Chapter 41

1The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows: “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this royal Audiencia of Manila.” It is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana’s memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states (Catálogoof 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In 1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé, and later “the Old College.” In 1845 Salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumentalCatholic Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)↑2“Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan] following has been greatly increased—not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.)↑3Probably referring to the Hudson’s Bay Company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746–47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and Henry Ellis in those years, “for discovering a Northwest Passage”—a discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.↑4On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the greatMer d’Ouest, or “Western Sea,” evidently an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i, p. 140–148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft,ut supra, pp. 345, 346).↑5This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of it first appeared in a London periodical (theMonthly Miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft’sNortheast Coast, i, pp. 116–119; and Winsor’sNarrative and Critical History of America, ii, pp. 462, 463.↑6Probably referring to Ricard’sTraité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.↑7In Spanish text,Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch explorer’s name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used the name Hornos (meaning “ovens”) through some accidental circumstance or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa’s expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn in 1616—accounts of this voyage being written by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor,Narrative and Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409–412.)↑8For the text ofExtracto historial, seeVOLS.XXX,XLIV, andXLVof this series.↑9Marginal note by Viana.—“Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.“On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy—who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions.“The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.“The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side—especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid Gomes—regarding which I set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in theexpedientewhich was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year.”↑10Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with the English and allow them to settle.↑11A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American railroad magnate, “charge all that the traffic will bear.”↑12The termsituadowas also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (seeVOL. XIV, p. 247, andXVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in hisDissertacion, pp. 95–98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of “the fourths:” “The said father ministers are paid from the ‘fourths’ of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is calledsituado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers—to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of ‘fourths,’ which is explained in theRecopilacionby ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the ‘fourth’ of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. The destination of the money from the ‘fourths’ was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the ‘fourths’ the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different.”↑13Verecus(forbiricús): meaning “sword-belts.”↑14Spanish,pandillas: one of its meanings is, “a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,” which is quite equivalent to the Americanism “gang.”↑15Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.↑16On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or some friend of Viana’s: “It was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics.”↑17Millones: “the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (seeVOL. XLIV, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years.”Sisas: “the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance—which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation.” (Dominguez.)↑18Marginal note by Viana.—“In the Royal Audiencia is pending theexpedienteof the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government.”↑19Marginal note by Viana.—“In theexpedientefor the regulation of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them.”↑20On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies, seeRecopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there.↑21Presumably citing theHistoriaof Jacques Auguste de Thou (the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604–08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was “the history of his own time,” covering the period 1543–1607.↑22An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India, where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. See Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes, i, pp. 548–566.↑23For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India, China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes(Genève, 1780), i, pp. 1–150. At the end, he states “the causes which brought on the ruin of the Portuguese in India.” “This little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real power—agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists.” “As the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples.” “Of all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia, there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor, Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,—excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown.” “Such is the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?”↑24The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitledMare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century (Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).↑25At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentionedante, p. 249, note 130: “The author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics.”↑26Spanish,como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible.↑27In the text,vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural.↑28An alloy of copper and nickel, known as “white copper” and “German silver,” and to the Chinese asPackfongandpetong.↑29TheDictionnaire universel de commerceof Jacques Savary des Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723–30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into English (London, 1751–55).↑30In text,capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusingcapirotesandredingotes.↑31Manungal(Samadera indica): “the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties.” (Official Handbook of the Philippines, p. 353.) Blanco (who named this treeManungala, but laterNiota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that “it was as efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers.” In the same work (pp. 389, 391)manungalis, apparently by some oversight, identified with themacabuhay(Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(p. 76) toLunasia amara.↑32In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon cinnamon published by Forrest in hisVoyage to New Guinea, pp. 338–349; it was “communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade, and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S.” Some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector’s description. Of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties are said to yield “camphire” [i.e., camphor].↑33The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: “The island of Mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East and west it extends 128⅓ leguas. Its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555⅔ leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o’clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there.Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton NicolsMap of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]Presidios with forts are markedWithout forts,Captured and ruined by the Moros,”[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]↑34A parallel case: “Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony.” (Raynal,Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 607, 608.)↑35Regarding this company, seeVOL. XLV, pp. 45–50.↑36In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton, late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.—Germany was concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers, Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505–06, when Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information:General works: Heyd,Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into French,Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge(Leipzig, 1885–86), 2 vols. Peschel,Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse,Pennsylvania: the German influence in its settlement and development; part 1, “The Fatherland, 1450–1700”—published inProceedings and Addressesof the Pennsylvania German Society, vol. viii (1897).On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg,Das Zeitalter der Fugger(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler,Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung in Spanien(Weimar, 1897); andDie überseeischen Unternehmungen der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter(Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch,Die überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser(Leipzig, 1895), a dissertation.Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494–1541: Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; “mitgetheilt mit erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff”—published (Augsburg, 1861) inJahresberichte26 of the “Historische Kreisverein” in the jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.On the expedition of Francisco d’Almeida: Kunstmann,Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien(München, 1861).Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505–06, “wissenschaftliche Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck seinerMeerfahrtvom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze” (Strassburg, 1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the German merchants.The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505–06, “being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated from the contemporary Flemish, and edited” by C. H. Coote (London, 1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish version of Springer’s account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. Harrisse,Americus Vespuccius(London, 1895); besides showing the true character of Coote’s book, this work contains valuable notes on the German connection with the discoveries.↑37This work (Turin, 1724–30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wroteComercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas, etc. (Madrid, 1732).↑38For identifications of these various woods, seeVOLS. XII, p. 245 (molave), andXVIII, pp. 169–173.Tangiliis the Tagálog name for various trees of the generaDipterocarpusandShorea, (of the same natural order). “Teak” is a corruption of the Malabar name for the tree known to botanists asTectona grandis. According toOfficial Handbook(p. 356), it “exists in Mindanao, and said to exist in Negros.” Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: “The only teak tree of which I have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay people call itticla…. It is common in some provinces of Visayas, in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom.”↑39See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm,Caryota urens.↑40Representación al Rey … dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario(Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde; he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.↑41Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook, p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.See Jagor’s account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in hisReisen, pp. 76–81.↑42Marginal note by Viana.—“At this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster.”↑43Marginal note by Viana.—“The mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted.”↑44Narrais the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genusPterocarpus, especiallyP. indicas; it is sometimes called “the mahogany of the Philippines.” The species alluded to by Viana is probablyP. Blancoi, calledapálitby the Pampangos; “the decoction of the wood is nephritic” (Official Handbook).Catbalonga(pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names torStrychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. See Jagor’s interesting note on this plant (Ignatia amara, L., orStrychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in hisReisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the namepepita de Catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.↑45Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of Laguna.Calingais the native name ofCinnamomum pauciflorum.↑46“On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593—which provided that no merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to purchase his goods directly—were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles.” This stupid procedure not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished—on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero,Libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.↑47Referring to the book by this author entitledTheorica y practica de comercio y de marina(Madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of the chapters have the following titles: “Of the commerce which can be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of Filipinas;” and “Of the commerce with Filipinas.” (Vindel’sCatálogo, 1903, p. 276.)↑48Spanish,testas de fierro(in modern form,testaferros); meaning “those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person” (Dominguez).↑49Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.↑50St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon’s last exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27–29, 1906) the military forces there.↑51Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246–250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390–403, 464–481, 517–542, 570–594.)↑

1The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows: “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this royal Audiencia of Manila.” It is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana’s memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states (Catálogoof 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In 1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé, and later “the Old College.” In 1845 Salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumentalCatholic Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)↑2“Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan] following has been greatly increased—not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.)↑3Probably referring to the Hudson’s Bay Company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746–47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and Henry Ellis in those years, “for discovering a Northwest Passage”—a discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.↑4On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the greatMer d’Ouest, or “Western Sea,” evidently an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i, p. 140–148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft,ut supra, pp. 345, 346).↑5This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of it first appeared in a London periodical (theMonthly Miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft’sNortheast Coast, i, pp. 116–119; and Winsor’sNarrative and Critical History of America, ii, pp. 462, 463.↑6Probably referring to Ricard’sTraité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.↑7In Spanish text,Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch explorer’s name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used the name Hornos (meaning “ovens”) through some accidental circumstance or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa’s expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn in 1616—accounts of this voyage being written by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor,Narrative and Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409–412.)↑8For the text ofExtracto historial, seeVOLS.XXX,XLIV, andXLVof this series.↑9Marginal note by Viana.—“Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.“On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy—who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions.“The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.“The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side—especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid Gomes—regarding which I set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in theexpedientewhich was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year.”↑10Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with the English and allow them to settle.↑11A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American railroad magnate, “charge all that the traffic will bear.”↑12The termsituadowas also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (seeVOL. XIV, p. 247, andXVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in hisDissertacion, pp. 95–98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of “the fourths:” “The said father ministers are paid from the ‘fourths’ of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is calledsituado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers—to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of ‘fourths,’ which is explained in theRecopilacionby ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the ‘fourth’ of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. The destination of the money from the ‘fourths’ was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the ‘fourths’ the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different.”↑13Verecus(forbiricús): meaning “sword-belts.”↑14Spanish,pandillas: one of its meanings is, “a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,” which is quite equivalent to the Americanism “gang.”↑15Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.↑16On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or some friend of Viana’s: “It was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics.”↑17Millones: “the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (seeVOL. XLIV, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years.”Sisas: “the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance—which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation.” (Dominguez.)↑18Marginal note by Viana.—“In the Royal Audiencia is pending theexpedienteof the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government.”↑19Marginal note by Viana.—“In theexpedientefor the regulation of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them.”↑20On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies, seeRecopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there.↑21Presumably citing theHistoriaof Jacques Auguste de Thou (the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604–08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was “the history of his own time,” covering the period 1543–1607.↑22An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India, where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. See Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes, i, pp. 548–566.↑23For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India, China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes(Genève, 1780), i, pp. 1–150. At the end, he states “the causes which brought on the ruin of the Portuguese in India.” “This little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real power—agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists.” “As the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples.” “Of all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia, there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor, Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,—excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown.” “Such is the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?”↑24The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitledMare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century (Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).↑25At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentionedante, p. 249, note 130: “The author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics.”↑26Spanish,como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible.↑27In the text,vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural.↑28An alloy of copper and nickel, known as “white copper” and “German silver,” and to the Chinese asPackfongandpetong.↑29TheDictionnaire universel de commerceof Jacques Savary des Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723–30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into English (London, 1751–55).↑30In text,capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusingcapirotesandredingotes.↑31Manungal(Samadera indica): “the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties.” (Official Handbook of the Philippines, p. 353.) Blanco (who named this treeManungala, but laterNiota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that “it was as efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers.” In the same work (pp. 389, 391)manungalis, apparently by some oversight, identified with themacabuhay(Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(p. 76) toLunasia amara.↑32In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon cinnamon published by Forrest in hisVoyage to New Guinea, pp. 338–349; it was “communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade, and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S.” Some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector’s description. Of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties are said to yield “camphire” [i.e., camphor].↑33The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: “The island of Mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East and west it extends 128⅓ leguas. Its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555⅔ leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o’clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there.Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton NicolsMap of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]Presidios with forts are markedWithout forts,Captured and ruined by the Moros,”[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]↑34A parallel case: “Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony.” (Raynal,Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 607, 608.)↑35Regarding this company, seeVOL. XLV, pp. 45–50.↑36In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton, late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.—Germany was concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers, Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505–06, when Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information:General works: Heyd,Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into French,Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge(Leipzig, 1885–86), 2 vols. Peschel,Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse,Pennsylvania: the German influence in its settlement and development; part 1, “The Fatherland, 1450–1700”—published inProceedings and Addressesof the Pennsylvania German Society, vol. viii (1897).On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg,Das Zeitalter der Fugger(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler,Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung in Spanien(Weimar, 1897); andDie überseeischen Unternehmungen der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter(Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch,Die überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser(Leipzig, 1895), a dissertation.Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494–1541: Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; “mitgetheilt mit erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff”—published (Augsburg, 1861) inJahresberichte26 of the “Historische Kreisverein” in the jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.On the expedition of Francisco d’Almeida: Kunstmann,Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien(München, 1861).Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505–06, “wissenschaftliche Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck seinerMeerfahrtvom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze” (Strassburg, 1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the German merchants.The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505–06, “being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated from the contemporary Flemish, and edited” by C. H. Coote (London, 1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish version of Springer’s account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. Harrisse,Americus Vespuccius(London, 1895); besides showing the true character of Coote’s book, this work contains valuable notes on the German connection with the discoveries.↑37This work (Turin, 1724–30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wroteComercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas, etc. (Madrid, 1732).↑38For identifications of these various woods, seeVOLS. XII, p. 245 (molave), andXVIII, pp. 169–173.Tangiliis the Tagálog name for various trees of the generaDipterocarpusandShorea, (of the same natural order). “Teak” is a corruption of the Malabar name for the tree known to botanists asTectona grandis. According toOfficial Handbook(p. 356), it “exists in Mindanao, and said to exist in Negros.” Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: “The only teak tree of which I have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay people call itticla…. It is common in some provinces of Visayas, in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom.”↑39See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm,Caryota urens.↑40Representación al Rey … dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario(Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde; he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.↑41Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook, p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.See Jagor’s account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in hisReisen, pp. 76–81.↑42Marginal note by Viana.—“At this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster.”↑43Marginal note by Viana.—“The mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted.”↑44Narrais the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genusPterocarpus, especiallyP. indicas; it is sometimes called “the mahogany of the Philippines.” The species alluded to by Viana is probablyP. Blancoi, calledapálitby the Pampangos; “the decoction of the wood is nephritic” (Official Handbook).Catbalonga(pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names torStrychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. See Jagor’s interesting note on this plant (Ignatia amara, L., orStrychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in hisReisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the namepepita de Catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.↑45Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of Laguna.Calingais the native name ofCinnamomum pauciflorum.↑46“On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593—which provided that no merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to purchase his goods directly—were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles.” This stupid procedure not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished—on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero,Libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.↑47Referring to the book by this author entitledTheorica y practica de comercio y de marina(Madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of the chapters have the following titles: “Of the commerce which can be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of Filipinas;” and “Of the commerce with Filipinas.” (Vindel’sCatálogo, 1903, p. 276.)↑48Spanish,testas de fierro(in modern form,testaferros); meaning “those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person” (Dominguez).↑49Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.↑50St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon’s last exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27–29, 1906) the military forces there.↑51Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246–250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390–403, 464–481, 517–542, 570–594.)↑

1The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows: “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this royal Audiencia of Manila.” It is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana’s memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states (Catálogoof 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In 1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé, and later “the Old College.” In 1845 Salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumentalCatholic Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)↑2“Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan] following has been greatly increased—not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.)↑3Probably referring to the Hudson’s Bay Company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746–47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and Henry Ellis in those years, “for discovering a Northwest Passage”—a discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.↑4On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the greatMer d’Ouest, or “Western Sea,” evidently an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i, p. 140–148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft,ut supra, pp. 345, 346).↑5This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of it first appeared in a London periodical (theMonthly Miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft’sNortheast Coast, i, pp. 116–119; and Winsor’sNarrative and Critical History of America, ii, pp. 462, 463.↑6Probably referring to Ricard’sTraité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.↑7In Spanish text,Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch explorer’s name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used the name Hornos (meaning “ovens”) through some accidental circumstance or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa’s expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn in 1616—accounts of this voyage being written by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor,Narrative and Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409–412.)↑8For the text ofExtracto historial, seeVOLS.XXX,XLIV, andXLVof this series.↑9Marginal note by Viana.—“Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.“On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy—who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions.“The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.“The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side—especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid Gomes—regarding which I set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in theexpedientewhich was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year.”↑10Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with the English and allow them to settle.↑11A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American railroad magnate, “charge all that the traffic will bear.”↑12The termsituadowas also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (seeVOL. XIV, p. 247, andXVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in hisDissertacion, pp. 95–98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of “the fourths:” “The said father ministers are paid from the ‘fourths’ of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is calledsituado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers—to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of ‘fourths,’ which is explained in theRecopilacionby ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the ‘fourth’ of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. The destination of the money from the ‘fourths’ was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the ‘fourths’ the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different.”↑13Verecus(forbiricús): meaning “sword-belts.”↑14Spanish,pandillas: one of its meanings is, “a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,” which is quite equivalent to the Americanism “gang.”↑15Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.↑16On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or some friend of Viana’s: “It was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics.”↑17Millones: “the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (seeVOL. XLIV, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years.”Sisas: “the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance—which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation.” (Dominguez.)↑18Marginal note by Viana.—“In the Royal Audiencia is pending theexpedienteof the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government.”↑19Marginal note by Viana.—“In theexpedientefor the regulation of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them.”↑20On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies, seeRecopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there.↑21Presumably citing theHistoriaof Jacques Auguste de Thou (the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604–08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was “the history of his own time,” covering the period 1543–1607.↑22An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India, where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. See Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes, i, pp. 548–566.↑23For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India, China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes(Genève, 1780), i, pp. 1–150. At the end, he states “the causes which brought on the ruin of the Portuguese in India.” “This little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real power—agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists.” “As the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples.” “Of all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia, there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor, Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,—excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown.” “Such is the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?”↑24The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitledMare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century (Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).↑25At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentionedante, p. 249, note 130: “The author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics.”↑26Spanish,como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible.↑27In the text,vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural.↑28An alloy of copper and nickel, known as “white copper” and “German silver,” and to the Chinese asPackfongandpetong.↑29TheDictionnaire universel de commerceof Jacques Savary des Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723–30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into English (London, 1751–55).↑30In text,capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusingcapirotesandredingotes.↑31Manungal(Samadera indica): “the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties.” (Official Handbook of the Philippines, p. 353.) Blanco (who named this treeManungala, but laterNiota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that “it was as efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers.” In the same work (pp. 389, 391)manungalis, apparently by some oversight, identified with themacabuhay(Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(p. 76) toLunasia amara.↑32In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon cinnamon published by Forrest in hisVoyage to New Guinea, pp. 338–349; it was “communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade, and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S.” Some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector’s description. Of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties are said to yield “camphire” [i.e., camphor].↑33The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: “The island of Mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East and west it extends 128⅓ leguas. Its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555⅔ leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o’clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there.Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton NicolsMap of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]Presidios with forts are markedWithout forts,Captured and ruined by the Moros,”[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]↑34A parallel case: “Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony.” (Raynal,Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 607, 608.)↑35Regarding this company, seeVOL. XLV, pp. 45–50.↑36In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton, late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.—Germany was concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers, Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505–06, when Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information:General works: Heyd,Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into French,Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge(Leipzig, 1885–86), 2 vols. Peschel,Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse,Pennsylvania: the German influence in its settlement and development; part 1, “The Fatherland, 1450–1700”—published inProceedings and Addressesof the Pennsylvania German Society, vol. viii (1897).On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg,Das Zeitalter der Fugger(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler,Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung in Spanien(Weimar, 1897); andDie überseeischen Unternehmungen der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter(Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch,Die überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser(Leipzig, 1895), a dissertation.Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494–1541: Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; “mitgetheilt mit erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff”—published (Augsburg, 1861) inJahresberichte26 of the “Historische Kreisverein” in the jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.On the expedition of Francisco d’Almeida: Kunstmann,Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien(München, 1861).Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505–06, “wissenschaftliche Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck seinerMeerfahrtvom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze” (Strassburg, 1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the German merchants.The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505–06, “being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated from the contemporary Flemish, and edited” by C. H. Coote (London, 1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish version of Springer’s account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. Harrisse,Americus Vespuccius(London, 1895); besides showing the true character of Coote’s book, this work contains valuable notes on the German connection with the discoveries.↑37This work (Turin, 1724–30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wroteComercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas, etc. (Madrid, 1732).↑38For identifications of these various woods, seeVOLS. XII, p. 245 (molave), andXVIII, pp. 169–173.Tangiliis the Tagálog name for various trees of the generaDipterocarpusandShorea, (of the same natural order). “Teak” is a corruption of the Malabar name for the tree known to botanists asTectona grandis. According toOfficial Handbook(p. 356), it “exists in Mindanao, and said to exist in Negros.” Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: “The only teak tree of which I have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay people call itticla…. It is common in some provinces of Visayas, in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom.”↑39See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm,Caryota urens.↑40Representación al Rey … dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario(Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde; he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.↑41Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook, p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.See Jagor’s account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in hisReisen, pp. 76–81.↑42Marginal note by Viana.—“At this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster.”↑43Marginal note by Viana.—“The mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted.”↑44Narrais the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genusPterocarpus, especiallyP. indicas; it is sometimes called “the mahogany of the Philippines.” The species alluded to by Viana is probablyP. Blancoi, calledapálitby the Pampangos; “the decoction of the wood is nephritic” (Official Handbook).Catbalonga(pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names torStrychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. See Jagor’s interesting note on this plant (Ignatia amara, L., orStrychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in hisReisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the namepepita de Catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.↑45Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of Laguna.Calingais the native name ofCinnamomum pauciflorum.↑46“On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593—which provided that no merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to purchase his goods directly—were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles.” This stupid procedure not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished—on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero,Libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.↑47Referring to the book by this author entitledTheorica y practica de comercio y de marina(Madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of the chapters have the following titles: “Of the commerce which can be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of Filipinas;” and “Of the commerce with Filipinas.” (Vindel’sCatálogo, 1903, p. 276.)↑48Spanish,testas de fierro(in modern form,testaferros); meaning “those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person” (Dominguez).↑49Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.↑50St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon’s last exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27–29, 1906) the military forces there.↑51Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246–250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390–403, 464–481, 517–542, 570–594.)↑

1The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows: “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this royal Audiencia of Manila.” It is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana’s memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states (Catálogoof 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In 1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé, and later “the Old College.” In 1845 Salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumentalCatholic Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)↑2“Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan] following has been greatly increased—not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.)↑3Probably referring to the Hudson’s Bay Company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746–47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and Henry Ellis in those years, “for discovering a Northwest Passage”—a discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.↑4On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the greatMer d’Ouest, or “Western Sea,” evidently an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i, p. 140–148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft,ut supra, pp. 345, 346).↑5This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of it first appeared in a London periodical (theMonthly Miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft’sNortheast Coast, i, pp. 116–119; and Winsor’sNarrative and Critical History of America, ii, pp. 462, 463.↑6Probably referring to Ricard’sTraité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.↑7In Spanish text,Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch explorer’s name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used the name Hornos (meaning “ovens”) through some accidental circumstance or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa’s expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn in 1616—accounts of this voyage being written by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor,Narrative and Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409–412.)↑8For the text ofExtracto historial, seeVOLS.XXX,XLIV, andXLVof this series.↑9Marginal note by Viana.—“Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.“On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy—who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions.“The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.“The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side—especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid Gomes—regarding which I set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in theexpedientewhich was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year.”↑10Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with the English and allow them to settle.↑11A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American railroad magnate, “charge all that the traffic will bear.”↑12The termsituadowas also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (seeVOL. XIV, p. 247, andXVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in hisDissertacion, pp. 95–98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of “the fourths:” “The said father ministers are paid from the ‘fourths’ of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is calledsituado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers—to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of ‘fourths,’ which is explained in theRecopilacionby ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the ‘fourth’ of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. The destination of the money from the ‘fourths’ was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the ‘fourths’ the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different.”↑13Verecus(forbiricús): meaning “sword-belts.”↑14Spanish,pandillas: one of its meanings is, “a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,” which is quite equivalent to the Americanism “gang.”↑15Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.↑16On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or some friend of Viana’s: “It was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics.”↑17Millones: “the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (seeVOL. XLIV, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years.”Sisas: “the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance—which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation.” (Dominguez.)↑18Marginal note by Viana.—“In the Royal Audiencia is pending theexpedienteof the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government.”↑19Marginal note by Viana.—“In theexpedientefor the regulation of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them.”↑20On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies, seeRecopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there.↑21Presumably citing theHistoriaof Jacques Auguste de Thou (the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604–08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was “the history of his own time,” covering the period 1543–1607.↑22An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India, where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. See Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes, i, pp. 548–566.↑23For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India, China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes(Genève, 1780), i, pp. 1–150. At the end, he states “the causes which brought on the ruin of the Portuguese in India.” “This little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real power—agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists.” “As the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples.” “Of all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia, there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor, Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,—excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown.” “Such is the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?”↑24The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitledMare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century (Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).↑25At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentionedante, p. 249, note 130: “The author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics.”↑26Spanish,como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible.↑27In the text,vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural.↑28An alloy of copper and nickel, known as “white copper” and “German silver,” and to the Chinese asPackfongandpetong.↑29TheDictionnaire universel de commerceof Jacques Savary des Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723–30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into English (London, 1751–55).↑30In text,capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusingcapirotesandredingotes.↑31Manungal(Samadera indica): “the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties.” (Official Handbook of the Philippines, p. 353.) Blanco (who named this treeManungala, but laterNiota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that “it was as efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers.” In the same work (pp. 389, 391)manungalis, apparently by some oversight, identified with themacabuhay(Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(p. 76) toLunasia amara.↑32In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon cinnamon published by Forrest in hisVoyage to New Guinea, pp. 338–349; it was “communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade, and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S.” Some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector’s description. Of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties are said to yield “camphire” [i.e., camphor].↑33The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: “The island of Mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East and west it extends 128⅓ leguas. Its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555⅔ leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o’clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there.Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton NicolsMap of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]Presidios with forts are markedWithout forts,Captured and ruined by the Moros,”[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]↑34A parallel case: “Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony.” (Raynal,Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 607, 608.)↑35Regarding this company, seeVOL. XLV, pp. 45–50.↑36In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton, late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.—Germany was concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers, Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505–06, when Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information:General works: Heyd,Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into French,Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge(Leipzig, 1885–86), 2 vols. Peschel,Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse,Pennsylvania: the German influence in its settlement and development; part 1, “The Fatherland, 1450–1700”—published inProceedings and Addressesof the Pennsylvania German Society, vol. viii (1897).On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg,Das Zeitalter der Fugger(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler,Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung in Spanien(Weimar, 1897); andDie überseeischen Unternehmungen der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter(Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch,Die überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser(Leipzig, 1895), a dissertation.Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494–1541: Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; “mitgetheilt mit erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff”—published (Augsburg, 1861) inJahresberichte26 of the “Historische Kreisverein” in the jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.On the expedition of Francisco d’Almeida: Kunstmann,Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien(München, 1861).Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505–06, “wissenschaftliche Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck seinerMeerfahrtvom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze” (Strassburg, 1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the German merchants.The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505–06, “being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated from the contemporary Flemish, and edited” by C. H. Coote (London, 1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish version of Springer’s account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. Harrisse,Americus Vespuccius(London, 1895); besides showing the true character of Coote’s book, this work contains valuable notes on the German connection with the discoveries.↑37This work (Turin, 1724–30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wroteComercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas, etc. (Madrid, 1732).↑38For identifications of these various woods, seeVOLS. XII, p. 245 (molave), andXVIII, pp. 169–173.Tangiliis the Tagálog name for various trees of the generaDipterocarpusandShorea, (of the same natural order). “Teak” is a corruption of the Malabar name for the tree known to botanists asTectona grandis. According toOfficial Handbook(p. 356), it “exists in Mindanao, and said to exist in Negros.” Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: “The only teak tree of which I have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay people call itticla…. It is common in some provinces of Visayas, in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom.”↑39See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm,Caryota urens.↑40Representación al Rey … dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario(Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde; he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.↑41Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook, p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.See Jagor’s account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in hisReisen, pp. 76–81.↑42Marginal note by Viana.—“At this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster.”↑43Marginal note by Viana.—“The mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted.”↑44Narrais the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genusPterocarpus, especiallyP. indicas; it is sometimes called “the mahogany of the Philippines.” The species alluded to by Viana is probablyP. Blancoi, calledapálitby the Pampangos; “the decoction of the wood is nephritic” (Official Handbook).Catbalonga(pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names torStrychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. See Jagor’s interesting note on this plant (Ignatia amara, L., orStrychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in hisReisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the namepepita de Catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.↑45Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of Laguna.Calingais the native name ofCinnamomum pauciflorum.↑46“On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593—which provided that no merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to purchase his goods directly—were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles.” This stupid procedure not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished—on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero,Libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.↑47Referring to the book by this author entitledTheorica y practica de comercio y de marina(Madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of the chapters have the following titles: “Of the commerce which can be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of Filipinas;” and “Of the commerce with Filipinas.” (Vindel’sCatálogo, 1903, p. 276.)↑48Spanish,testas de fierro(in modern form,testaferros); meaning “those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person” (Dominguez).↑49Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.↑50St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon’s last exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27–29, 1906) the military forces there.↑51Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246–250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390–403, 464–481, 517–542, 570–594.)↑

1The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows: “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this royal Audiencia of Manila.” It is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana’s memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states (Catálogoof 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In 1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé, and later “the Old College.” In 1845 Salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumentalCatholic Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)↑2“Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan] following has been greatly increased—not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.)↑3Probably referring to the Hudson’s Bay Company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746–47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and Henry Ellis in those years, “for discovering a Northwest Passage”—a discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.↑4On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the greatMer d’Ouest, or “Western Sea,” evidently an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i, p. 140–148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft,ut supra, pp. 345, 346).↑5This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of it first appeared in a London periodical (theMonthly Miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft’sNortheast Coast, i, pp. 116–119; and Winsor’sNarrative and Critical History of America, ii, pp. 462, 463.↑6Probably referring to Ricard’sTraité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.↑7In Spanish text,Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch explorer’s name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used the name Hornos (meaning “ovens”) through some accidental circumstance or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa’s expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn in 1616—accounts of this voyage being written by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor,Narrative and Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409–412.)↑8For the text ofExtracto historial, seeVOLS.XXX,XLIV, andXLVof this series.↑9Marginal note by Viana.—“Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.“On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy—who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions.“The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.“The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side—especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid Gomes—regarding which I set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in theexpedientewhich was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year.”↑10Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with the English and allow them to settle.↑11A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American railroad magnate, “charge all that the traffic will bear.”↑12The termsituadowas also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (seeVOL. XIV, p. 247, andXVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in hisDissertacion, pp. 95–98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of “the fourths:” “The said father ministers are paid from the ‘fourths’ of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is calledsituado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers—to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of ‘fourths,’ which is explained in theRecopilacionby ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the ‘fourth’ of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. The destination of the money from the ‘fourths’ was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the ‘fourths’ the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different.”↑13Verecus(forbiricús): meaning “sword-belts.”↑14Spanish,pandillas: one of its meanings is, “a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,” which is quite equivalent to the Americanism “gang.”↑15Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.↑16On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or some friend of Viana’s: “It was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics.”↑17Millones: “the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (seeVOL. XLIV, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years.”Sisas: “the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance—which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation.” (Dominguez.)↑18Marginal note by Viana.—“In the Royal Audiencia is pending theexpedienteof the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government.”↑19Marginal note by Viana.—“In theexpedientefor the regulation of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them.”↑20On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies, seeRecopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there.↑21Presumably citing theHistoriaof Jacques Auguste de Thou (the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604–08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was “the history of his own time,” covering the period 1543–1607.↑22An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India, where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. See Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes, i, pp. 548–566.↑23For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India, China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes(Genève, 1780), i, pp. 1–150. At the end, he states “the causes which brought on the ruin of the Portuguese in India.” “This little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real power—agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists.” “As the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples.” “Of all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia, there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor, Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,—excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown.” “Such is the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?”↑24The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitledMare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century (Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).↑25At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentionedante, p. 249, note 130: “The author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics.”↑26Spanish,como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible.↑27In the text,vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural.↑28An alloy of copper and nickel, known as “white copper” and “German silver,” and to the Chinese asPackfongandpetong.↑29TheDictionnaire universel de commerceof Jacques Savary des Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723–30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into English (London, 1751–55).↑30In text,capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusingcapirotesandredingotes.↑31Manungal(Samadera indica): “the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties.” (Official Handbook of the Philippines, p. 353.) Blanco (who named this treeManungala, but laterNiota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that “it was as efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers.” In the same work (pp. 389, 391)manungalis, apparently by some oversight, identified with themacabuhay(Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(p. 76) toLunasia amara.↑32In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon cinnamon published by Forrest in hisVoyage to New Guinea, pp. 338–349; it was “communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade, and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S.” Some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector’s description. Of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties are said to yield “camphire” [i.e., camphor].↑33The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: “The island of Mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East and west it extends 128⅓ leguas. Its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555⅔ leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o’clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there.Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton NicolsMap of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]Presidios with forts are markedWithout forts,Captured and ruined by the Moros,”[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]↑34A parallel case: “Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony.” (Raynal,Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 607, 608.)↑35Regarding this company, seeVOL. XLV, pp. 45–50.↑36In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton, late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.—Germany was concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers, Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505–06, when Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information:General works: Heyd,Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into French,Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge(Leipzig, 1885–86), 2 vols. Peschel,Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse,Pennsylvania: the German influence in its settlement and development; part 1, “The Fatherland, 1450–1700”—published inProceedings and Addressesof the Pennsylvania German Society, vol. viii (1897).On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg,Das Zeitalter der Fugger(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler,Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung in Spanien(Weimar, 1897); andDie überseeischen Unternehmungen der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter(Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch,Die überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser(Leipzig, 1895), a dissertation.Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494–1541: Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; “mitgetheilt mit erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff”—published (Augsburg, 1861) inJahresberichte26 of the “Historische Kreisverein” in the jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.On the expedition of Francisco d’Almeida: Kunstmann,Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien(München, 1861).Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505–06, “wissenschaftliche Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck seinerMeerfahrtvom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze” (Strassburg, 1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the German merchants.The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505–06, “being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated from the contemporary Flemish, and edited” by C. H. Coote (London, 1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish version of Springer’s account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. Harrisse,Americus Vespuccius(London, 1895); besides showing the true character of Coote’s book, this work contains valuable notes on the German connection with the discoveries.↑37This work (Turin, 1724–30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wroteComercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas, etc. (Madrid, 1732).↑38For identifications of these various woods, seeVOLS. XII, p. 245 (molave), andXVIII, pp. 169–173.Tangiliis the Tagálog name for various trees of the generaDipterocarpusandShorea, (of the same natural order). “Teak” is a corruption of the Malabar name for the tree known to botanists asTectona grandis. According toOfficial Handbook(p. 356), it “exists in Mindanao, and said to exist in Negros.” Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: “The only teak tree of which I have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay people call itticla…. It is common in some provinces of Visayas, in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom.”↑39See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm,Caryota urens.↑40Representación al Rey … dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario(Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde; he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.↑41Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook, p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.See Jagor’s account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in hisReisen, pp. 76–81.↑42Marginal note by Viana.—“At this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster.”↑43Marginal note by Viana.—“The mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted.”↑44Narrais the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genusPterocarpus, especiallyP. indicas; it is sometimes called “the mahogany of the Philippines.” The species alluded to by Viana is probablyP. Blancoi, calledapálitby the Pampangos; “the decoction of the wood is nephritic” (Official Handbook).Catbalonga(pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names torStrychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. See Jagor’s interesting note on this plant (Ignatia amara, L., orStrychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in hisReisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the namepepita de Catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.↑45Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of Laguna.Calingais the native name ofCinnamomum pauciflorum.↑46“On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593—which provided that no merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to purchase his goods directly—were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles.” This stupid procedure not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished—on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero,Libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.↑47Referring to the book by this author entitledTheorica y practica de comercio y de marina(Madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of the chapters have the following titles: “Of the commerce which can be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of Filipinas;” and “Of the commerce with Filipinas.” (Vindel’sCatálogo, 1903, p. 276.)↑48Spanish,testas de fierro(in modern form,testaferros); meaning “those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person” (Dominguez).↑49Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.↑50St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon’s last exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27–29, 1906) the military forces there.↑51Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246–250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390–403, 464–481, 517–542, 570–594.)↑

1The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows: “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this royal Audiencia of Manila.” It is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana’s memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states (Catálogoof 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.

The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In 1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé, and later “the Old College.” In 1845 Salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumentalCatholic Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)↑

2“Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan] following has been greatly increased—not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.)↑

3Probably referring to the Hudson’s Bay Company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746–47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and Henry Ellis in those years, “for discovering a Northwest Passage”—a discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.↑

4On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the greatMer d’Ouest, or “Western Sea,” evidently an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i, p. 140–148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft,ut supra, pp. 345, 346).↑

5This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of it first appeared in a London periodical (theMonthly Miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft’sNortheast Coast, i, pp. 116–119; and Winsor’sNarrative and Critical History of America, ii, pp. 462, 463.↑

6Probably referring to Ricard’sTraité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.↑

7In Spanish text,Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch explorer’s name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used the name Hornos (meaning “ovens”) through some accidental circumstance or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa’s expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn in 1616—accounts of this voyage being written by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor,Narrative and Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409–412.)↑

8For the text ofExtracto historial, seeVOLS.XXX,XLIV, andXLVof this series.↑

9Marginal note by Viana.—“Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.

“On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy—who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions.

“The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.

“The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side—especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid Gomes—regarding which I set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in theexpedientewhich was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year.”↑

10Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with the English and allow them to settle.↑

11A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American railroad magnate, “charge all that the traffic will bear.”↑

12The termsituadowas also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (seeVOL. XIV, p. 247, andXVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in hisDissertacion, pp. 95–98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of “the fourths:” “The said father ministers are paid from the ‘fourths’ of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is calledsituado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers—to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of ‘fourths,’ which is explained in theRecopilacionby ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the ‘fourth’ of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. The destination of the money from the ‘fourths’ was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the ‘fourths’ the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different.”↑

13Verecus(forbiricús): meaning “sword-belts.”↑

14Spanish,pandillas: one of its meanings is, “a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,” which is quite equivalent to the Americanism “gang.”↑

15Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.↑

16On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or some friend of Viana’s: “It was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics.”↑

17Millones: “the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (seeVOL. XLIV, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years.”Sisas: “the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance—which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation.” (Dominguez.)↑

18Marginal note by Viana.—“In the Royal Audiencia is pending theexpedienteof the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government.”↑

19Marginal note by Viana.—“In theexpedientefor the regulation of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them.”↑

20On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies, seeRecopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there.↑

21Presumably citing theHistoriaof Jacques Auguste de Thou (the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604–08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was “the history of his own time,” covering the period 1543–1607.↑

22An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India, where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. See Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes, i, pp. 548–566.↑

23For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India, China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal’sÉtablissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes(Genève, 1780), i, pp. 1–150. At the end, he states “the causes which brought on the ruin of the Portuguese in India.” “This little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real power—agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists.” “As the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples.” “Of all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia, there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor, Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,—excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown.” “Such is the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?”↑

24The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitledMare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.

The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century (Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).↑

25At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentionedante, p. 249, note 130: “The author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics.”↑

26Spanish,como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible.↑

27In the text,vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural.↑

28An alloy of copper and nickel, known as “white copper” and “German silver,” and to the Chinese asPackfongandpetong.↑

29TheDictionnaire universel de commerceof Jacques Savary des Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723–30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into English (London, 1751–55).↑

30In text,capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusingcapirotesandredingotes.↑

31Manungal(Samadera indica): “the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties.” (Official Handbook of the Philippines, p. 353.) Blanco (who named this treeManungala, but laterNiota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that “it was as efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers.” In the same work (pp. 389, 391)manungalis, apparently by some oversight, identified with themacabuhay(Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to Merrill’sDictionary of Plant Names(p. 76) toLunasia amara.↑

32In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon cinnamon published by Forrest in hisVoyage to New Guinea, pp. 338–349; it was “communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade, and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S.” Some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector’s description. Of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties are said to yield “camphire” [i.e., camphor].↑

33The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: “The island of Mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East and west it extends 128⅓ leguas. Its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555⅔ leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o’clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there.

Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton NicolsMap of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Presidios with forts are markedWithout forts,Captured and ruined by the Moros,”

[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]↑

34A parallel case: “Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony.” (Raynal,Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 607, 608.)↑

35Regarding this company, seeVOL. XLV, pp. 45–50.↑

36In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton, late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.

Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.—Germany was concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers, Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505–06, when Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information:

General works: Heyd,Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into French,Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge(Leipzig, 1885–86), 2 vols. Peschel,Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse,Pennsylvania: the German influence in its settlement and development; part 1, “The Fatherland, 1450–1700”—published inProceedings and Addressesof the Pennsylvania German Society, vol. viii (1897).

On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg,Das Zeitalter der Fugger(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler,Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung in Spanien(Weimar, 1897); andDie überseeischen Unternehmungen der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter(Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch,Die überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser(Leipzig, 1895), a dissertation.Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494–1541: Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; “mitgetheilt mit erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff”—published (Augsburg, 1861) inJahresberichte26 of the “Historische Kreisverein” in the jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.

On the expedition of Francisco d’Almeida: Kunstmann,Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien(München, 1861).Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505–06, “wissenschaftliche Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck seinerMeerfahrtvom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze” (Strassburg, 1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the German merchants.The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505–06, “being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated from the contemporary Flemish, and edited” by C. H. Coote (London, 1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish version of Springer’s account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. Harrisse,Americus Vespuccius(London, 1895); besides showing the true character of Coote’s book, this work contains valuable notes on the German connection with the discoveries.↑

37This work (Turin, 1724–30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wroteComercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas, etc. (Madrid, 1732).↑

38For identifications of these various woods, seeVOLS. XII, p. 245 (molave), andXVIII, pp. 169–173.Tangiliis the Tagálog name for various trees of the generaDipterocarpusandShorea, (of the same natural order). “Teak” is a corruption of the Malabar name for the tree known to botanists asTectona grandis. According toOfficial Handbook(p. 356), it “exists in Mindanao, and said to exist in Negros.” Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: “The only teak tree of which I have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay people call itticla…. It is common in some provinces of Visayas, in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom.”↑

39See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm,Caryota urens.↑

40Representación al Rey … dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario(Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde; he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.↑

41Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook, p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.

See Jagor’s account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in hisReisen, pp. 76–81.↑

42Marginal note by Viana.—“At this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster.”↑

43Marginal note by Viana.—“The mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted.”↑

44Narrais the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genusPterocarpus, especiallyP. indicas; it is sometimes called “the mahogany of the Philippines.” The species alluded to by Viana is probablyP. Blancoi, calledapálitby the Pampangos; “the decoction of the wood is nephritic” (Official Handbook).

Catbalonga(pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names torStrychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. See Jagor’s interesting note on this plant (Ignatia amara, L., orStrychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in hisReisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the namepepita de Catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.↑

45Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of Laguna.Calingais the native name ofCinnamomum pauciflorum.↑

46“On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593—which provided that no merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to purchase his goods directly—were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles.” This stupid procedure not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero y Vidal,Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)

On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished—on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero,Libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.↑

47Referring to the book by this author entitledTheorica y practica de comercio y de marina(Madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of the chapters have the following titles: “Of the commerce which can be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of Filipinas;” and “Of the commerce with Filipinas.” (Vindel’sCatálogo, 1903, p. 276.)↑

48Spanish,testas de fierro(in modern form,testaferros); meaning “those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person” (Dominguez).↑

49Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.↑

50St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon’s last exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27–29, 1906) the military forces there.↑

51Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246–250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390–403, 464–481, 517–542, 570–594.)↑

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