And after they learned about money they gave to each piece its proper name, taking the coin that we call “tostòn,” or “real of four,” as the basis for greater sums. This they calledsalapì, although that is the common term for all kinds of money. They divided thesalapìinto twocahàtis, thecahàtisinto twoseycapat, theseycapatinto twoseycávalos, theseycávalointo twocalatíos, thecalatìo(which they callaliu) into thecũding, etc. All this division was regulated by tostòns in this manner: thecahàtisignifies one-half tostòn;seycàpat, the fourth part;seycávalo, the eighth;calatìois the Tagálog cuartillo;19and so on. In order to say “three reals,” they saytatlongbahagui, that is, three parts of the tostòn. From the tostòn on, they count up to ten, and from ten to twenty, etc. Consequently, in their language they use this expression for ours, saying, “I ask ten and one more,” or “I ask one for twenty;” and so on. But now since they know what pesos are, that is, reals of eight, some of them reckon by pesos, which is more familiar to the Spaniards. But most of them do not forget their salapìs, nor the method of reckoning used by the ancients.

489. The gold, which they callguinto, was also reckoned by weight. The largest weight is thetàhel, which is the weight of ten reals of silver—or, as we say, of one escudo. The half-tàhel is calledtingà, which is the weight of five reals. The fourth part is calledsapaha, which is two and one-half reals. They also used other metaphorical terms (asthe Spanish do the termgranos), and saidsangsàga, which is the weight of one red kidney-bean [frixolillo] with a white spot in the middle.

490. In order to weigh bulkier things, such as wax, silk, meat, etc., they had steelyards, which they calledsinantan, which was equivalent to tencates, of twenty onzas [i.e., ounce] apiece. The half of that they calledbanal, which was five cates; and the half of the cate they calledsoco. Consequently, these old weights having been adjusted to the Spanish weights by the regulations of the year 1727, one cale is equivalent to one libra, six onzas; one chinanta to thirteen libras, and twelve onzas; hence one quintal, of eighty of the old cates, corresponds to four arrobas and ten libras of our weight. Apicoof one hundred cates is equivalent to five arrobas, twelve and one-half libras, in the new arrangement. As in the case of gold, one tàhel must weigh one and one-fourth onzas in our weight.

491. In regard to the measures of quantity which the ancients used, they were the same as those we now see:cabàn,ganta,half-ganta, andchupa. The city has regulated them by the Spanish measures in the following manner. Thecaban, which signifies “box” [arca] in their own Tagalog speech, is equivalent to one fanega of the standard of Toledo. Theganta(gantangin Visayan, andsalòpin Tagálog) is equivalent to one half of a Toledo almud, which is the hal-zelemin in other territories. Thehalf-gantais equivalent to one cuartillo, which is calledpitìsorcaguiinain Tagálog. Thechupais the eighth of the half-almud of Toledo, which is calledgàtangin Tagálog, and alsogahinan, for it is the ration of cleaned rice sufficient for each meal of aman. The act of measuring in this manner is expressed by the wordtàcalamong the Tagálogs. When the king issues orders for rice, it is reckoned by cabàns of twenty-four gantas apiece; and now it is known that it is ofpálayrice, which is rice with the husk and uncleaned. When vouchers are issued for the stipends and the support of the religious ministers, the reckoning is by fanegas, at the rate of two cabàns of twenty-four gantas each, of the said pálay rice uncleaned. And because his Majesty chooses that they give it to us very clean, it is now ruled in the royal accountancy that forty-eight gantas of the fanega of pálay is equivalent to a basket of twenty gantas ofbigàs, which is the name for cleaned rice. Henge the king in his charity, in order to give us our sustenance in the rice without waste, gives valuation to the measure at his own pleasure, for the rice with husk, so that the quantity may be doubled. The estimation of the king in this is not the same as looking into the hollow measure in its strict capacity, as has been already explained.

492. They also measure by brazas and palmos (but for the vara, I find no proper Tagálog term, but only the Spanish). The braza is calleddipa; that of the city is of sixty points, into which the six feet contained in it are divided. The palmo is calleddancal.Tumòrois onejeme.20Sangdamàcis the whole width of the hand with the five fingers.Sangdaliis the width of one finger; andsucatis the act of measuring in this manner.21

493. So was their usage in their business. Although there are no arithmetical numbers among their characters, such as we use, they counted with little stones, making small heaps of them, and made use of the natural words of their own speech, which are very expressive in Tagálog; and they did not feel their ignorance of the numbers written in their own characters; for they could express the highest number very clearly by word of mouth.

494. The maritime folk were wont to go out upon many raids, and those ashore to set strange ambushes for their robberies, to the great loss of life. Their arms were bow and arrow, and a short lance resembling a dart, with the iron head of innumerable shapes; and some without iron, the points being made from the bamboos themselves, or from stakes hardened in the fire. They used cutlasses; large and broad daggers, of excellent quality, with sharp edges; and long blowpipes, through which they discharged arrows dipped in poison. Their defensive arms were wooden shields, breastplates of rattan or thick cord, and helmets of the same material.

495. Among so many barbaric customs, the universality of their vices prevailed; and they were infidel, tyrannical, and unchaste. They regarded virginity as an opprobrium, and there were men who received a salary for the office of deflowering [the girls] of their virginity. No woman, married or single, assured her honor and credit, unless she had some sweetheart; and although this was so honorable for the women, it was considered a dishonor to give the liberty of her body freely. Now the womenare modest in their behavior, but easy, if they are sought, as the smoke from the fire of their beginnings still endures. At the birth of males, and even the females, the midwives themselves made easier for them the carnal act, by cutting off I know not what from their organs. And now that the midwives do not do it, there is no lack of the introduction of this abuse among the boys; but it is assured that this is not the circumcision of the Jews. The devil influenced them in other curious ways for the greater sensuality and duration in their carnal acts, methods which are now completely extinct. But they have sufficiently caught the plague of sodomy from the Japanese and Chinese; and I have already seen some persons burned, in my time. In short, men and women never think of being chaste, so that among the most holy all their thought is of their marriages.

496. At the present time we have always tried to see that the brides and grooms are always of equal rank and condition. It was not usual for them to have more than one own wife, and one own husband; but those who were chiefs and wealthy were allowed to have some slaves as concubines, especially if their own wives did not prove fruitful. Only among the Visayans did the first religious ministers of the gospel find established the custom of one man having many legitimate wives, and that of large dowries, which was no small obstruction to the planting of the gospel. The general rule was for each man to have one legitimate wife; and they tried to obtain one who was of their own family, and even very closely related to them, barring out the first degree, for that was always a direct impedimentto their marriage. Their marriages were not indissoluble, as are those of Christians. For if the consorts returned the dowry, one to the other, the one at fault to the one without blame, that was sufficient for repudiation; and they could marry others, unless the couple had children, in which case all the dowry was given to these. If profits had been made with the lapse of time, while they had lived together, those profits were divided between them both, if the gains were in common. But if they were the secret gains of one of them, then that one kept them.

497. The dowry, which is calledbigaycàya, was always given by the man (and it is even yet given), the parents of the girl determining the sum beforehand, at the time when they discussed the marriage. The parents of the bride received that dowry, and neither the bride nor her parents contributed any fund. The dowry was set according to the rank of the contracting parties; and if, perchance, the parents of the bride asked more than the ordinary sum, they were under obligations to bestow some gift to the married couple to suit the occasion as, for instance, a couple of slaves, some small gold jewel, or a bit of cleared land—for cultivation, as I have seen practiced even yet, and which they calledpasonòr. In thisbigaycayawas included what they calledpanhimùyat, which was the sum that had to be paid to the mother of the bride in return for her care and labor in the rearing and education of her daughter. In it was also included thepasòso, or the sum that was to be paid to thechichiva, or nurse, who had reared her. At present, if perhaps there is no bigaycaya in any marriage, for any reason, they neverfail to collect these revenues from the groom, upon which there is generally a suit.

498. This dowry orbigaycayawas and is given before the marriage with all the solemnity that they can muster up, amid a great concourse of maguinoos, relatives, and friends of the lovers. The latter are given the crosses on the money to kiss, which is counted and exhibited in public, in confirmation of the pact; and then the marriage is immediately celebrated with feasting and rejoicing. The employment of this bigaycaya is not the same in all the villages. In some it is all converted into the property of the parents of the bride, by way of trade, they selling their daughter (as do those of Mesopotamia) for a reasonable price. If the men do not possess the wherewithal with which to buy them promptly, innumerable sins follow and the two live in improper relations, even to the knowledge of the parents themselves—the young man serving as a servant in the houses of the latter to do their will, but in the capacity of a son, as far as familiarity and permission for evil are concerned. Many efforts are employed to extirpate this diabolical abuse, but it still costs great toil. Under the title ofcatipàdos(thus they call those who are engaged for marriage) are some concubinages legitimate for all time, for which the bigaycàya is not necessary. Having given up the bigaycàya, the poor couple are left destitute, for the parents of the bride take charge of everything.

499. That money is better used in some villages; for it serves to provide all kinds of clothes for the bride, and for one-half the expenses of the wedding (which are generally very great), and the parochialfees of the marriage, so that scarcely any is left for the parents of the couple. This is the practice that I have seen observed where I have been. These and otherogalis(which are customs) can only have their origin in the past, and come from father to son, and even there is variety in them, according to their distinct origins.

500. That which in España is called “the exchange of rings,” in order to give security to the marriage contract and the wishes of those who are to contract it, has also been observed here, the couple giving each other some jewel. This has been calledtalingbòhol. This was followed by thehabìlin, which is the sign that they have given the dowry which they had promised. And this was like the sign in shops to show that the price was fixed and that the article could not be sold at another price. Some fathers have maintained the custom of asking the same price for their daughter as they paid for the mother when they were married; but as fortunes are unequal, this cannot be maintained inexorably, nor at all times, nor with all.

501. The dowry was never returned to the one who gave it, unless the son-in-law were so obedient to his parents-in-law that he should win their affection, in which case they returned him the dowry, at the death of any one; but this was rather a matter of charity than of obligation, as all confess. If the woman who was to be married was alone, and had neither parents nor grandparents, she herself and no other received the dowry. At present, the greed of the Indians must be greater; for this poor lone woman is never without either thechichivawho gave her the breast, who will not be left without her payment,or uncle, aunt, or other relative in whose care she has been because of the loss of her legitimate parents. And since the above consider themselves as her parents in this matter (thepinaca ama, as the Indians call it) they take upon themselves the place of her parents, and get all the money, just as if they were the true parents.

502. All the relatives and friends who go to weddings were also wont to take each some little present. These gifts were set down very carefully and accurately, in an account, noting whatever each one gave. For if Pedro So-and-so gave two reals at this wedding, two reals were also given to him if he had another wedding in his house. All this money is spent, either in paying, if anything is due for the wedding, or as an aid in the expenses. Or if the parents of both the young couple are niggardly, they divide it and keep it. If they are generous, they use it in thepamamuhay, or furnishing of the house of the couple. Consequently, there is no regular custom in this. The nearest relatives give the couple a jewel as a mark of affection, but do not give money. These jewels belong to the bride, and to no one else.

503. Three days before the wedding all the relatives of both parties assemble at the house where it is to be celebrated, to make thepàlapàla, which is a sort of bower, by which they make the house larger so that all the guests may be accommodated easily. They spend three days in making this. The next three days are those customary to the wedding and its feast. Consequently, there are six days of expense, of racket, of reveling, of dancing and singing, until they fall asleep with fatigue and repletion, all helter-skelter without any distinction. Oftenfrom this perverse river the devil in turn gets his little harvest—now in quarrels and mishaps which have happened, and now in other more common sins; the greatest vigilance of the father ministers is insufficient to stop these wrongs, and there are no human forces (although there ought to be) which can banish these perniciousogalis.

504. In the olden days they employed certain ridiculous ceremonies, which had but little decency attending the intercourse of the couple upon the night of the wedding, customs which have now been totally uprooted. The least indecent was the coming of the catalona or babaylana to celebrate the espousals. They brought a hog for this purpose, and with it and on it performed their rites as in other sacrifices. The young couple seated themselves on their bridal bed, in the laps of certain old women who played the part of godmothers of the espousal. These women fed the young couple with their own hands from one dish, and they both drank from one vessel. The groom said that he loved the bride, and she that she loved the groom. Thereupon the shouts of joy broke out, and cries, and there was singing and dancing and drinking. Then the catalona arose with great gravity, and so many were the blessings that she showered down upon the young couple that, according to some that I have heard among these natives, they would exceed without any doubt the flatteries of our gypsy men and women, when they tell the fortune of one who has given them a large reward.

505. If the recently-married couple did not agree well, the groom danced, spear in hand, before a hog, and then gave it the death-thrust, praying meanwhileto his anito, and this was sufficient to make the young couple agree. Now the couple go in festal procession in the manner of a masquerade, to the house where they are to live. Then they form another such procession, in order to convey the godparents to their abodes, and with this the festival is at an end. And after so great expense, they usually remain indebted for the small parochial marriage fees, if the father minister has not been very prompt.

506. In regard to heirs, all the legitimate children equally inherited all the property of their parents. If there were no legitimate children, then the nearest relatives inherited. If one had two or more children by two wives, all legitimate, each child inherited what belonged to his mother, both of the wealth of her time, and of the profits made from it, which could have belonged to her. As to the dowry, it is inferred that the child’s grandparents received it, and spent it at the time of the wedding. If there were other children who were not legitimate, who had been had by a free woman, they had one-third of the property, and the legitimate children the other two thirds. But in case that there were no legitimate children, then the illegitimate children of a free woman were the absolute heirs. Some property was given to the children of slave women according to the wishes of the legitimate heirs, and the mother became free, as has been stated above—as did the children also, in the manner already explained.

507. They were also accustomed to have adopted children, and they are still much addicted to this; but the adoption was purchased by the one adopted, who gave the adopter a certain sum of gold, and, without any other intricacies of law, the latter keptthe one adopted, although otherwise he had his own legitimate father. This was the contract made in such cases. If the adopter reared the one adopted during his life (whether he had other children or not), the one adopted was to inherit the sum that had been given for his adoption—increased by a like sum, obtaining in the inheritance twenty, if ten had been given. But if the one adopted died first, the total obligation of the adopter expired, even to the heirs of the one adopted. Over and above the inheritance obligation, the adopter generally left the one adopted something else, such as a jewel or a slave, if his services had been good, as a reward for his faithfulness and affection. If however, the one adopted was disagreeable, the adopter gave him up by giving back the sum that had been given for his adoption, and the contract was annulled.

508. If children were had in adultery, they all lived with the mother. If the party aggrieved had been paid and satisfied by the culprit with gold, according to their custom, the children were declared legitimate, and inherited equally with the real legitimate children in the inheritance of the father; but they inherited nothing from the mother. But if the injury were not atoned for, they had no inheritance, and were not regarded as legitimate.

509. These children, and those had by one’s own slave woman (notwithstanding the liberty which she and her children enjoyed), and much less the children had by a slave of another master (notwithstanding that gold was paid for her during her pregnancy), did not succeed to the nobility of their parents, nor to their privileges; but were always considered as people of low birth, and were enrolledamong the timavas in the villages. The legitimate children alone could inherit nobility, and even posts. Hence if the father were absolute lord in one barangay, his sons succeeded to that office, according to priority of birth; and if there were no sons, then the daughters, and after them the nearest relatives; and it was unnecessary to appoint or name them in their wills. They have never had the custom of making wills, and at most leave a list of their wealth and obligations. However, the custom is now coming in of making some testamentary memoranda before the village clerk, so that it may be legal in court.

1Juan Francisco de San Antonio was born in Madrid in 1682, and made his profession in the Franciscan order at the age of twenty. In 1724 he brought a mission band to the islands, and spent there the rest of his life. His lifelong employ was in preaching, and as instructor in theology—save fifteen years spent in Indian villages near Manila. He died in that city May 29, 1744, the same year in which the last volume of hisCronicaswas published. See Huerta’sEstado, p. 537.2These are the Tagablis or Tagabili, also called Tagabelíes, Tagabaloy, Taga-bulú, Tagbalooys, etc. Murillo Velarde, in his map, places them west of Caraga and Bislig in Mindanao, but this district has been found to contain only Manobos and Mandayas. They are probably the heathen Malay people living between the bay of Sarangani and Lake Buluan, whence their name, meaning perhaps “people of Buluan.” See Blumentritt’sNative Tribes of Philippines(Mason’s translation), andCensus of Philippines, i, p. 476.3The cloth made from abacá alone is calledsinamay; that made of abacá and pineapple fiber,jusi; and that from a specially selected grade of abacá, much finer and more difficult to extract than commercial hemp or that used in making other cloths,lupis. SeeCensus of Philippines, iv, p. 19.4Zúñiga (Estadismo) mentions the Chinese mestizo population of Tambóbong or Malabón (now in Rizal province) as about 7,500. Some of them had acquired by trade property to the value of 40,000 pesos. The tribute collected from all the Chinese mestizos of Luzon numbered 10,500, over 8,000 of which came from the provinces immediately north of Manila—Tondó, Bulacán, and Pampanga. The Chinese mestizo element is very evident today in the provinces of Bulacán and Pampanga, and probably forms the principal element among the native owners of haciendas. SeeCensus of Philippines, i, pp. 435, 436, 438.5Spanish,con que se da Borney la mano; literally “shakes hands.”6An evidentlapsus calamifor Legazpi, such as has occurred in other writers.7A Moorish garment resembling a herdsman’s jacket, with which the body is covered and girt. It is still used on some festive occasions. (Dicc. Academia, 1726.)8Seeante, p. 123, note 48.9Spanish,amusco, pero encendido; the last word,encendido, is literally “kindled,” or “glowing”—that is, as here used, evidently referring to a reddish tint given by the blood showing through the skin.10The name of this book is probably theOrigen de los Indios de el nuevo mondo, e Indias occidentales(Valencia, 1607; 8vo). Garcia was also the author of a book entitledHistoria ecclesiastica y seglar de la Yndia oriental y occidental, y predicacion del sancto evangelio en ella por los apostolos(Baeça, 1626; 8vo).11See this report inVol. VII, pp. 173–196. See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 321–329. But San Antonio quite overlooks the earlier relation by Miguel de Loarca (Vol. V, pp. 34–187).12Antonio de Padua or de la Llave went to the Philippines with Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in 1590. He took the habit March 17, 1591, and professed in the province of San Gregorio March 19, 1592, changing his former name of Gonzalo to Antonio. After studying in the Manila Franciscan convent, he became missionary in the village of San Miguel de Guilinguiling, in 1602, and afterwards in the villages of Paete, Santa Cruz, Siniloan, Lilio, and Pila. He acted as definitorad interim, from October 7, 1634 to January 13, 1635, and after becoming missionary of Pila was appointed commissary-visitor, holding that office from June 12 to December 16, 1637. He served as definitor again in 1639, and finally died in the Franciscan convent of Mahayhay in 1645. He was the first chronicler of the province of San Gregorio, and wrote the annals of his order from its founding in the Philippines in 1577 to the year 1644, in two volumes; and a life of Gerónima de la Asuncion, foundress of the royal convent of Poor Clares in Manila. See Huerta’sEstado, pp. 452, 453.13Possibly a misprint formagaanito, as it is called elsewhere.14Seeante, p. 191, note 101.15Noceda and Sanlucar’sVocabulario de la lengua Tagala(Manila, 1860) definesticticas the “song of a nocturnal bird calledapira, whence the name was transferred to the bird itself. It is also known by the names of Lapira and Pirapira.”16That is, evidently without having enjoyed any of the fruits of the theft.17The Spanish edition of Juan de Solorzano Pereyra’sDisputationem de Indiarum jure(Matriti, 1629–39; 2 vols., fol.), and of which later editions were published. The title of the first edition of the Spanish work isPolitica Indiana sacada en lengua castellana de los dos tomos del derecho i govierno municipal de las Indias Occidentales que mas copiosamente escribio en la Latina. ... Por el mesmo autor ... Anadidas muchas cosas que no estan en los tomos Latinos(Madrid, 1648, fol.).18i.e., Sunday,Domingobeing the Spanish word; evidence that this method of styling the week was evolved after the conquest.19SeeVol. III, p. 161, note 42.20The distance from the extremity of the thumb to the extremity of the index finger, when outstretched; hence a span.21For the above weights and measures, seeVols. III, p. 71, note 20; p. 184, note 50; p. 253, note 87; and XV, p. 179, note 116. See alsoCensus of Philippines, i, p. 327; and iv, pp. 447–457(a long list of weights and measures, with many tables, used in the Philippines).

2These are the Tagablis or Tagabili, also called Tagabelíes, Tagabaloy, Taga-bulú, Tagbalooys, etc. Murillo Velarde, in his map, places them west of Caraga and Bislig in Mindanao, but this district has been found to contain only Manobos and Mandayas. They are probably the heathen Malay people living between the bay of Sarangani and Lake Buluan, whence their name, meaning perhaps “people of Buluan.” See Blumentritt’sNative Tribes of Philippines(Mason’s translation), andCensus of Philippines, i, p. 476.

3The cloth made from abacá alone is calledsinamay; that made of abacá and pineapple fiber,jusi; and that from a specially selected grade of abacá, much finer and more difficult to extract than commercial hemp or that used in making other cloths,lupis. SeeCensus of Philippines, iv, p. 19.

4Zúñiga (Estadismo) mentions the Chinese mestizo population of Tambóbong or Malabón (now in Rizal province) as about 7,500. Some of them had acquired by trade property to the value of 40,000 pesos. The tribute collected from all the Chinese mestizos of Luzon numbered 10,500, over 8,000 of which came from the provinces immediately north of Manila—Tondó, Bulacán, and Pampanga. The Chinese mestizo element is very evident today in the provinces of Bulacán and Pampanga, and probably forms the principal element among the native owners of haciendas. SeeCensus of Philippines, i, pp. 435, 436, 438.

5Spanish,con que se da Borney la mano; literally “shakes hands.”

6An evidentlapsus calamifor Legazpi, such as has occurred in other writers.

7A Moorish garment resembling a herdsman’s jacket, with which the body is covered and girt. It is still used on some festive occasions. (Dicc. Academia, 1726.)

8Seeante, p. 123, note 48.

9Spanish,amusco, pero encendido; the last word,encendido, is literally “kindled,” or “glowing”—that is, as here used, evidently referring to a reddish tint given by the blood showing through the skin.

10The name of this book is probably theOrigen de los Indios de el nuevo mondo, e Indias occidentales(Valencia, 1607; 8vo). Garcia was also the author of a book entitledHistoria ecclesiastica y seglar de la Yndia oriental y occidental, y predicacion del sancto evangelio en ella por los apostolos(Baeça, 1626; 8vo).

11See this report inVol. VII, pp. 173–196. See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 321–329. But San Antonio quite overlooks the earlier relation by Miguel de Loarca (Vol. V, pp. 34–187).

12Antonio de Padua or de la Llave went to the Philippines with Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in 1590. He took the habit March 17, 1591, and professed in the province of San Gregorio March 19, 1592, changing his former name of Gonzalo to Antonio. After studying in the Manila Franciscan convent, he became missionary in the village of San Miguel de Guilinguiling, in 1602, and afterwards in the villages of Paete, Santa Cruz, Siniloan, Lilio, and Pila. He acted as definitorad interim, from October 7, 1634 to January 13, 1635, and after becoming missionary of Pila was appointed commissary-visitor, holding that office from June 12 to December 16, 1637. He served as definitor again in 1639, and finally died in the Franciscan convent of Mahayhay in 1645. He was the first chronicler of the province of San Gregorio, and wrote the annals of his order from its founding in the Philippines in 1577 to the year 1644, in two volumes; and a life of Gerónima de la Asuncion, foundress of the royal convent of Poor Clares in Manila. See Huerta’sEstado, pp. 452, 453.

13Possibly a misprint formagaanito, as it is called elsewhere.

14Seeante, p. 191, note 101.

15Noceda and Sanlucar’sVocabulario de la lengua Tagala(Manila, 1860) definesticticas the “song of a nocturnal bird calledapira, whence the name was transferred to the bird itself. It is also known by the names of Lapira and Pirapira.”

16That is, evidently without having enjoyed any of the fruits of the theft.

17The Spanish edition of Juan de Solorzano Pereyra’sDisputationem de Indiarum jure(Matriti, 1629–39; 2 vols., fol.), and of which later editions were published. The title of the first edition of the Spanish work isPolitica Indiana sacada en lengua castellana de los dos tomos del derecho i govierno municipal de las Indias Occidentales que mas copiosamente escribio en la Latina. ... Por el mesmo autor ... Anadidas muchas cosas que no estan en los tomos Latinos(Madrid, 1648, fol.).

18i.e., Sunday,Domingobeing the Spanish word; evidence that this method of styling the week was evolved after the conquest.

19SeeVol. III, p. 161, note 42.

20The distance from the extremity of the thumb to the extremity of the index finger, when outstretched; hence a span.

21For the above weights and measures, seeVols. III, p. 71, note 20; p. 184, note 50; p. 253, note 87; and XV, p. 179, note 116. See alsoCensus of Philippines, i, p. 327; and iv, pp. 447–457(a long list of weights and measures, with many tables, used in the Philippines).

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