Chapter XMr. Bryan and IndependenceIn order to bring home to some of my Democratic and Anti-Imperialist friends the unreliable character of the testimony of even the very high officers of the so-called Philippine Republic, I here quote certain extracts from the Insurgent records, showing the important part played, doubtless unwittingly, by Mr. William Jennings Bryan in Philippine politics during the war. The first of these might properly have been considered in the chapter entitled “Was Independence Promised?” Others are instructive in that they show the use made of false news in bolstering up the Insurgent cause, and might with propriety have been included in the chapter on “The Conduct of the War.” I have thought it best to keep them by themselves. Further comment on them would seem to be superfluous.“On May 1, 1900 (P.I.R., 516.6), I. de los Santos wrote a long letter in Tagálog and cipher to Aguinaldo, in which he reported upon the progress of what he would have probably called the diplomatic campaign. If this letter is to be believed, the agents in the United States of the junta had been able to form relations which might be of great value to them. Santos said in part:—“‘Commissioners... Señores Kant (G. Apacible) and Raff (Sixto López) duly carried out your last instructions given at Tárlac. Señor Del Pan, sailing by way of Japan, about the middle of October, and Señor Caney (G. Apacible), sailing by way of Europe about the 1st of November, met in Toronto about the middle of February following. But before the arrival of Kant, Raff had already come from Hayti (United States) and was able to pry in upon our political friends and enemies. When they met each other they continued the voyage incognito, as Raft had done previously, making themselvesknown to a very few people; but later on, and according to the instructions carried by Caney, they made themselves known to a greater number of people, and have succeeded in interviewing Bryan who happened to be in New York. Señor Raff said that Bryan feared being present at a conference, lest he might be called a traitor by members of his own party, and also by those of the opposite or “imperialist” party, who are quite proud over the victories they have gained against our people over there. Nevertheless, Raff was able to be present and talk at some of the anti-imperialist meetings, our political friends introducing him as a friend from the committee (at Hongkong) and as an advocate of the cessation of the war over there in order that our sacred rights may be given consideration by them. And as Bryan could not personally take part in the conference, he sent a most trusted person, his right-hand man, Dr. Gardner. The results of the conference between Señor Raff and Dr. Gardner, the latter acting in the name of Mr. Bryan, are as follows:—“‘1st. That we may fight on, and Bryan will never cease to defend our sacred rights. 2nd. That we must never mention Bryan’s name in our manifestos and proclamations, lest the opposite party might say he is a traitor. 3rd. That we are in the right; and hence he promised in the name of Bryan that if this Señor Bryan is victorious in the presidential campaign, he will recognize our independence without delay. Your honored self can easily conclude from all the foregoing that Señor Del Pan, after the receipt of these promises, concurred with him; and he returned to inform Señor Apacible about the results of the conference. So these two studied over the plan of the policy to be adopted and carried out. I write you what their opinions are, viz.: 1st, that they will reside there, pending the outcome of the presidential contest, aiding the propaganda and enlivening it until November, the date set for the desired thing. Owing to what Dr. Gardner said and promised in the name of Bryan, some one ought to stay there in order that Bryan may be approached, if he is elected, so he can sign the recognition of our independence; and this should be done at once, lest in his excitement over the victory he should forget his promise. 3rd. For carrying out the two propositions just mentioned, they request 2000 pounds sterling, that is $20,000 in silver, to be used for the propaganda, for paying newspapers and for bribing senators—this last clause is somewhat dangerous and impossible. And 4th, that the money must be sent immediately, and that you should beinformed not to mention the name of Bryan in the manifestos and proclamations.“‘In order to answer quickly and decisively that proposition, and as I did not have the desired money here, I answered as follows: “Plan approved; for the sake of economy we have decided that one of the two retire, but before doing so make arrangements, establish communications with leaders of Bryan’s party, and he who remains should thus cultivate the relations; he who is to retire will locate himself in Paris near Señor Katipalad (Agoncillo) with whom he will secretly discuss political problems that may arise. So he will watch for the opportune moment of Bryan’s election, in order to go immediately to Hayti and formally arrange the contract with Bryan.”1“‘By the end of 1899, by the time guerrilla warfare was well under way, by the time that any Filipino government, unless an expression of the unfettered will of the nearest bandit who can muster a dozen rifles may be called a government, had ceased to exist, a strong opposition to the policy of the administration had arisen in the United States and a demand for the recognition of the independence of the Philippines. The junta in Hongkong were assured that the Democratic party would come into power in the next elections and that this would mean the success of the patriotic efforts of Aguinaldo and his followers. The news was good and was forthwith spread abroad in “Extracts from our correspondence with America,” “News from our foreign agents,” “News from America,” and “Translations from the foreign press”—circulars and handbills printed on thin paper which were smuggled into the Philippines and passed into the hands of the guerrilla leaders who could read Spanish. They gathered their followers about them and told them that a powerful party had arisen in America which was going to give them all they had ever asked for. They had only to fight on, for success was certain. In America the “Anti-imperialists” were hanging the “Imperialists,” and they should continue to harry the American adherents among the natives of the Philippines.“‘There are a number of these publications among the papers captured from the insurgents, and the adoption of this method of propaganda seems to have been nearly coincident with Aguinaldo’s orders declaring guerrilla warfare. It does notseem likely that the matter contained in them was supplied by a Filipino, for if it was he assumed a general acquaintance among the people with American politics and American methods which they were far from possessing.“‘In these publications the Filipinos were assured that the Imperialists were kept in power only by the lavish contributions of the “truts,” whatever they may have been; but the people of the United States were growing weary of their domination and were about to return to the true principles of Washington and Jefferson. The illustrious Americans “Crosvy Stickney, and Vartridge” were all laboring for the cause of Philippine independence. Long lists of American cities were given in which the illustrious orators Mr. Croshy and Mr. Schurts had addressed applauding crowds upon the necessity of throttling the “truts” because they opposed recognition of the rights of the Filipinos. In August, 1900, “News from our agents in America” informed its readers that—“‘“W. J. Bryan has stated in a speech that his first act upon being elected President will be to declare the independence of the Philippines.”“‘On June 16, 1900, Gen. Riego de Dios, acting head of the Hongkong junta, wrote to Gen. I. Torres (P.I.R., 530), the guerrilla commander in Bulacán Province, and assured him that a little more endurance, a little more constancy, was all that was needed to secure the attainment of their ends. According to their advices the Democratic party would win in the approaching elections in the United States, and—“it is certain that Bryan is the incarnation of our independence.”“‘The number of men opposed to the policy of the administration was said to be continually increasing.“‘The attitude of those who protect us cannot be more manly and resolute: “Continue the struggle until you conquer or die.” Mr. Beecher of the League in Cincinnati writes us: “I shall always be the champion of the cause of justice and of truth,” says Mr. Winslow of the Boston League. “Not even threats of imprisonment will make me cease in my undertaking,” Doctor Denziger assures us. “I shall accept every risk and responsibility,” says Doctor Leverson. “If it is necessary, I shall go so far as to provoke a revolution in my own country,” repeats Mr. Udell. “It is necessary to save the Republic and democracy from the abyss of imperialism and save the worthy Filipinos from oppression and extermination” is cried by all, and the sound of this cry is ever rising louder and louder.’”2Extract from a letter of Papa Isio3dated March 4, 1901:—“I have received from Luzón an order to proceed more rapidly with my operations this month, as Bryan ordered Emilío to keep the war going vigorously until April, and he also said that if independence was not given the Philippines by that time, he, Bryan, and his followers would rise in arms against the oppressors.”4“Tarlac, Oct. 26, 1899.“To the Military Governor of This City, and To the Secretary of the Interior.“As a meeting shall be held on the morning of Sunday next in the Presidential Palace of this Republic in return for that held in the United States by Mr. Bryan, who drank to the name of our Honourable President as one of the heroes of the world, and for the purpose of celebrating it with more pomp and contributing to it the greater splendor with your personnel, I will be obliged to you if you will please call at this office to confer with me on the matter.“God preserve you, etc.(Signed) “F. Buencamino.”5In a letter written by A. Flores, acting secretary of war, to the military governor of Tarlac on October 27, 1899, there occurs the following:—“In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of our Honourable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was pronounced one of the heroes of the world by Mr. Bryan, future president of the United States. The Masonic Society, therefore, interpreting the unanimous desires of the people, and with the approval of the government, will on Sunday the 29th instant, organize a meeting or popular assembly in the interest of national independence and in honor of Mr. Bryan of the anti-imperialist party, the defenders of our cause in the United States. The meeting will consist of two functions; first—at nine A.M. of the 29th the assembly will convene in a suitable place, a national hymn will inauguratethe exercises, after which appropriate addresses will be delivered; and second—at four P.M. a popular demonstration will take place throughout the town, with bands of music parading the streets; residents will decorate and illuminate their houses.“Which I have the pleasure of transmitting to you for your information and guidance and for that of the troops under your command.”61Taylor, 13 KK, E.2Taylor, 15 and 16 KK, E.3“Pope” Isio was the last of a series of bandit leaders, claiming for themselves miraculous powers, who long infested the mountains of Negros.4P.I.R., 970. 7.5P.I.R., 1134–1.6P.I.R., 17. 9.
Chapter XMr. Bryan and IndependenceIn order to bring home to some of my Democratic and Anti-Imperialist friends the unreliable character of the testimony of even the very high officers of the so-called Philippine Republic, I here quote certain extracts from the Insurgent records, showing the important part played, doubtless unwittingly, by Mr. William Jennings Bryan in Philippine politics during the war. The first of these might properly have been considered in the chapter entitled “Was Independence Promised?” Others are instructive in that they show the use made of false news in bolstering up the Insurgent cause, and might with propriety have been included in the chapter on “The Conduct of the War.” I have thought it best to keep them by themselves. Further comment on them would seem to be superfluous.“On May 1, 1900 (P.I.R., 516.6), I. de los Santos wrote a long letter in Tagálog and cipher to Aguinaldo, in which he reported upon the progress of what he would have probably called the diplomatic campaign. If this letter is to be believed, the agents in the United States of the junta had been able to form relations which might be of great value to them. Santos said in part:—“‘Commissioners... Señores Kant (G. Apacible) and Raff (Sixto López) duly carried out your last instructions given at Tárlac. Señor Del Pan, sailing by way of Japan, about the middle of October, and Señor Caney (G. Apacible), sailing by way of Europe about the 1st of November, met in Toronto about the middle of February following. But before the arrival of Kant, Raff had already come from Hayti (United States) and was able to pry in upon our political friends and enemies. When they met each other they continued the voyage incognito, as Raft had done previously, making themselvesknown to a very few people; but later on, and according to the instructions carried by Caney, they made themselves known to a greater number of people, and have succeeded in interviewing Bryan who happened to be in New York. Señor Raff said that Bryan feared being present at a conference, lest he might be called a traitor by members of his own party, and also by those of the opposite or “imperialist” party, who are quite proud over the victories they have gained against our people over there. Nevertheless, Raff was able to be present and talk at some of the anti-imperialist meetings, our political friends introducing him as a friend from the committee (at Hongkong) and as an advocate of the cessation of the war over there in order that our sacred rights may be given consideration by them. And as Bryan could not personally take part in the conference, he sent a most trusted person, his right-hand man, Dr. Gardner. The results of the conference between Señor Raff and Dr. Gardner, the latter acting in the name of Mr. Bryan, are as follows:—“‘1st. That we may fight on, and Bryan will never cease to defend our sacred rights. 2nd. That we must never mention Bryan’s name in our manifestos and proclamations, lest the opposite party might say he is a traitor. 3rd. That we are in the right; and hence he promised in the name of Bryan that if this Señor Bryan is victorious in the presidential campaign, he will recognize our independence without delay. Your honored self can easily conclude from all the foregoing that Señor Del Pan, after the receipt of these promises, concurred with him; and he returned to inform Señor Apacible about the results of the conference. So these two studied over the plan of the policy to be adopted and carried out. I write you what their opinions are, viz.: 1st, that they will reside there, pending the outcome of the presidential contest, aiding the propaganda and enlivening it until November, the date set for the desired thing. Owing to what Dr. Gardner said and promised in the name of Bryan, some one ought to stay there in order that Bryan may be approached, if he is elected, so he can sign the recognition of our independence; and this should be done at once, lest in his excitement over the victory he should forget his promise. 3rd. For carrying out the two propositions just mentioned, they request 2000 pounds sterling, that is $20,000 in silver, to be used for the propaganda, for paying newspapers and for bribing senators—this last clause is somewhat dangerous and impossible. And 4th, that the money must be sent immediately, and that you should beinformed not to mention the name of Bryan in the manifestos and proclamations.“‘In order to answer quickly and decisively that proposition, and as I did not have the desired money here, I answered as follows: “Plan approved; for the sake of economy we have decided that one of the two retire, but before doing so make arrangements, establish communications with leaders of Bryan’s party, and he who remains should thus cultivate the relations; he who is to retire will locate himself in Paris near Señor Katipalad (Agoncillo) with whom he will secretly discuss political problems that may arise. So he will watch for the opportune moment of Bryan’s election, in order to go immediately to Hayti and formally arrange the contract with Bryan.”1“‘By the end of 1899, by the time guerrilla warfare was well under way, by the time that any Filipino government, unless an expression of the unfettered will of the nearest bandit who can muster a dozen rifles may be called a government, had ceased to exist, a strong opposition to the policy of the administration had arisen in the United States and a demand for the recognition of the independence of the Philippines. The junta in Hongkong were assured that the Democratic party would come into power in the next elections and that this would mean the success of the patriotic efforts of Aguinaldo and his followers. The news was good and was forthwith spread abroad in “Extracts from our correspondence with America,” “News from our foreign agents,” “News from America,” and “Translations from the foreign press”—circulars and handbills printed on thin paper which were smuggled into the Philippines and passed into the hands of the guerrilla leaders who could read Spanish. They gathered their followers about them and told them that a powerful party had arisen in America which was going to give them all they had ever asked for. They had only to fight on, for success was certain. In America the “Anti-imperialists” were hanging the “Imperialists,” and they should continue to harry the American adherents among the natives of the Philippines.“‘There are a number of these publications among the papers captured from the insurgents, and the adoption of this method of propaganda seems to have been nearly coincident with Aguinaldo’s orders declaring guerrilla warfare. It does notseem likely that the matter contained in them was supplied by a Filipino, for if it was he assumed a general acquaintance among the people with American politics and American methods which they were far from possessing.“‘In these publications the Filipinos were assured that the Imperialists were kept in power only by the lavish contributions of the “truts,” whatever they may have been; but the people of the United States were growing weary of their domination and were about to return to the true principles of Washington and Jefferson. The illustrious Americans “Crosvy Stickney, and Vartridge” were all laboring for the cause of Philippine independence. Long lists of American cities were given in which the illustrious orators Mr. Croshy and Mr. Schurts had addressed applauding crowds upon the necessity of throttling the “truts” because they opposed recognition of the rights of the Filipinos. In August, 1900, “News from our agents in America” informed its readers that—“‘“W. J. Bryan has stated in a speech that his first act upon being elected President will be to declare the independence of the Philippines.”“‘On June 16, 1900, Gen. Riego de Dios, acting head of the Hongkong junta, wrote to Gen. I. Torres (P.I.R., 530), the guerrilla commander in Bulacán Province, and assured him that a little more endurance, a little more constancy, was all that was needed to secure the attainment of their ends. According to their advices the Democratic party would win in the approaching elections in the United States, and—“it is certain that Bryan is the incarnation of our independence.”“‘The number of men opposed to the policy of the administration was said to be continually increasing.“‘The attitude of those who protect us cannot be more manly and resolute: “Continue the struggle until you conquer or die.” Mr. Beecher of the League in Cincinnati writes us: “I shall always be the champion of the cause of justice and of truth,” says Mr. Winslow of the Boston League. “Not even threats of imprisonment will make me cease in my undertaking,” Doctor Denziger assures us. “I shall accept every risk and responsibility,” says Doctor Leverson. “If it is necessary, I shall go so far as to provoke a revolution in my own country,” repeats Mr. Udell. “It is necessary to save the Republic and democracy from the abyss of imperialism and save the worthy Filipinos from oppression and extermination” is cried by all, and the sound of this cry is ever rising louder and louder.’”2Extract from a letter of Papa Isio3dated March 4, 1901:—“I have received from Luzón an order to proceed more rapidly with my operations this month, as Bryan ordered Emilío to keep the war going vigorously until April, and he also said that if independence was not given the Philippines by that time, he, Bryan, and his followers would rise in arms against the oppressors.”4“Tarlac, Oct. 26, 1899.“To the Military Governor of This City, and To the Secretary of the Interior.“As a meeting shall be held on the morning of Sunday next in the Presidential Palace of this Republic in return for that held in the United States by Mr. Bryan, who drank to the name of our Honourable President as one of the heroes of the world, and for the purpose of celebrating it with more pomp and contributing to it the greater splendor with your personnel, I will be obliged to you if you will please call at this office to confer with me on the matter.“God preserve you, etc.(Signed) “F. Buencamino.”5In a letter written by A. Flores, acting secretary of war, to the military governor of Tarlac on October 27, 1899, there occurs the following:—“In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of our Honourable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was pronounced one of the heroes of the world by Mr. Bryan, future president of the United States. The Masonic Society, therefore, interpreting the unanimous desires of the people, and with the approval of the government, will on Sunday the 29th instant, organize a meeting or popular assembly in the interest of national independence and in honor of Mr. Bryan of the anti-imperialist party, the defenders of our cause in the United States. The meeting will consist of two functions; first—at nine A.M. of the 29th the assembly will convene in a suitable place, a national hymn will inauguratethe exercises, after which appropriate addresses will be delivered; and second—at four P.M. a popular demonstration will take place throughout the town, with bands of music parading the streets; residents will decorate and illuminate their houses.“Which I have the pleasure of transmitting to you for your information and guidance and for that of the troops under your command.”61Taylor, 13 KK, E.2Taylor, 15 and 16 KK, E.3“Pope” Isio was the last of a series of bandit leaders, claiming for themselves miraculous powers, who long infested the mountains of Negros.4P.I.R., 970. 7.5P.I.R., 1134–1.6P.I.R., 17. 9.
Chapter XMr. Bryan and Independence
In order to bring home to some of my Democratic and Anti-Imperialist friends the unreliable character of the testimony of even the very high officers of the so-called Philippine Republic, I here quote certain extracts from the Insurgent records, showing the important part played, doubtless unwittingly, by Mr. William Jennings Bryan in Philippine politics during the war. The first of these might properly have been considered in the chapter entitled “Was Independence Promised?” Others are instructive in that they show the use made of false news in bolstering up the Insurgent cause, and might with propriety have been included in the chapter on “The Conduct of the War.” I have thought it best to keep them by themselves. Further comment on them would seem to be superfluous.“On May 1, 1900 (P.I.R., 516.6), I. de los Santos wrote a long letter in Tagálog and cipher to Aguinaldo, in which he reported upon the progress of what he would have probably called the diplomatic campaign. If this letter is to be believed, the agents in the United States of the junta had been able to form relations which might be of great value to them. Santos said in part:—“‘Commissioners... Señores Kant (G. Apacible) and Raff (Sixto López) duly carried out your last instructions given at Tárlac. Señor Del Pan, sailing by way of Japan, about the middle of October, and Señor Caney (G. Apacible), sailing by way of Europe about the 1st of November, met in Toronto about the middle of February following. But before the arrival of Kant, Raff had already come from Hayti (United States) and was able to pry in upon our political friends and enemies. When they met each other they continued the voyage incognito, as Raft had done previously, making themselvesknown to a very few people; but later on, and according to the instructions carried by Caney, they made themselves known to a greater number of people, and have succeeded in interviewing Bryan who happened to be in New York. Señor Raff said that Bryan feared being present at a conference, lest he might be called a traitor by members of his own party, and also by those of the opposite or “imperialist” party, who are quite proud over the victories they have gained against our people over there. Nevertheless, Raff was able to be present and talk at some of the anti-imperialist meetings, our political friends introducing him as a friend from the committee (at Hongkong) and as an advocate of the cessation of the war over there in order that our sacred rights may be given consideration by them. And as Bryan could not personally take part in the conference, he sent a most trusted person, his right-hand man, Dr. Gardner. The results of the conference between Señor Raff and Dr. Gardner, the latter acting in the name of Mr. Bryan, are as follows:—“‘1st. That we may fight on, and Bryan will never cease to defend our sacred rights. 2nd. That we must never mention Bryan’s name in our manifestos and proclamations, lest the opposite party might say he is a traitor. 3rd. That we are in the right; and hence he promised in the name of Bryan that if this Señor Bryan is victorious in the presidential campaign, he will recognize our independence without delay. Your honored self can easily conclude from all the foregoing that Señor Del Pan, after the receipt of these promises, concurred with him; and he returned to inform Señor Apacible about the results of the conference. So these two studied over the plan of the policy to be adopted and carried out. I write you what their opinions are, viz.: 1st, that they will reside there, pending the outcome of the presidential contest, aiding the propaganda and enlivening it until November, the date set for the desired thing. Owing to what Dr. Gardner said and promised in the name of Bryan, some one ought to stay there in order that Bryan may be approached, if he is elected, so he can sign the recognition of our independence; and this should be done at once, lest in his excitement over the victory he should forget his promise. 3rd. For carrying out the two propositions just mentioned, they request 2000 pounds sterling, that is $20,000 in silver, to be used for the propaganda, for paying newspapers and for bribing senators—this last clause is somewhat dangerous and impossible. And 4th, that the money must be sent immediately, and that you should beinformed not to mention the name of Bryan in the manifestos and proclamations.“‘In order to answer quickly and decisively that proposition, and as I did not have the desired money here, I answered as follows: “Plan approved; for the sake of economy we have decided that one of the two retire, but before doing so make arrangements, establish communications with leaders of Bryan’s party, and he who remains should thus cultivate the relations; he who is to retire will locate himself in Paris near Señor Katipalad (Agoncillo) with whom he will secretly discuss political problems that may arise. So he will watch for the opportune moment of Bryan’s election, in order to go immediately to Hayti and formally arrange the contract with Bryan.”1“‘By the end of 1899, by the time guerrilla warfare was well under way, by the time that any Filipino government, unless an expression of the unfettered will of the nearest bandit who can muster a dozen rifles may be called a government, had ceased to exist, a strong opposition to the policy of the administration had arisen in the United States and a demand for the recognition of the independence of the Philippines. The junta in Hongkong were assured that the Democratic party would come into power in the next elections and that this would mean the success of the patriotic efforts of Aguinaldo and his followers. The news was good and was forthwith spread abroad in “Extracts from our correspondence with America,” “News from our foreign agents,” “News from America,” and “Translations from the foreign press”—circulars and handbills printed on thin paper which were smuggled into the Philippines and passed into the hands of the guerrilla leaders who could read Spanish. They gathered their followers about them and told them that a powerful party had arisen in America which was going to give them all they had ever asked for. They had only to fight on, for success was certain. In America the “Anti-imperialists” were hanging the “Imperialists,” and they should continue to harry the American adherents among the natives of the Philippines.“‘There are a number of these publications among the papers captured from the insurgents, and the adoption of this method of propaganda seems to have been nearly coincident with Aguinaldo’s orders declaring guerrilla warfare. It does notseem likely that the matter contained in them was supplied by a Filipino, for if it was he assumed a general acquaintance among the people with American politics and American methods which they were far from possessing.“‘In these publications the Filipinos were assured that the Imperialists were kept in power only by the lavish contributions of the “truts,” whatever they may have been; but the people of the United States were growing weary of their domination and were about to return to the true principles of Washington and Jefferson. The illustrious Americans “Crosvy Stickney, and Vartridge” were all laboring for the cause of Philippine independence. Long lists of American cities were given in which the illustrious orators Mr. Croshy and Mr. Schurts had addressed applauding crowds upon the necessity of throttling the “truts” because they opposed recognition of the rights of the Filipinos. In August, 1900, “News from our agents in America” informed its readers that—“‘“W. J. Bryan has stated in a speech that his first act upon being elected President will be to declare the independence of the Philippines.”“‘On June 16, 1900, Gen. Riego de Dios, acting head of the Hongkong junta, wrote to Gen. I. Torres (P.I.R., 530), the guerrilla commander in Bulacán Province, and assured him that a little more endurance, a little more constancy, was all that was needed to secure the attainment of their ends. According to their advices the Democratic party would win in the approaching elections in the United States, and—“it is certain that Bryan is the incarnation of our independence.”“‘The number of men opposed to the policy of the administration was said to be continually increasing.“‘The attitude of those who protect us cannot be more manly and resolute: “Continue the struggle until you conquer or die.” Mr. Beecher of the League in Cincinnati writes us: “I shall always be the champion of the cause of justice and of truth,” says Mr. Winslow of the Boston League. “Not even threats of imprisonment will make me cease in my undertaking,” Doctor Denziger assures us. “I shall accept every risk and responsibility,” says Doctor Leverson. “If it is necessary, I shall go so far as to provoke a revolution in my own country,” repeats Mr. Udell. “It is necessary to save the Republic and democracy from the abyss of imperialism and save the worthy Filipinos from oppression and extermination” is cried by all, and the sound of this cry is ever rising louder and louder.’”2Extract from a letter of Papa Isio3dated March 4, 1901:—“I have received from Luzón an order to proceed more rapidly with my operations this month, as Bryan ordered Emilío to keep the war going vigorously until April, and he also said that if independence was not given the Philippines by that time, he, Bryan, and his followers would rise in arms against the oppressors.”4“Tarlac, Oct. 26, 1899.“To the Military Governor of This City, and To the Secretary of the Interior.“As a meeting shall be held on the morning of Sunday next in the Presidential Palace of this Republic in return for that held in the United States by Mr. Bryan, who drank to the name of our Honourable President as one of the heroes of the world, and for the purpose of celebrating it with more pomp and contributing to it the greater splendor with your personnel, I will be obliged to you if you will please call at this office to confer with me on the matter.“God preserve you, etc.(Signed) “F. Buencamino.”5In a letter written by A. Flores, acting secretary of war, to the military governor of Tarlac on October 27, 1899, there occurs the following:—“In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of our Honourable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was pronounced one of the heroes of the world by Mr. Bryan, future president of the United States. The Masonic Society, therefore, interpreting the unanimous desires of the people, and with the approval of the government, will on Sunday the 29th instant, organize a meeting or popular assembly in the interest of national independence and in honor of Mr. Bryan of the anti-imperialist party, the defenders of our cause in the United States. The meeting will consist of two functions; first—at nine A.M. of the 29th the assembly will convene in a suitable place, a national hymn will inauguratethe exercises, after which appropriate addresses will be delivered; and second—at four P.M. a popular demonstration will take place throughout the town, with bands of music parading the streets; residents will decorate and illuminate their houses.“Which I have the pleasure of transmitting to you for your information and guidance and for that of the troops under your command.”6
In order to bring home to some of my Democratic and Anti-Imperialist friends the unreliable character of the testimony of even the very high officers of the so-called Philippine Republic, I here quote certain extracts from the Insurgent records, showing the important part played, doubtless unwittingly, by Mr. William Jennings Bryan in Philippine politics during the war. The first of these might properly have been considered in the chapter entitled “Was Independence Promised?” Others are instructive in that they show the use made of false news in bolstering up the Insurgent cause, and might with propriety have been included in the chapter on “The Conduct of the War.” I have thought it best to keep them by themselves. Further comment on them would seem to be superfluous.
“On May 1, 1900 (P.I.R., 516.6), I. de los Santos wrote a long letter in Tagálog and cipher to Aguinaldo, in which he reported upon the progress of what he would have probably called the diplomatic campaign. If this letter is to be believed, the agents in the United States of the junta had been able to form relations which might be of great value to them. Santos said in part:—“‘Commissioners... Señores Kant (G. Apacible) and Raff (Sixto López) duly carried out your last instructions given at Tárlac. Señor Del Pan, sailing by way of Japan, about the middle of October, and Señor Caney (G. Apacible), sailing by way of Europe about the 1st of November, met in Toronto about the middle of February following. But before the arrival of Kant, Raff had already come from Hayti (United States) and was able to pry in upon our political friends and enemies. When they met each other they continued the voyage incognito, as Raft had done previously, making themselvesknown to a very few people; but later on, and according to the instructions carried by Caney, they made themselves known to a greater number of people, and have succeeded in interviewing Bryan who happened to be in New York. Señor Raff said that Bryan feared being present at a conference, lest he might be called a traitor by members of his own party, and also by those of the opposite or “imperialist” party, who are quite proud over the victories they have gained against our people over there. Nevertheless, Raff was able to be present and talk at some of the anti-imperialist meetings, our political friends introducing him as a friend from the committee (at Hongkong) and as an advocate of the cessation of the war over there in order that our sacred rights may be given consideration by them. And as Bryan could not personally take part in the conference, he sent a most trusted person, his right-hand man, Dr. Gardner. The results of the conference between Señor Raff and Dr. Gardner, the latter acting in the name of Mr. Bryan, are as follows:—“‘1st. That we may fight on, and Bryan will never cease to defend our sacred rights. 2nd. That we must never mention Bryan’s name in our manifestos and proclamations, lest the opposite party might say he is a traitor. 3rd. That we are in the right; and hence he promised in the name of Bryan that if this Señor Bryan is victorious in the presidential campaign, he will recognize our independence without delay. Your honored self can easily conclude from all the foregoing that Señor Del Pan, after the receipt of these promises, concurred with him; and he returned to inform Señor Apacible about the results of the conference. So these two studied over the plan of the policy to be adopted and carried out. I write you what their opinions are, viz.: 1st, that they will reside there, pending the outcome of the presidential contest, aiding the propaganda and enlivening it until November, the date set for the desired thing. Owing to what Dr. Gardner said and promised in the name of Bryan, some one ought to stay there in order that Bryan may be approached, if he is elected, so he can sign the recognition of our independence; and this should be done at once, lest in his excitement over the victory he should forget his promise. 3rd. For carrying out the two propositions just mentioned, they request 2000 pounds sterling, that is $20,000 in silver, to be used for the propaganda, for paying newspapers and for bribing senators—this last clause is somewhat dangerous and impossible. And 4th, that the money must be sent immediately, and that you should beinformed not to mention the name of Bryan in the manifestos and proclamations.“‘In order to answer quickly and decisively that proposition, and as I did not have the desired money here, I answered as follows: “Plan approved; for the sake of economy we have decided that one of the two retire, but before doing so make arrangements, establish communications with leaders of Bryan’s party, and he who remains should thus cultivate the relations; he who is to retire will locate himself in Paris near Señor Katipalad (Agoncillo) with whom he will secretly discuss political problems that may arise. So he will watch for the opportune moment of Bryan’s election, in order to go immediately to Hayti and formally arrange the contract with Bryan.”1“‘By the end of 1899, by the time guerrilla warfare was well under way, by the time that any Filipino government, unless an expression of the unfettered will of the nearest bandit who can muster a dozen rifles may be called a government, had ceased to exist, a strong opposition to the policy of the administration had arisen in the United States and a demand for the recognition of the independence of the Philippines. The junta in Hongkong were assured that the Democratic party would come into power in the next elections and that this would mean the success of the patriotic efforts of Aguinaldo and his followers. The news was good and was forthwith spread abroad in “Extracts from our correspondence with America,” “News from our foreign agents,” “News from America,” and “Translations from the foreign press”—circulars and handbills printed on thin paper which were smuggled into the Philippines and passed into the hands of the guerrilla leaders who could read Spanish. They gathered their followers about them and told them that a powerful party had arisen in America which was going to give them all they had ever asked for. They had only to fight on, for success was certain. In America the “Anti-imperialists” were hanging the “Imperialists,” and they should continue to harry the American adherents among the natives of the Philippines.“‘There are a number of these publications among the papers captured from the insurgents, and the adoption of this method of propaganda seems to have been nearly coincident with Aguinaldo’s orders declaring guerrilla warfare. It does notseem likely that the matter contained in them was supplied by a Filipino, for if it was he assumed a general acquaintance among the people with American politics and American methods which they were far from possessing.“‘In these publications the Filipinos were assured that the Imperialists were kept in power only by the lavish contributions of the “truts,” whatever they may have been; but the people of the United States were growing weary of their domination and were about to return to the true principles of Washington and Jefferson. The illustrious Americans “Crosvy Stickney, and Vartridge” were all laboring for the cause of Philippine independence. Long lists of American cities were given in which the illustrious orators Mr. Croshy and Mr. Schurts had addressed applauding crowds upon the necessity of throttling the “truts” because they opposed recognition of the rights of the Filipinos. In August, 1900, “News from our agents in America” informed its readers that—“‘“W. J. Bryan has stated in a speech that his first act upon being elected President will be to declare the independence of the Philippines.”“‘On June 16, 1900, Gen. Riego de Dios, acting head of the Hongkong junta, wrote to Gen. I. Torres (P.I.R., 530), the guerrilla commander in Bulacán Province, and assured him that a little more endurance, a little more constancy, was all that was needed to secure the attainment of their ends. According to their advices the Democratic party would win in the approaching elections in the United States, and—“it is certain that Bryan is the incarnation of our independence.”“‘The number of men opposed to the policy of the administration was said to be continually increasing.“‘The attitude of those who protect us cannot be more manly and resolute: “Continue the struggle until you conquer or die.” Mr. Beecher of the League in Cincinnati writes us: “I shall always be the champion of the cause of justice and of truth,” says Mr. Winslow of the Boston League. “Not even threats of imprisonment will make me cease in my undertaking,” Doctor Denziger assures us. “I shall accept every risk and responsibility,” says Doctor Leverson. “If it is necessary, I shall go so far as to provoke a revolution in my own country,” repeats Mr. Udell. “It is necessary to save the Republic and democracy from the abyss of imperialism and save the worthy Filipinos from oppression and extermination” is cried by all, and the sound of this cry is ever rising louder and louder.’”2
“On May 1, 1900 (P.I.R., 516.6), I. de los Santos wrote a long letter in Tagálog and cipher to Aguinaldo, in which he reported upon the progress of what he would have probably called the diplomatic campaign. If this letter is to be believed, the agents in the United States of the junta had been able to form relations which might be of great value to them. Santos said in part:—
“‘Commissioners... Señores Kant (G. Apacible) and Raff (Sixto López) duly carried out your last instructions given at Tárlac. Señor Del Pan, sailing by way of Japan, about the middle of October, and Señor Caney (G. Apacible), sailing by way of Europe about the 1st of November, met in Toronto about the middle of February following. But before the arrival of Kant, Raff had already come from Hayti (United States) and was able to pry in upon our political friends and enemies. When they met each other they continued the voyage incognito, as Raft had done previously, making themselvesknown to a very few people; but later on, and according to the instructions carried by Caney, they made themselves known to a greater number of people, and have succeeded in interviewing Bryan who happened to be in New York. Señor Raff said that Bryan feared being present at a conference, lest he might be called a traitor by members of his own party, and also by those of the opposite or “imperialist” party, who are quite proud over the victories they have gained against our people over there. Nevertheless, Raff was able to be present and talk at some of the anti-imperialist meetings, our political friends introducing him as a friend from the committee (at Hongkong) and as an advocate of the cessation of the war over there in order that our sacred rights may be given consideration by them. And as Bryan could not personally take part in the conference, he sent a most trusted person, his right-hand man, Dr. Gardner. The results of the conference between Señor Raff and Dr. Gardner, the latter acting in the name of Mr. Bryan, are as follows:—
“‘1st. That we may fight on, and Bryan will never cease to defend our sacred rights. 2nd. That we must never mention Bryan’s name in our manifestos and proclamations, lest the opposite party might say he is a traitor. 3rd. That we are in the right; and hence he promised in the name of Bryan that if this Señor Bryan is victorious in the presidential campaign, he will recognize our independence without delay. Your honored self can easily conclude from all the foregoing that Señor Del Pan, after the receipt of these promises, concurred with him; and he returned to inform Señor Apacible about the results of the conference. So these two studied over the plan of the policy to be adopted and carried out. I write you what their opinions are, viz.: 1st, that they will reside there, pending the outcome of the presidential contest, aiding the propaganda and enlivening it until November, the date set for the desired thing. Owing to what Dr. Gardner said and promised in the name of Bryan, some one ought to stay there in order that Bryan may be approached, if he is elected, so he can sign the recognition of our independence; and this should be done at once, lest in his excitement over the victory he should forget his promise. 3rd. For carrying out the two propositions just mentioned, they request 2000 pounds sterling, that is $20,000 in silver, to be used for the propaganda, for paying newspapers and for bribing senators—this last clause is somewhat dangerous and impossible. And 4th, that the money must be sent immediately, and that you should beinformed not to mention the name of Bryan in the manifestos and proclamations.
“‘In order to answer quickly and decisively that proposition, and as I did not have the desired money here, I answered as follows: “Plan approved; for the sake of economy we have decided that one of the two retire, but before doing so make arrangements, establish communications with leaders of Bryan’s party, and he who remains should thus cultivate the relations; he who is to retire will locate himself in Paris near Señor Katipalad (Agoncillo) with whom he will secretly discuss political problems that may arise. So he will watch for the opportune moment of Bryan’s election, in order to go immediately to Hayti and formally arrange the contract with Bryan.”1
“‘By the end of 1899, by the time guerrilla warfare was well under way, by the time that any Filipino government, unless an expression of the unfettered will of the nearest bandit who can muster a dozen rifles may be called a government, had ceased to exist, a strong opposition to the policy of the administration had arisen in the United States and a demand for the recognition of the independence of the Philippines. The junta in Hongkong were assured that the Democratic party would come into power in the next elections and that this would mean the success of the patriotic efforts of Aguinaldo and his followers. The news was good and was forthwith spread abroad in “Extracts from our correspondence with America,” “News from our foreign agents,” “News from America,” and “Translations from the foreign press”—circulars and handbills printed on thin paper which were smuggled into the Philippines and passed into the hands of the guerrilla leaders who could read Spanish. They gathered their followers about them and told them that a powerful party had arisen in America which was going to give them all they had ever asked for. They had only to fight on, for success was certain. In America the “Anti-imperialists” were hanging the “Imperialists,” and they should continue to harry the American adherents among the natives of the Philippines.
“‘There are a number of these publications among the papers captured from the insurgents, and the adoption of this method of propaganda seems to have been nearly coincident with Aguinaldo’s orders declaring guerrilla warfare. It does notseem likely that the matter contained in them was supplied by a Filipino, for if it was he assumed a general acquaintance among the people with American politics and American methods which they were far from possessing.
“‘In these publications the Filipinos were assured that the Imperialists were kept in power only by the lavish contributions of the “truts,” whatever they may have been; but the people of the United States were growing weary of their domination and were about to return to the true principles of Washington and Jefferson. The illustrious Americans “Crosvy Stickney, and Vartridge” were all laboring for the cause of Philippine independence. Long lists of American cities were given in which the illustrious orators Mr. Croshy and Mr. Schurts had addressed applauding crowds upon the necessity of throttling the “truts” because they opposed recognition of the rights of the Filipinos. In August, 1900, “News from our agents in America” informed its readers that—
“‘“W. J. Bryan has stated in a speech that his first act upon being elected President will be to declare the independence of the Philippines.”
“‘On June 16, 1900, Gen. Riego de Dios, acting head of the Hongkong junta, wrote to Gen. I. Torres (P.I.R., 530), the guerrilla commander in Bulacán Province, and assured him that a little more endurance, a little more constancy, was all that was needed to secure the attainment of their ends. According to their advices the Democratic party would win in the approaching elections in the United States, and—“it is certain that Bryan is the incarnation of our independence.”
“‘The number of men opposed to the policy of the administration was said to be continually increasing.
“‘The attitude of those who protect us cannot be more manly and resolute: “Continue the struggle until you conquer or die.” Mr. Beecher of the League in Cincinnati writes us: “I shall always be the champion of the cause of justice and of truth,” says Mr. Winslow of the Boston League. “Not even threats of imprisonment will make me cease in my undertaking,” Doctor Denziger assures us. “I shall accept every risk and responsibility,” says Doctor Leverson. “If it is necessary, I shall go so far as to provoke a revolution in my own country,” repeats Mr. Udell. “It is necessary to save the Republic and democracy from the abyss of imperialism and save the worthy Filipinos from oppression and extermination” is cried by all, and the sound of this cry is ever rising louder and louder.’”2
Extract from a letter of Papa Isio3dated March 4, 1901:—
“I have received from Luzón an order to proceed more rapidly with my operations this month, as Bryan ordered Emilío to keep the war going vigorously until April, and he also said that if independence was not given the Philippines by that time, he, Bryan, and his followers would rise in arms against the oppressors.”4
“I have received from Luzón an order to proceed more rapidly with my operations this month, as Bryan ordered Emilío to keep the war going vigorously until April, and he also said that if independence was not given the Philippines by that time, he, Bryan, and his followers would rise in arms against the oppressors.”4
“Tarlac, Oct. 26, 1899.“To the Military Governor of This City, and To the Secretary of the Interior.“As a meeting shall be held on the morning of Sunday next in the Presidential Palace of this Republic in return for that held in the United States by Mr. Bryan, who drank to the name of our Honourable President as one of the heroes of the world, and for the purpose of celebrating it with more pomp and contributing to it the greater splendor with your personnel, I will be obliged to you if you will please call at this office to confer with me on the matter.“God preserve you, etc.(Signed) “F. Buencamino.”5
“Tarlac, Oct. 26, 1899.
“To the Military Governor of This City, and To the Secretary of the Interior.
“As a meeting shall be held on the morning of Sunday next in the Presidential Palace of this Republic in return for that held in the United States by Mr. Bryan, who drank to the name of our Honourable President as one of the heroes of the world, and for the purpose of celebrating it with more pomp and contributing to it the greater splendor with your personnel, I will be obliged to you if you will please call at this office to confer with me on the matter.
“God preserve you, etc.
(Signed) “F. Buencamino.”5
In a letter written by A. Flores, acting secretary of war, to the military governor of Tarlac on October 27, 1899, there occurs the following:—
“In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of our Honourable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was pronounced one of the heroes of the world by Mr. Bryan, future president of the United States. The Masonic Society, therefore, interpreting the unanimous desires of the people, and with the approval of the government, will on Sunday the 29th instant, organize a meeting or popular assembly in the interest of national independence and in honor of Mr. Bryan of the anti-imperialist party, the defenders of our cause in the United States. The meeting will consist of two functions; first—at nine A.M. of the 29th the assembly will convene in a suitable place, a national hymn will inauguratethe exercises, after which appropriate addresses will be delivered; and second—at four P.M. a popular demonstration will take place throughout the town, with bands of music parading the streets; residents will decorate and illuminate their houses.“Which I have the pleasure of transmitting to you for your information and guidance and for that of the troops under your command.”6
“In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of our Honourable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was pronounced one of the heroes of the world by Mr. Bryan, future president of the United States. The Masonic Society, therefore, interpreting the unanimous desires of the people, and with the approval of the government, will on Sunday the 29th instant, organize a meeting or popular assembly in the interest of national independence and in honor of Mr. Bryan of the anti-imperialist party, the defenders of our cause in the United States. The meeting will consist of two functions; first—at nine A.M. of the 29th the assembly will convene in a suitable place, a national hymn will inauguratethe exercises, after which appropriate addresses will be delivered; and second—at four P.M. a popular demonstration will take place throughout the town, with bands of music parading the streets; residents will decorate and illuminate their houses.
“Which I have the pleasure of transmitting to you for your information and guidance and for that of the troops under your command.”6
1Taylor, 13 KK, E.2Taylor, 15 and 16 KK, E.3“Pope” Isio was the last of a series of bandit leaders, claiming for themselves miraculous powers, who long infested the mountains of Negros.4P.I.R., 970. 7.5P.I.R., 1134–1.6P.I.R., 17. 9.
1Taylor, 13 KK, E.
2Taylor, 15 and 16 KK, E.
3“Pope” Isio was the last of a series of bandit leaders, claiming for themselves miraculous powers, who long infested the mountains of Negros.
4P.I.R., 970. 7.
5P.I.R., 1134–1.
6P.I.R., 17. 9.