FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:1See Curtius,Grundzüge der Griechischen Etymologie, under the word ἀρόω.2The evidence derived from comparison of the Greek, Latin and Sanskrit is taken from Mommsen,History of Rome, English translation, vol.I.p. 15: the additional evidence from German languages from Max Müller,Chips from a German Workshop, vol.II.pp. 22, 44. Curtius,Grundzüge der Griechischen Etymologie, has been used for verification.3Mommsen,Hist. Rome, vol.I.p. 16. Rendall,The Cradle of the Aryans, p. 11.4The classification of uncivilised peoples as hunting peoples and peoples with cattle forms part of the classification used by John Stuart Mill at the beginning of hisPolitical Economy: and it is adopted and fully worked out by Mr Lewis Morgan in hisAncient Society.All the statements of a general kind which I have made about uncivilised peoples have been verified by reference toDescriptive Sociology, Division I., an encyclopædia of facts relating to such peoples, which was designed by Mr Herbert Spencer and compiled by Professor Duncan. The advantages which uncivilised men gain from living and acting together and from having a government are explained by Mr Herbert Spencer in hisPolitical Institutions, §§ 440-442.My authorities for the individual peoples which have been noticed are these: for the Bushmen, Burchell,Travels(1822), and Thompson,Travels(1827): for the Esquimaux, C. F. Hall,Life with the Esquimaux(1864): for the Red Indians, H. Y. Hind,The Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition(1860). All these books are cited inDescriptive Sociology.5It may be objected that the Goths from about 250A.D.were living close to the Greeks, and the Old Germans from about 50B.C.had the Romans as their neighbours, and possibly learned the art of ploughing from these neighbours and borrowed a name for it. It seems enough, however, to answer that if the Goths had taken a word from ἀρόειν they would have chosen something more like the pattern word thanerjan: in like manner if the Germans had borrowed fromararethey would hardly have formederen.6I have thought it needless in most cases to give authorities for statements of historical facts made in this chapter, because the statements are generally such that it is very easy to settle whether they are true or false. In cases where verification might be in the least degree difficult I have given references.7Marquardt,Römische Staatsverwaltung, Vol.I.pages 22-57, in the edition of 1873, comprising the section headedItalien vor der lex Julia. Mommsen,History of Rome, Vol.II., especially theMilitary Map of Italyat the beginning of the volume.8For details see ChapterVII.9Smith'sAtlas of Ancient Geography, Map 13, contains a map of Germania Magna according to Ptolemy.10Spruner-Menke,Historischer Hand-Atlas,Maps14and15.11Hallam,Middle Ages, ChapterIV.12Stanhope,Reign of Queen Anne, Vol.I.p. 264.13My statements about Frankish and early French history down to the reign of Philip II. are all based on original authorities: but see Kitchin,History of France, Vol.I., and some excellent maps (No. 57) in Droysen,Historischer Hand-Atlas.14Oechsli,Quellenbuch zur Schweizergeschichte, pages 49, 199-202, 261-266. The second of these passages, especially page 200, proves that so late as 1481 no Swiss Federation had been made, but each canton was an independent state, managing its foreign relations for itself: the third shows that by 1512 a central body had been established which received ambassadors sent by foreign powers to the Swiss, and settled what answers the Swiss League should give them.15In making this statement I have regarded Thessaly as not forming part of Hellas. Thessaly was completely cut off from the rest by two great ranges of mountains and was conquered before the beginning of Greek history by a people who were not truly Hellenic.16These areas of Argolis, Attica, Laconia are calculated from the maps in Smith'sAtlas: the other areas referred to are taken from theStatesman's Yearbook, or the articleGraeciain Smith'sDictionary of Geography.17OdysseyII.30ἀγγελίην στρατοῦ ἐρχομένοιο(news of the host returning).18OdysseyII.32ἦέ τι ζημιον ἄλλο πιφαύσκεται ἠδ' ἀγορεύει; (or has he any other public business to discuss?)19IliadXVIII.497 νεῖκος (a dispute).20OdysseyII.1-259,IliadXVIII.497-508.21OdysseyII.6. The Ithacan assembly was summoned by the king's son in his father's absence: but the summons was irregular, as is shown in the next paragraph.22IliadXVIII.503οἱ δὲ γέροντεςεἵατ' ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ.The stone seats are mentioned only in the description of a judicial assembly: but all assemblies met, there is no doubt, in the same place.23OdysseyII.14ἕζετο δ' ἐν ἕζετο δ' ἐν (Τηλέμαχος), ϝεῖξαν δὲ γέροντες(and Telemachus sat down in his father's seat, and the elders made way for him).24See Grote's note in hisHistory, PartI.ch.XX.His instances (IliadII.96 andIliadXVIII.246) are both taken from time of war: but it is not in the least likely that this detail was peculiar to assemblies held at such times.25IliadII.96ἐννέας δά σφεαςκήρυκες βοόωντες ἐρήτυον, εἴ ποτ' ἀϋτῆςσχοίατ' ἀκούσειαν δὲ διοτρεφέων βασιλήων(and nine heralds were calling them to order, to stop clamouring and hearken to the heaven-born kings).26At the Ithacan assembly the suitors Antinous, Eurymachus, and Leiocritus were among the speakers.OdysseyII.84-254.27OdysseyII.25-34.28IliadXVIII.497-508.29Or perhaps, to him who best proved his case.30IliadIX.96-99.31OdysseyXXI.16-21.32IliadXVI.38-39. Patroclus says to him, "If thou art deterred by some divine command from fighting thyself, yet let me go and give me thy people, the Myrmidons (i.e. the Phthiotians)": and Achilles (lines 49-65) replies, "I have been wronged and therefore will not fight: thou shalt wear my armour and command the Myrmidons."33IliadII.53, IX. 9-17, 89-95.34OdysseyXI.489θητευέμεν.35Grote'sGreece, octavo edition vol.I.p. 487, cabinet edition vol.II.p. 98.36Tac.Germ.16. Nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari satis notum est, ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes. Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut nemus placuit.37OdysseyI.424κακκείοντες ἔβαν ϝοικόνδε ϝέκαστος.38OdysseyII.8τοὶ δ' ἠγείροντο μάλ' ὦκα.39OdysseyIII.31Πυλίων ἀνδρῶν ἄγυρίν τε καὶ ἕδρας.40Especially the scene of the death of Hector in the twenty-second book of the Iliad. Achilles having driven all the Trojans except Hector within their walls, pursued Hector thrice round the city, in the sight of the Trojans on the walls and of the host of the Greeks assembled on the plain outside the city. If any part of the city had been outside the wall, it must have been mentioned as impeding or aiding the flight of Hector, or as having been captured by the Greeks. As it is, the poet has no landmark outside the city to show how far the chase had extended except a fountain where the two springs, one hot and one cold, of the Scamander, had been built round with stone platforms on which clothing was washed by the Trojan women.41OdysseyIV.68-75.42OdysseyII.337-343.43The evidence concerning the use of the metals is collected by Grote, octavo edition vol.I.p. 493, cabinet edition vol.II.pp. 104, 105.44For the dealings of the Phœnicians see the story in which Eumæus the swineherd narrates how he was kidnapped as a child by Phœnician traders.OdysseyXV.403-484.45Grote,Greece, octavo edition vol.I.p. 486, cabinet edition vol.II.p. 97. For the worker in gold seeOdysseyIII.425.46HerodotusVIII.31 in speaking of the position of Doris remarks, "This country is the mother country of the Dorians in Peloponnesus."47Diodorus SiculusVII.fragment 9. Diodorus wrote about 20-10B.C.48Myron wrote about 220B.C.His stories about the early Messenian kings are preserved by Pausanias in his fourth book.49Professor Gardner,New Chapters in Greek History, pp. 96-101.50PausaniasII.16. 5.51Pausanias (VI.22. 2) in speaking of this expedition assigns it to the eighth Olympiad or the year 748B.C.I have not ventured to regard his date as trustworthy, because Professor Mahaffy (Problems in Greek History, Chapter III.) has shown reasons for doubting whether the order of the early Olympiads was correctly given in the lists which were current among the Greeks. His date however cannot well be earlier than 750B.C., since it was after the Olympic festivals had become important: and it cannot be later than 600B.C., because in that case clearer traditions about him would have been preserved.52Ephorus, who wrote about 350B.C., records this. His words are quoted by Grote, octavo edition vol.II.p. 90, cabinet edition vol.II.p. 316, from Strabo.53Aristotle,Politics,V.10. 6, in Bekker's edition (Oxford, 1837). Welldon, p. 381. PausaniasVI.22. 2.54The king of Argos in 480B.C.is noticed by Herodotus (VII.149).55ThucydidesII.15. The original independence of the small communities is most fully vouched for by the festival, calledτὰ συνοίκια, or the union of dwellings: and it furnishes a reason for the policy adopted by Cleisthenes of establishing popular local governments in the demes, or villages and townships, of Attica: see Chapter V.56HerodotusVI.52.57ThucydidesI.13ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι πατρικαὶ βασιλεῖαι.58HerodotusVII.234.59HerodotusIX.10,IX.28, andIX.11.60Grote,Greece, octavo edition vol.III.p. 494, cabinet edition vol.V.p. 11.61If they had not possessed the management of their local affairs, their communities would scarcely have been calledπόλειςby Herodotus in the conversation between Xerxes and Demaratus. HerodotusVII.234; Smith'sDict. Antiq.article Periœci.62ThucydidesVIII.22ἦρχε τῶν νεῶ ν Δεινιάδας περίοικος(Deiniadas a Periœcus was in command of the ships).63These statements about the condition of the Helots are not given by either Herodotus or Thucydides, but are found in Plutarch and Pausanias. Plutarch wrote about 60-70A.D., and Pausanias about 170-180A.D.: but both copied authors probably of the fourth centuryB.C.Pausanias (III.20. 6) speaks of the Helots as slaves belonging to the state (δοῦλοι τοῦ κοινοῦ: the rest comes from Plutarch,Lycurgus, ch. 8.64See Smith'sDict. Antiq., third edition, article Helotes.65The dates of the Messenian wars cannot be determined with certainty. See the note at the end of this chapter.66Pausanias (III.20. 6) expressly says that those serfs who were acquired by the Spartans not in their original conquest of Laconia but subsequently (that is to say at the conquest of Messenia) were Messenian Dorians.67The account of the revolt and its duration are taken from ThucydidesI.101-103. The date of its beginning is given by PausaniasIV.24. 2 as being the seventy-ninth olympiad: i.e. seventy-eight times four years after 776B.C.: i.e. 464B.C.68ThucydidesIV.80.69XenophonDe Rep. Lac.1. § 4.70XenophonDe Rep. Lac.2. § 2.71XenophonDe Rep. Lac.6. § 1, § 2.72All these details from XenophonDe Rep. Lac.2.73XenophonDe Rep. Lac.6. § 2.74XenophonDe Rep. Lac.3.75XenophonDe Rep. Lac.9. § 5.76XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11.77XenophonDe Rep. Lac.7. § 1.78XenophonDe Rep. Lac.7. § 5.79All this is from ThucydidesV.66 andV.68.80XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11. The description takes up the second half of the chapter.81Thus in XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11 a commander of two companies is calledπεντηκοστήρorπεντηκοντήρa captain of fifty.82XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11: at the beginning of the chapter.83XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11. The description of the evolutions there given is well explained in Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, third edition, vol.I.p. 770, under the word Exercitus.84XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11: at the beginning of the chapter,στολὴν φοινικίδα.85Smith,Dict. Ant.third edition, article Tribon.86Smith,Dict. Ant.third edition, vol.I.p. 773.87ThucydidesV.68.88See p. 35.89Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6. The document, being in prose and not ambiguous, bears no resemblance to the genuine utterances of the Delphic priestess; and therefore I think not only that it is not an oracle really delivered to Lycurgus but also that it was not composed while the oracle of Delphi was active and the character of its utterances well known: that is to say, before 450B.C.or 400B.C.I imagine it to be the work of some antiquarian, who knew the Doric dialect extremely well: such a man might no doubt be found at Alexandria during or after the reign of Ptolemy PhiladelphusB.C.285-247: for Alexandria was then the home of all sorts of learning, and was the place in which, about the year 270B.C., Theocritus the greatest of the Doric poets wrote the best of his Idylls.90The text is uncertain here.91Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6.92Quoted by Pausanias (IV.6).93Tyrtæus, Fragment 4. As the conquest of Messenia is a rare if not a unique example in Greece after the purely legendary age of a permanent conquest effected in spite of the obstacles interposed by a mountain range, it is worth while to take notice of the geography. The Spartans certainly did not cross Taygetus, whose lowest pass, now known as the Langada Pass, is about five thousand feet above the sea (Neuman und Partsch,Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland, p. 181 note): to the north of Taygetus they could cross without any trouble from the valley of the Eurotas to the valley of the Alpheius (see the page just referred to): but before they could reach Messenia they still had to march three or four miles up a valley with mountains on either side of it and then to cross a barren sparsely wooded ridge which unites Taygetus with Mount Lycæus. The ascent of the ridge takes an ordinary traveller half an hour, so that the height of it will be about five or six hundred feet. See Bædeker'sGreece, p. 283.94Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6.95Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6.96For example in 432B.C.it was the assembly that decided on war against Athens (ThucydidesI.67 and 87). The kings however, until about 500B.C., still had the right to engage in a foreign war, if they chose, simply on their own responsibility (HerodotusVI.56).97The passages are from Plutarch,Lycurgus, 7 and Aristotle,PoliticsV.11. 2, 3. Bekker, Oxf. 1837. Welldon's translation, p. 392.98Plutarch,Lycurgus, 26.99Smith'sDictionary of Antiquities, third edition, article Ephori, where proofs are given.100For Cleomenes, see HerodotusVI.73-82: for Pausanias, ThucydidesI.131. 3: for the sending of the great armament, HerodotusIX.chapters 10, 11, 28: and above, page 38.101Aristotle,PoliticsII.9. 19γίγνονται ἐκ τοῦ δήμου πάντες(they are all created from the people).Ibid.II.9. 23 (αἱρετὴν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐξ ἁπάντων, (the office is filled by election from the whole body).102Aristotle,PoliticsII.10. 6.103Xenophon,HellenicaII.3. §§ 9 and 10.104The ambassadors sent by the Athenians in their extreme distress during the occupation of Athens by Mardonius were received by the Ephors and were kept waiting ten days for an answer. HerodotusIX.7-11.105For example in 432B.C.ThucydidesI.85-87.106For the powers of the kings in time of peace see HerodotusVI.57.107XenophonDe Rep. Lac.13. § 5.108Smith,Dict. Ant., third edition, vol.I.p. 915.109ThucydidesIV.80.110ThucydidesV.34,V.67,VII.19,VII.58,VIII.5.111ThucydidesVII.58δύναται δὲ τὸ Νεοδαμῶδες ἐλευθερον ἤδη εἶναι.112Xenophon,HellenicaIII.1. 4.113Xenophon,HellenicaIII.3. 5 and 6.114Aristotle,PoliticsII.9. 31 and 32. Welldon,Translation, p. 83.115For the harmosts see Xenophon,HellenicaIII.5. § 13.116Plutarch,Agis5.117Aristotle,PoliticsII.9. 19-24. Welldon, pp. 80, 81.118HerodotusV.92. Diodorus SiculusVII.fragment 9. Diodorus wrote about 20-10B.C.119Aristotle,PoliticsV.5. 9, Bekker. Welldon,Translation, p. 357.120Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 8.121Plutarch,Solon, ch. 19, Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 3.122Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 3, calls them recorders of laws or customs for judgement. The chapter may be spurious, but the assertion is probable.123Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 4.124Mr R. Macan inJourn. of Hellenic Studies, April 1891, p. 27 notices the silence of Plutarch.125The description of Solon's constitution is taken from Aristotle'sConstitution of Athens, ch. 5-13: except the statement that the members of the council of four hundred were selected by Solon. This is from Plutarch,Solon, ch. 19.126Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 13.127Aristotle,PoliticsV.12. 13. Welldon, p. 405.128PoliticsV.5. 9.129Solon, ch. 13.130Etymol. Mag., under the wordεὐπατρίδαι.131Aristotle,Pol.V.5. 9. Welldon, p. 357.132Above, pages 34, 35.133Herodotus V. 92 and III. 48-53.134ThucydidesVI.54.135Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 19.136The stories of Pisistratus and Hippias are told by Herodotus (I.59-64 andV.62): see also Aristotle,Const. Ath.14, and Plutarch,Solon30. The temple of Delphi was burnt in 548B.C.PausaniasX.5. 5,'Ερξικλείδου ἄρχοντος.137Grote, PartII.ch.XLIII.138Aristotle,PoliticsV.10. 4; andV.6. 1. Bekker. Welldon, pp. 381, 382, 358.139Ibid.V.10. 6. Bekker. Welldon, pp. 381, 382.140Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 7. Welldon, p. 145.141For Pittacus see Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 9. Welldon, p. 146.142Aristotle,PoliticsV.12. 1. Welldon, p. 402.143HerodotusV.92.144The composition of the four Ionic tribes is from Pollux, 8. 111 (in Dindorf's or Bekker's edition). Pollux delivered his work in the form of lectures at Athens in the reign of Marcus Aurelius who died 180A.D.145Aristotle,PoliticsIII.2. 3,πολλοὺς ἐφυλέτευσε ξένους καὶ δούλους μετοίκους. Probably the text is not quite correct, but the general meaning is clear.146For the geographical scattering of each tribe see Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 21.147HerodotusV.78.ισηγορίη.148HerodotusVI.111, whence the words are taken. Ar.Const. Ath.ch. 22.149Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 2.150Plutarch,Συμποσιακὰ προβλήματαI.10.151For the process of Ostracism see Grote, octavo edition, vol.III.p. 133, cabinet edition, vol.IV.p. 83.152See Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, third edition, 1891, article Naucraria. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 20κατέστησε δὲ καὶ δημάρχους τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας ἐπιμέλειαν τοῖς πρότερον ναυκράροις· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς δήμους ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν ἐποίησεν.153See p. 35.154ThucydidesII.14, 16.155Aristophanes,Acharnians, the whole play.156ThucydidesII.14,διὰ τὸ εἰωθέναιτοὺς πολλοὺςἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς διαιτᾶσθαι.157Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, third edition, article Demus.158Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 22.159Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 23. The drachma contained the same weight of silver as a modern franc.160For the effects of Salamis see Aristotle,PoliticsV.4. 8. Welldon, p. 353.161The Areopagus was deprived of power in the archonship of Conon, i.e. 463-2B.C.Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 25.162Plutarch (Aristides, 22) says that Aristides proposed to the assembly a resolution that the archonship should be thrown open to all Athenian citizens: and he seems to imply that the resolution was passed, and that thenceforth any Athenian citizen, whether he was a Pentacosiomedimnus, a Hippeus, a Zeugites, or a Thês, was legally qualified to hold the office. It is however certain that no such extensive change in the constitution was made in the lifetime of Aristides: for Aristides died about 468B.C.(see Clinton,Fasti Helleniciunder the years 469, 468, 429), and Aristotle, in hisConstitution of Athens, chapter 26, tells us that it was not till 457B.C.that the Zeugitæ were admitted to the archonship. If then Aristides carried any resolution that altered the law, it did not go beyond throwing open the office to the Hippeis or Horsemen. The Thêtes or Labourers were never formally declared eligible: but in Aristotle's time there was nothing to prevent a Thês from becoming an archon, provided that on announcing his candidature he did not declare that he belonged to the class of Thêtes. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, chapter 7.163Pericles proposed and passed the payment of dicasts, during the lifetime of Cimon, probably about 450B.C.Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 27.164Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 24.165The place of meeting is proved by Aristophanes,Acharnians, line 20,ἡ πνὺξ αὑτηί,Knights, line 42,Δῆμος πυκνίτηςand many other passages: the number of ordinary meetings by Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 43.166I do not know any evidence which proves directly that this rule was in force at the time of the Peloponnesian war. But we have already seen (page 60) that the rule was made by Solon, and it was certainly in force in the time of Demosthenes (366B.C.-322B.C.): see Demosthenes,contra Androtionem, p. 594, andcontra Timocratem, p. 715, especially the wordsπρῶτον μὲν ... πρὸς τὴν βουλήν, εἶτα τῷ δήμῳ. Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, article Boulê.167The events of 411B.C.prove clearly that the procedure by Graphê Paranomôn was then an established part of the Athenian constitution: see ThucydidesVIII.67, Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29: and further on in the present chapter, p. 93.168The details about the five hundred are from Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 43. An inscription of the date 410-409B.C.printed in Clinton,Fasti Hellenici(vol.II.p. 345), shows how important the prytaneis then were.169ThucydidesII.65.170Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, article Strategus.171Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, article Archon.172Demosthenes,Meidiasp. 585, asks: "What is it that gives power and authority to any body of jurors sitting in judgement, whether they be two hundred or a thousand or any number you will?"173The eagerness of the citizens to act as dicasts is ridiculed all through the play of theWasps, brought out in 422B.C.174ThucydidesI.31 and 44.175ThucydidesVI.8.176ThucydidesIV.118.177ThucydidesIII.2 and 36-49.178HerodotusVI.133 and 136.179Xenophon,HellenicaI.6 and 7. He names only eight admirals recalled. Grote makes the number nine.180The observations contained in this paragraph were suggested to me firstly by Professor Mahaffy,Problems in Greek History§ 38, and secondly by Mr W. Warde Fowler,The City State of the Greeks and Romans, chapterVI.181The decrees granting pay for attendance at ecclesia are enumerated in Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 41. In theEcclesiazusæ, first acted in 392B.C., Chremes (at lines 381-2) says he had lost his three obols by being late for the assembly. For the allowance to citizens at religious festivals see Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 28.182See Boeckh,Public Economy of Athens, bookII.ch. 13-14.Supposing half a drachma was paid to 18000 spectators at 30 festivals, to 8000 citizens at 50 assemblies and to 4000 dicasts for 300 days, and a whole drachma to 400 councillors for 300 days, we get a sum of 1,190,000 drachmæ, and, as there were 6000 drachmæ in a talent, this was equal to 198-1/3 talents.183See Boeckh,Public Economy, bookIII.ch. 19.184Grote, octavo edition, vol.VIII.pp. 81-98, cabinet edition, vol.XI.pp. 138-157.185ThucydidesIII.70-84. Grote, PartII.chapterLXXVIII.186ThucydidesVIII.1.187ThucydidesVIII.2.188Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29, and ThucydidesVIII.47.189ThucydidesVI.61.190ThucydidesVI.26-28.191ThucydidesVI.53.192ThucydidesVI.61.193ThucydidesVI.89.194ThucydidesVI.61.195ThucydidesVIII.11, 12.196ThucydidesVIII.45.197ThucydidesVIII.45, 46.198ThucydidesVIII.47.199ThucydidesVIII.47.200ThucydidesVIII.48, 3,ἐκ τοῦ παρόντοςκόσμουτὴν πόλιν μεταστήσας.201ThucydidesVIII.48, 3,ὁ 'Αλκιβιάδης,ὅπερ καὶ ἦν, οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ὀλιγαρχίας ἢ δημοκρατίας δεῖσθαι ἐδόκει αὐτῷ.202ThucydidesVIII.47.203ThucydidesVIII.53.204ThucydidesVIII.54.205ThucydidesVIII.56.206ThucydidesVIII.65, 66.207ThucydidesVIII.65, the last sentence. My small addition to the words of this sentence seems to be justified byἐυπρεπὲς πρὸς τοὺς πλείουςwhich occurs in the next.208The oligarchical government lasted four months and ended two months after new archons took office, that is to say, two months after midsummer. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 33. Clinton,Fasti Hellenici, vol.II.pp.XV.XVI.209ThucydidesVIII.67. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29.210Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29. ThucydidesVIII.67.211Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 31.212Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 31, 32.213ThucydidesVIII.70.214ThucydidesVIII.89.215ThucydidesVIII.90-97.216ThucydidesVIII.97. 1. The meaning of the words is admirably explained by Grote in a note to chapterLXII.of hisHistory of Greece.217Arnold's Thucydides, note toVIII.97. 1.218Grote,History of Greece, octavo edition, vol.VI.p. 152, cabinet edition, vol.VIII.p. 267.219ThucydidesV.26.220Xenophon,HellenicaI.7. § 1, andII.1. § 16.221Xenophon,HellenicaII.1.222Xenophon,HellenicaII.2.223Xenophon,HellenicaII.3.224Especially on the famous occasion when Alexander did not dare to put his general Philotas to death till he had been condemned by the assembled chieftains and warriors. Grote, partII.chapterXCIV.225The latest event referred to in the treatise is the murder of king Philip in 336B.C.Aristotle died in 322B.C.226The classification is set forth in thePoliticsIII.6, 7. Welldon, pp. 116-120. InIII.6. 1 Aristotle defines a polity as "an ordering or arrangement of a state in respect of its offices generally and especially of the supreme office."227Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 2. Welldon, transl. p. 146.228Aristotle,PoliticsV.10. 8. Welldon, p. 382.229Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 6. Welldon, p. 145.230Aristotle,PoliticsV.10. 7. Bekker. Welldon, transl. p. 382. "Kingship corresponds in principle to aristocracy as it is based upon merit."231See p. 76.232Aristotle,PoliticsII.11. 7,II.12. 2. Welldon, pp. 91, 94.233Aristotle,IV.13. 10, 11. Bekker. Welldon, pages 291, 292.234The account here given of Polity is derived from Aristotle's discussion of it in thePolitics, bookIV.chapters 8-13 (in Bekker's edition): Welldon, pages 274-292. Nothing has been added except a few necessary explanations.235Aristotle,PoliticsII.12. 5. Welldon, p. 95.236Politics,IV.6. 1-4. Welldon, pages 269, 270.237Aristotle,Politics, BekkerIV.6. 5, 6. Welldon, pages 270, 271.238Aristotle,Politics, BekkerIV.4. 25-28. Welldon, pp. 265-267. In translating, I have taken liberties with the words but I hope not with the sense of any sentence.239Aristotle,PoliticsIII.13. 15. Welldon, pages 140, 141.240Aristotle,PoliticsII.11. 5-8. Welldon, pages 90, 91.241Ibid.IV.4. 23,IV.8. 7. Bekker. Welldon, pages 265, 275.242Aristotle,PoliticsIV.4. 24-26, Bekker. Welldon, pages 265, 266.243For example, till 340B.C., the richest citizens were allowed to contribute far less than their just share towards the trierarchies, which defrayed a large part of the cost of maintaining the navy; and the change to a fairer system was effected with difficulty: Grote, PartII.chapterXC.The strong conservative tendency, which prevailed among the Athenians under their democratic constitution, was, I believe, first noticed by Mr W. Warde Fowler. There is a striking passage on the matter in hisCity-state of the Greeks and Romans(pages 170, 171).244Hallam,Middle Ages, chapterIII.: in the cabinet edition, vol.I.pages 421-423.245Aristotle,Politics. BekkerIV.5. 1-2 andIV.6. 7-11. Welldon, pages 266-267, pages 271-272.246PoliticsIII.6. 1. Welldon, p. 116.247In thePolitics(IV.2. Bekker. Welldon, pp. 253, 254) Aristotle says that "speculation about the ideally best polity is nothing else than a discussion of kingship and aristocracy": and that "kingship must be a mere name and not a reality, unless it is justified by a vast superiority of the reigning king over his subjects":—a condition that can rarely if ever be fulfilled. See also Sidgwick,Elements of Politics, p. 579.248The descriptions of the Spartan and the Carthaginian governments are given in thePoliticsII.9 andII.11.249The chief modern authorities for the history of the Achæan League are Bishop Thirlwall in the eighth volume of hisHistory of Greece, and Professor Freeman in hisHistory of Federal Government in Greece and Italy. I have compiled this chapter, after reading what those authors say on the subject, from the books by ancient writers which they cite.250Smith'sDictionary of Geography, article Achaia: and Smith'sAtlas of Ancient Geography.251For the early history of Achaia see PolybiusII.37-41: Shuckburgh, translation, pages 134-137. The story about Croton and Sybaris may be incorrect (Grote, Part II. end of chapterXXXVII.): but it shows that Polybius believed the good government of the Achæans had been established long before the battle of Leuctra.252PolybiusII.41.253PolybiusII.41. For the names of the cities see also Mr Shuckburgh's Introduction, pp. xlviii, xlix.254PolybiusII.43.255For a list of the cities in the league see Freeman,Federal Government, pp. 713-714.256PolybiusII.45-53 and 64-69.257Freeman,Federal Government, p. 498.258Most of the communities in Achaia and some of those in Arcadia were rather cantons than cities: Plutarch (Aratus, ch. 9) calls the Achæansμικροπολῖται, citizens of petty towns. Corinth, Argos and Megalopolis were great cities.259The component states were calledπόλεις, and this fact alone, in the absence of indications tending the other way, is enough to show that they managed their internal affairs. For further evidence see Freeman,Federal Government, p. 256.260PolybiusII.37.261Polybius (II.38) emphatically calls the Achæan system a democracy with free and equal speech.262Polybius (V.1) says that in 218B.C.the assembly metin accordance with the lawat Ægium: but king Philip afterwards persuaded the magistrates to transfer it to Sicyon. The important assembly which made the alliance with Rome in 198B.C.was also held at Sicyon: LivyXXXII.19.263For example, in 224B.C.Antigonus Dôsôn presented himself at an assembly at Ægium in the spring and at another at the same place in the autumn (PolybiusII.54). The meeting in the spring had to elect the officers for the coming year: and the strategus entered on his duties in May, at the rising of the Pleiades (PolybiusV.1).264Livy (XXXII.22) after recording the proceedings of two days in the special meeting of 198B.C.says "Only one day was left in which the meeting could act: for the law ordered that on the third day its decision should be made."265Livy (XXXII.22) says that in 198B.C.when the magistrates were just going to take a vote, most of thestatesopenly showed which way they would vote(omnibus fere populis ... præ se ferentibus quid decreturi essent): then the citizens of Dymê and Megalopolis and some from the Argolid left the assembly: but (XXXII.23) the rest of thestatesof the league, when asked in turn how they voted (ceteri populi Achæorum, cum sententias perrogarentur), decided in a certain way.266PolybiusIV.26προσελθοντος τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐν Αἰγίῳ.The business related to a question of war against the Ætolians.267The evidence for this is referred to by Bishop Thirlwall (History of Greece, vol.VIII.p. 92). In 187B.C.Eumenes king of Pergamum offered to give 120 talents, on condition that the money was invested and the interest used to pay the councillors (see PolybiusXXIII.7 in Dindorf's edition:XXII.10 in Mr Shuckburgh's translation). The yearly interest of a talent would be about 720 drachmæ:—a large salary for a councillor. The councillors at Athens were paid about 300 drachmæ yearly, see above, p. 51, note 1.268PolybiusV.94ὐποστράτηγος. StraboVIII.7. 3γραμματεύς: but this passage proves the existence of the office of secretary only for the very early days of the re-constituted league soon after 280B.C.269Freeman,Federal Government, p. 299, from PolybiusIV.7.270LivyXXXII.22Magistratus (damiurgos vocant: decem numero creantur). The wordsmagistratusandcreanturindicate that they were elected.271LivyXXXII.22.272PolybiusXXIV.5 in Bekker's and Dindorf's editions:XXIII.5 in Mr Shuckburgh's translation.273Aristotle himself, as we have seen, in one passage uses the term democracy to denote any government in which a large number of citizens take part: but in doing so he departs from his original definition of it.274See Professor Freeman'sHistory of Federal Government.

1See Curtius,Grundzüge der Griechischen Etymologie, under the word ἀρόω.

2The evidence derived from comparison of the Greek, Latin and Sanskrit is taken from Mommsen,History of Rome, English translation, vol.I.p. 15: the additional evidence from German languages from Max Müller,Chips from a German Workshop, vol.II.pp. 22, 44. Curtius,Grundzüge der Griechischen Etymologie, has been used for verification.

3Mommsen,Hist. Rome, vol.I.p. 16. Rendall,The Cradle of the Aryans, p. 11.

4The classification of uncivilised peoples as hunting peoples and peoples with cattle forms part of the classification used by John Stuart Mill at the beginning of hisPolitical Economy: and it is adopted and fully worked out by Mr Lewis Morgan in hisAncient Society.All the statements of a general kind which I have made about uncivilised peoples have been verified by reference toDescriptive Sociology, Division I., an encyclopædia of facts relating to such peoples, which was designed by Mr Herbert Spencer and compiled by Professor Duncan. The advantages which uncivilised men gain from living and acting together and from having a government are explained by Mr Herbert Spencer in hisPolitical Institutions, §§ 440-442.My authorities for the individual peoples which have been noticed are these: for the Bushmen, Burchell,Travels(1822), and Thompson,Travels(1827): for the Esquimaux, C. F. Hall,Life with the Esquimaux(1864): for the Red Indians, H. Y. Hind,The Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition(1860). All these books are cited inDescriptive Sociology.

All the statements of a general kind which I have made about uncivilised peoples have been verified by reference toDescriptive Sociology, Division I., an encyclopædia of facts relating to such peoples, which was designed by Mr Herbert Spencer and compiled by Professor Duncan. The advantages which uncivilised men gain from living and acting together and from having a government are explained by Mr Herbert Spencer in hisPolitical Institutions, §§ 440-442.

My authorities for the individual peoples which have been noticed are these: for the Bushmen, Burchell,Travels(1822), and Thompson,Travels(1827): for the Esquimaux, C. F. Hall,Life with the Esquimaux(1864): for the Red Indians, H. Y. Hind,The Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition(1860). All these books are cited inDescriptive Sociology.

5It may be objected that the Goths from about 250A.D.were living close to the Greeks, and the Old Germans from about 50B.C.had the Romans as their neighbours, and possibly learned the art of ploughing from these neighbours and borrowed a name for it. It seems enough, however, to answer that if the Goths had taken a word from ἀρόειν they would have chosen something more like the pattern word thanerjan: in like manner if the Germans had borrowed fromararethey would hardly have formederen.

6I have thought it needless in most cases to give authorities for statements of historical facts made in this chapter, because the statements are generally such that it is very easy to settle whether they are true or false. In cases where verification might be in the least degree difficult I have given references.

7Marquardt,Römische Staatsverwaltung, Vol.I.pages 22-57, in the edition of 1873, comprising the section headedItalien vor der lex Julia. Mommsen,History of Rome, Vol.II., especially theMilitary Map of Italyat the beginning of the volume.

8For details see ChapterVII.

9Smith'sAtlas of Ancient Geography, Map 13, contains a map of Germania Magna according to Ptolemy.

10Spruner-Menke,Historischer Hand-Atlas,Maps14and15.

11Hallam,Middle Ages, ChapterIV.

12Stanhope,Reign of Queen Anne, Vol.I.p. 264.

13My statements about Frankish and early French history down to the reign of Philip II. are all based on original authorities: but see Kitchin,History of France, Vol.I., and some excellent maps (No. 57) in Droysen,Historischer Hand-Atlas.

14Oechsli,Quellenbuch zur Schweizergeschichte, pages 49, 199-202, 261-266. The second of these passages, especially page 200, proves that so late as 1481 no Swiss Federation had been made, but each canton was an independent state, managing its foreign relations for itself: the third shows that by 1512 a central body had been established which received ambassadors sent by foreign powers to the Swiss, and settled what answers the Swiss League should give them.

15In making this statement I have regarded Thessaly as not forming part of Hellas. Thessaly was completely cut off from the rest by two great ranges of mountains and was conquered before the beginning of Greek history by a people who were not truly Hellenic.

16These areas of Argolis, Attica, Laconia are calculated from the maps in Smith'sAtlas: the other areas referred to are taken from theStatesman's Yearbook, or the articleGraeciain Smith'sDictionary of Geography.

17OdysseyII.30ἀγγελίην στρατοῦ ἐρχομένοιο(news of the host returning).

18OdysseyII.32ἦέ τι ζημιον ἄλλο πιφαύσκεται ἠδ' ἀγορεύει; (or has he any other public business to discuss?)

19IliadXVIII.497 νεῖκος (a dispute).

20OdysseyII.1-259,IliadXVIII.497-508.

21OdysseyII.6. The Ithacan assembly was summoned by the king's son in his father's absence: but the summons was irregular, as is shown in the next paragraph.

22IliadXVIII.503οἱ δὲ γέροντεςεἵατ' ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ.The stone seats are mentioned only in the description of a judicial assembly: but all assemblies met, there is no doubt, in the same place.

22IliadXVIII.503

οἱ δὲ γέροντεςεἵατ' ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ.

οἱ δὲ γέροντες

εἵατ' ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ.

The stone seats are mentioned only in the description of a judicial assembly: but all assemblies met, there is no doubt, in the same place.

23OdysseyII.14ἕζετο δ' ἐν ἕζετο δ' ἐν (Τηλέμαχος), ϝεῖξαν δὲ γέροντες(and Telemachus sat down in his father's seat, and the elders made way for him).

24See Grote's note in hisHistory, PartI.ch.XX.His instances (IliadII.96 andIliadXVIII.246) are both taken from time of war: but it is not in the least likely that this detail was peculiar to assemblies held at such times.

25IliadII.96ἐννέας δά σφεαςκήρυκες βοόωντες ἐρήτυον, εἴ ποτ' ἀϋτῆςσχοίατ' ἀκούσειαν δὲ διοτρεφέων βασιλήων(and nine heralds were calling them to order, to stop clamouring and hearken to the heaven-born kings).

25IliadII.96

ἐννέας δά σφεαςκήρυκες βοόωντες ἐρήτυον, εἴ ποτ' ἀϋτῆςσχοίατ' ἀκούσειαν δὲ διοτρεφέων βασιλήων

ἐννέας δά σφεας

κήρυκες βοόωντες ἐρήτυον, εἴ ποτ' ἀϋτῆς

σχοίατ' ἀκούσειαν δὲ διοτρεφέων βασιλήων

(and nine heralds were calling them to order, to stop clamouring and hearken to the heaven-born kings).

26At the Ithacan assembly the suitors Antinous, Eurymachus, and Leiocritus were among the speakers.OdysseyII.84-254.

27OdysseyII.25-34.

28IliadXVIII.497-508.

29Or perhaps, to him who best proved his case.

30IliadIX.96-99.

31OdysseyXXI.16-21.

32IliadXVI.38-39. Patroclus says to him, "If thou art deterred by some divine command from fighting thyself, yet let me go and give me thy people, the Myrmidons (i.e. the Phthiotians)": and Achilles (lines 49-65) replies, "I have been wronged and therefore will not fight: thou shalt wear my armour and command the Myrmidons."

33IliadII.53, IX. 9-17, 89-95.

34OdysseyXI.489θητευέμεν.

35Grote'sGreece, octavo edition vol.I.p. 487, cabinet edition vol.II.p. 98.

36Tac.Germ.16. Nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari satis notum est, ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes. Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut nemus placuit.

37OdysseyI.424κακκείοντες ἔβαν ϝοικόνδε ϝέκαστος.

38OdysseyII.8τοὶ δ' ἠγείροντο μάλ' ὦκα.

39OdysseyIII.31Πυλίων ἀνδρῶν ἄγυρίν τε καὶ ἕδρας.

40Especially the scene of the death of Hector in the twenty-second book of the Iliad. Achilles having driven all the Trojans except Hector within their walls, pursued Hector thrice round the city, in the sight of the Trojans on the walls and of the host of the Greeks assembled on the plain outside the city. If any part of the city had been outside the wall, it must have been mentioned as impeding or aiding the flight of Hector, or as having been captured by the Greeks. As it is, the poet has no landmark outside the city to show how far the chase had extended except a fountain where the two springs, one hot and one cold, of the Scamander, had been built round with stone platforms on which clothing was washed by the Trojan women.

41OdysseyIV.68-75.

42OdysseyII.337-343.

43The evidence concerning the use of the metals is collected by Grote, octavo edition vol.I.p. 493, cabinet edition vol.II.pp. 104, 105.

44For the dealings of the Phœnicians see the story in which Eumæus the swineherd narrates how he was kidnapped as a child by Phœnician traders.OdysseyXV.403-484.

45Grote,Greece, octavo edition vol.I.p. 486, cabinet edition vol.II.p. 97. For the worker in gold seeOdysseyIII.425.

46HerodotusVIII.31 in speaking of the position of Doris remarks, "This country is the mother country of the Dorians in Peloponnesus."

47Diodorus SiculusVII.fragment 9. Diodorus wrote about 20-10B.C.

48Myron wrote about 220B.C.His stories about the early Messenian kings are preserved by Pausanias in his fourth book.

49Professor Gardner,New Chapters in Greek History, pp. 96-101.

50PausaniasII.16. 5.

51Pausanias (VI.22. 2) in speaking of this expedition assigns it to the eighth Olympiad or the year 748B.C.I have not ventured to regard his date as trustworthy, because Professor Mahaffy (Problems in Greek History, Chapter III.) has shown reasons for doubting whether the order of the early Olympiads was correctly given in the lists which were current among the Greeks. His date however cannot well be earlier than 750B.C., since it was after the Olympic festivals had become important: and it cannot be later than 600B.C., because in that case clearer traditions about him would have been preserved.

52Ephorus, who wrote about 350B.C., records this. His words are quoted by Grote, octavo edition vol.II.p. 90, cabinet edition vol.II.p. 316, from Strabo.

53Aristotle,Politics,V.10. 6, in Bekker's edition (Oxford, 1837). Welldon, p. 381. PausaniasVI.22. 2.

54The king of Argos in 480B.C.is noticed by Herodotus (VII.149).

55ThucydidesII.15. The original independence of the small communities is most fully vouched for by the festival, calledτὰ συνοίκια, or the union of dwellings: and it furnishes a reason for the policy adopted by Cleisthenes of establishing popular local governments in the demes, or villages and townships, of Attica: see Chapter V.

56HerodotusVI.52.

57ThucydidesI.13ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι πατρικαὶ βασιλεῖαι.

58HerodotusVII.234.

59HerodotusIX.10,IX.28, andIX.11.

60Grote,Greece, octavo edition vol.III.p. 494, cabinet edition vol.V.p. 11.

61If they had not possessed the management of their local affairs, their communities would scarcely have been calledπόλειςby Herodotus in the conversation between Xerxes and Demaratus. HerodotusVII.234; Smith'sDict. Antiq.article Periœci.

62ThucydidesVIII.22ἦρχε τῶν νεῶ ν Δεινιάδας περίοικος(Deiniadas a Periœcus was in command of the ships).

63These statements about the condition of the Helots are not given by either Herodotus or Thucydides, but are found in Plutarch and Pausanias. Plutarch wrote about 60-70A.D., and Pausanias about 170-180A.D.: but both copied authors probably of the fourth centuryB.C.Pausanias (III.20. 6) speaks of the Helots as slaves belonging to the state (δοῦλοι τοῦ κοινοῦ: the rest comes from Plutarch,Lycurgus, ch. 8.

64See Smith'sDict. Antiq., third edition, article Helotes.

65The dates of the Messenian wars cannot be determined with certainty. See the note at the end of this chapter.

66Pausanias (III.20. 6) expressly says that those serfs who were acquired by the Spartans not in their original conquest of Laconia but subsequently (that is to say at the conquest of Messenia) were Messenian Dorians.

67The account of the revolt and its duration are taken from ThucydidesI.101-103. The date of its beginning is given by PausaniasIV.24. 2 as being the seventy-ninth olympiad: i.e. seventy-eight times four years after 776B.C.: i.e. 464B.C.

68ThucydidesIV.80.

69XenophonDe Rep. Lac.1. § 4.

70XenophonDe Rep. Lac.2. § 2.

71XenophonDe Rep. Lac.6. § 1, § 2.

72All these details from XenophonDe Rep. Lac.2.

73XenophonDe Rep. Lac.6. § 2.

74XenophonDe Rep. Lac.3.

75XenophonDe Rep. Lac.9. § 5.

76XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11.

77XenophonDe Rep. Lac.7. § 1.

78XenophonDe Rep. Lac.7. § 5.

79All this is from ThucydidesV.66 andV.68.

80XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11. The description takes up the second half of the chapter.

81Thus in XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11 a commander of two companies is calledπεντηκοστήρorπεντηκοντήρa captain of fifty.

82XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11: at the beginning of the chapter.

83XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11. The description of the evolutions there given is well explained in Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, third edition, vol.I.p. 770, under the word Exercitus.

84XenophonDe Rep. Lac.11: at the beginning of the chapter,στολὴν φοινικίδα.

85Smith,Dict. Ant.third edition, article Tribon.

86Smith,Dict. Ant.third edition, vol.I.p. 773.

87ThucydidesV.68.

88See p. 35.

89Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6. The document, being in prose and not ambiguous, bears no resemblance to the genuine utterances of the Delphic priestess; and therefore I think not only that it is not an oracle really delivered to Lycurgus but also that it was not composed while the oracle of Delphi was active and the character of its utterances well known: that is to say, before 450B.C.or 400B.C.I imagine it to be the work of some antiquarian, who knew the Doric dialect extremely well: such a man might no doubt be found at Alexandria during or after the reign of Ptolemy PhiladelphusB.C.285-247: for Alexandria was then the home of all sorts of learning, and was the place in which, about the year 270B.C., Theocritus the greatest of the Doric poets wrote the best of his Idylls.

90The text is uncertain here.

91Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6.

92Quoted by Pausanias (IV.6).

93Tyrtæus, Fragment 4. As the conquest of Messenia is a rare if not a unique example in Greece after the purely legendary age of a permanent conquest effected in spite of the obstacles interposed by a mountain range, it is worth while to take notice of the geography. The Spartans certainly did not cross Taygetus, whose lowest pass, now known as the Langada Pass, is about five thousand feet above the sea (Neuman und Partsch,Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland, p. 181 note): to the north of Taygetus they could cross without any trouble from the valley of the Eurotas to the valley of the Alpheius (see the page just referred to): but before they could reach Messenia they still had to march three or four miles up a valley with mountains on either side of it and then to cross a barren sparsely wooded ridge which unites Taygetus with Mount Lycæus. The ascent of the ridge takes an ordinary traveller half an hour, so that the height of it will be about five or six hundred feet. See Bædeker'sGreece, p. 283.

94Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6.

95Plutarch,Lycurgus, 6.

96For example in 432B.C.it was the assembly that decided on war against Athens (ThucydidesI.67 and 87). The kings however, until about 500B.C., still had the right to engage in a foreign war, if they chose, simply on their own responsibility (HerodotusVI.56).

97The passages are from Plutarch,Lycurgus, 7 and Aristotle,PoliticsV.11. 2, 3. Bekker, Oxf. 1837. Welldon's translation, p. 392.

98Plutarch,Lycurgus, 26.

99Smith'sDictionary of Antiquities, third edition, article Ephori, where proofs are given.

100For Cleomenes, see HerodotusVI.73-82: for Pausanias, ThucydidesI.131. 3: for the sending of the great armament, HerodotusIX.chapters 10, 11, 28: and above, page 38.

101Aristotle,PoliticsII.9. 19γίγνονται ἐκ τοῦ δήμου πάντες(they are all created from the people).Ibid.II.9. 23 (αἱρετὴν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐξ ἁπάντων, (the office is filled by election from the whole body).

102Aristotle,PoliticsII.10. 6.

103Xenophon,HellenicaII.3. §§ 9 and 10.

104The ambassadors sent by the Athenians in their extreme distress during the occupation of Athens by Mardonius were received by the Ephors and were kept waiting ten days for an answer. HerodotusIX.7-11.

105For example in 432B.C.ThucydidesI.85-87.

106For the powers of the kings in time of peace see HerodotusVI.57.

107XenophonDe Rep. Lac.13. § 5.

108Smith,Dict. Ant., third edition, vol.I.p. 915.

109ThucydidesIV.80.

110ThucydidesV.34,V.67,VII.19,VII.58,VIII.5.

111ThucydidesVII.58δύναται δὲ τὸ Νεοδαμῶδες ἐλευθερον ἤδη εἶναι.

112Xenophon,HellenicaIII.1. 4.

113Xenophon,HellenicaIII.3. 5 and 6.

114Aristotle,PoliticsII.9. 31 and 32. Welldon,Translation, p. 83.

115For the harmosts see Xenophon,HellenicaIII.5. § 13.

116Plutarch,Agis5.

117Aristotle,PoliticsII.9. 19-24. Welldon, pp. 80, 81.

118HerodotusV.92. Diodorus SiculusVII.fragment 9. Diodorus wrote about 20-10B.C.

119Aristotle,PoliticsV.5. 9, Bekker. Welldon,Translation, p. 357.

120Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 8.

121Plutarch,Solon, ch. 19, Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 3.

122Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 3, calls them recorders of laws or customs for judgement. The chapter may be spurious, but the assertion is probable.

123Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 4.

124Mr R. Macan inJourn. of Hellenic Studies, April 1891, p. 27 notices the silence of Plutarch.

125The description of Solon's constitution is taken from Aristotle'sConstitution of Athens, ch. 5-13: except the statement that the members of the council of four hundred were selected by Solon. This is from Plutarch,Solon, ch. 19.

126Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 13.

127Aristotle,PoliticsV.12. 13. Welldon, p. 405.

128PoliticsV.5. 9.

129Solon, ch. 13.

130Etymol. Mag., under the wordεὐπατρίδαι.

131Aristotle,Pol.V.5. 9. Welldon, p. 357.

132Above, pages 34, 35.

133Herodotus V. 92 and III. 48-53.

134ThucydidesVI.54.

135Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 19.

136The stories of Pisistratus and Hippias are told by Herodotus (I.59-64 andV.62): see also Aristotle,Const. Ath.14, and Plutarch,Solon30. The temple of Delphi was burnt in 548B.C.PausaniasX.5. 5,'Ερξικλείδου ἄρχοντος.

137Grote, PartII.ch.XLIII.

138Aristotle,PoliticsV.10. 4; andV.6. 1. Bekker. Welldon, pp. 381, 382, 358.

139Ibid.V.10. 6. Bekker. Welldon, pp. 381, 382.

140Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 7. Welldon, p. 145.

141For Pittacus see Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 9. Welldon, p. 146.

142Aristotle,PoliticsV.12. 1. Welldon, p. 402.

143HerodotusV.92.

144The composition of the four Ionic tribes is from Pollux, 8. 111 (in Dindorf's or Bekker's edition). Pollux delivered his work in the form of lectures at Athens in the reign of Marcus Aurelius who died 180A.D.

145Aristotle,PoliticsIII.2. 3,πολλοὺς ἐφυλέτευσε ξένους καὶ δούλους μετοίκους. Probably the text is not quite correct, but the general meaning is clear.

146For the geographical scattering of each tribe see Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 21.

147HerodotusV.78.ισηγορίη.

148HerodotusVI.111, whence the words are taken. Ar.Const. Ath.ch. 22.

149Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 2.

150Plutarch,Συμποσιακὰ προβλήματαI.10.

151For the process of Ostracism see Grote, octavo edition, vol.III.p. 133, cabinet edition, vol.IV.p. 83.

152See Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, third edition, 1891, article Naucraria. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, ch. 20κατέστησε δὲ καὶ δημάρχους τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας ἐπιμέλειαν τοῖς πρότερον ναυκράροις· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς δήμους ἀντὶ τῶν ναυκραριῶν ἐποίησεν.

153See p. 35.

154ThucydidesII.14, 16.

155Aristophanes,Acharnians, the whole play.

156ThucydidesII.14,διὰ τὸ εἰωθέναιτοὺς πολλοὺςἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς διαιτᾶσθαι.

157Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, third edition, article Demus.

158Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 22.

159Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 23. The drachma contained the same weight of silver as a modern franc.

160For the effects of Salamis see Aristotle,PoliticsV.4. 8. Welldon, p. 353.

161The Areopagus was deprived of power in the archonship of Conon, i.e. 463-2B.C.Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 25.

162Plutarch (Aristides, 22) says that Aristides proposed to the assembly a resolution that the archonship should be thrown open to all Athenian citizens: and he seems to imply that the resolution was passed, and that thenceforth any Athenian citizen, whether he was a Pentacosiomedimnus, a Hippeus, a Zeugites, or a Thês, was legally qualified to hold the office. It is however certain that no such extensive change in the constitution was made in the lifetime of Aristides: for Aristides died about 468B.C.(see Clinton,Fasti Helleniciunder the years 469, 468, 429), and Aristotle, in hisConstitution of Athens, chapter 26, tells us that it was not till 457B.C.that the Zeugitæ were admitted to the archonship. If then Aristides carried any resolution that altered the law, it did not go beyond throwing open the office to the Hippeis or Horsemen. The Thêtes or Labourers were never formally declared eligible: but in Aristotle's time there was nothing to prevent a Thês from becoming an archon, provided that on announcing his candidature he did not declare that he belonged to the class of Thêtes. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, chapter 7.

163Pericles proposed and passed the payment of dicasts, during the lifetime of Cimon, probably about 450B.C.Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 27.

164Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 24.

165The place of meeting is proved by Aristophanes,Acharnians, line 20,ἡ πνὺξ αὑτηί,Knights, line 42,Δῆμος πυκνίτηςand many other passages: the number of ordinary meetings by Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 43.

166I do not know any evidence which proves directly that this rule was in force at the time of the Peloponnesian war. But we have already seen (page 60) that the rule was made by Solon, and it was certainly in force in the time of Demosthenes (366B.C.-322B.C.): see Demosthenes,contra Androtionem, p. 594, andcontra Timocratem, p. 715, especially the wordsπρῶτον μὲν ... πρὸς τὴν βουλήν, εἶτα τῷ δήμῳ. Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, article Boulê.

167The events of 411B.C.prove clearly that the procedure by Graphê Paranomôn was then an established part of the Athenian constitution: see ThucydidesVIII.67, Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29: and further on in the present chapter, p. 93.

168The details about the five hundred are from Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 43. An inscription of the date 410-409B.C.printed in Clinton,Fasti Hellenici(vol.II.p. 345), shows how important the prytaneis then were.

169ThucydidesII.65.

170Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, article Strategus.

171Smith,Dictionary of Antiquities, article Archon.

172Demosthenes,Meidiasp. 585, asks: "What is it that gives power and authority to any body of jurors sitting in judgement, whether they be two hundred or a thousand or any number you will?"

173The eagerness of the citizens to act as dicasts is ridiculed all through the play of theWasps, brought out in 422B.C.

174ThucydidesI.31 and 44.

175ThucydidesVI.8.

176ThucydidesIV.118.

177ThucydidesIII.2 and 36-49.

178HerodotusVI.133 and 136.

179Xenophon,HellenicaI.6 and 7. He names only eight admirals recalled. Grote makes the number nine.

180The observations contained in this paragraph were suggested to me firstly by Professor Mahaffy,Problems in Greek History§ 38, and secondly by Mr W. Warde Fowler,The City State of the Greeks and Romans, chapterVI.

181The decrees granting pay for attendance at ecclesia are enumerated in Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 41. In theEcclesiazusæ, first acted in 392B.C., Chremes (at lines 381-2) says he had lost his three obols by being late for the assembly. For the allowance to citizens at religious festivals see Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 28.

182See Boeckh,Public Economy of Athens, bookII.ch. 13-14.Supposing half a drachma was paid to 18000 spectators at 30 festivals, to 8000 citizens at 50 assemblies and to 4000 dicasts for 300 days, and a whole drachma to 400 councillors for 300 days, we get a sum of 1,190,000 drachmæ, and, as there were 6000 drachmæ in a talent, this was equal to 198-1/3 talents.

182See Boeckh,Public Economy of Athens, bookII.ch. 13-14.

Supposing half a drachma was paid to 18000 spectators at 30 festivals, to 8000 citizens at 50 assemblies and to 4000 dicasts for 300 days, and a whole drachma to 400 councillors for 300 days, we get a sum of 1,190,000 drachmæ, and, as there were 6000 drachmæ in a talent, this was equal to 198-1/3 talents.

183See Boeckh,Public Economy, bookIII.ch. 19.

184Grote, octavo edition, vol.VIII.pp. 81-98, cabinet edition, vol.XI.pp. 138-157.

185ThucydidesIII.70-84. Grote, PartII.chapterLXXVIII.

186ThucydidesVIII.1.

187ThucydidesVIII.2.

188Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29, and ThucydidesVIII.47.

189ThucydidesVI.61.

190ThucydidesVI.26-28.

191ThucydidesVI.53.

192ThucydidesVI.61.

193ThucydidesVI.89.

194ThucydidesVI.61.

195ThucydidesVIII.11, 12.

196ThucydidesVIII.45.

197ThucydidesVIII.45, 46.

198ThucydidesVIII.47.

199ThucydidesVIII.47.

200ThucydidesVIII.48, 3,ἐκ τοῦ παρόντοςκόσμουτὴν πόλιν μεταστήσας.

201ThucydidesVIII.48, 3,ὁ 'Αλκιβιάδης,ὅπερ καὶ ἦν, οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ὀλιγαρχίας ἢ δημοκρατίας δεῖσθαι ἐδόκει αὐτῷ.

202ThucydidesVIII.47.

203ThucydidesVIII.53.

204ThucydidesVIII.54.

205ThucydidesVIII.56.

206ThucydidesVIII.65, 66.

207ThucydidesVIII.65, the last sentence. My small addition to the words of this sentence seems to be justified byἐυπρεπὲς πρὸς τοὺς πλείουςwhich occurs in the next.

208The oligarchical government lasted four months and ended two months after new archons took office, that is to say, two months after midsummer. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 33. Clinton,Fasti Hellenici, vol.II.pp.XV.XVI.

209ThucydidesVIII.67. Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29.

210Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 29. ThucydidesVIII.67.

211Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 31.

212Aristotle,Constitution of Athens, 31, 32.

213ThucydidesVIII.70.

214ThucydidesVIII.89.

215ThucydidesVIII.90-97.

216ThucydidesVIII.97. 1. The meaning of the words is admirably explained by Grote in a note to chapterLXII.of hisHistory of Greece.

217Arnold's Thucydides, note toVIII.97. 1.

218Grote,History of Greece, octavo edition, vol.VI.p. 152, cabinet edition, vol.VIII.p. 267.

219ThucydidesV.26.

220Xenophon,HellenicaI.7. § 1, andII.1. § 16.

221Xenophon,HellenicaII.1.

222Xenophon,HellenicaII.2.

223Xenophon,HellenicaII.3.

224Especially on the famous occasion when Alexander did not dare to put his general Philotas to death till he had been condemned by the assembled chieftains and warriors. Grote, partII.chapterXCIV.

225The latest event referred to in the treatise is the murder of king Philip in 336B.C.Aristotle died in 322B.C.

226The classification is set forth in thePoliticsIII.6, 7. Welldon, pp. 116-120. InIII.6. 1 Aristotle defines a polity as "an ordering or arrangement of a state in respect of its offices generally and especially of the supreme office."

227Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 2. Welldon, transl. p. 146.

228Aristotle,PoliticsV.10. 8. Welldon, p. 382.

229Aristotle,PoliticsIII.14. 6. Welldon, p. 145.

230Aristotle,PoliticsV.10. 7. Bekker. Welldon, transl. p. 382. "Kingship corresponds in principle to aristocracy as it is based upon merit."

231See p. 76.

232Aristotle,PoliticsII.11. 7,II.12. 2. Welldon, pp. 91, 94.

233Aristotle,IV.13. 10, 11. Bekker. Welldon, pages 291, 292.

234The account here given of Polity is derived from Aristotle's discussion of it in thePolitics, bookIV.chapters 8-13 (in Bekker's edition): Welldon, pages 274-292. Nothing has been added except a few necessary explanations.

235Aristotle,PoliticsII.12. 5. Welldon, p. 95.

236Politics,IV.6. 1-4. Welldon, pages 269, 270.

237Aristotle,Politics, BekkerIV.6. 5, 6. Welldon, pages 270, 271.

238Aristotle,Politics, BekkerIV.4. 25-28. Welldon, pp. 265-267. In translating, I have taken liberties with the words but I hope not with the sense of any sentence.

239Aristotle,PoliticsIII.13. 15. Welldon, pages 140, 141.

240Aristotle,PoliticsII.11. 5-8. Welldon, pages 90, 91.

241Ibid.IV.4. 23,IV.8. 7. Bekker. Welldon, pages 265, 275.

242Aristotle,PoliticsIV.4. 24-26, Bekker. Welldon, pages 265, 266.

243For example, till 340B.C., the richest citizens were allowed to contribute far less than their just share towards the trierarchies, which defrayed a large part of the cost of maintaining the navy; and the change to a fairer system was effected with difficulty: Grote, PartII.chapterXC.The strong conservative tendency, which prevailed among the Athenians under their democratic constitution, was, I believe, first noticed by Mr W. Warde Fowler. There is a striking passage on the matter in hisCity-state of the Greeks and Romans(pages 170, 171).

The strong conservative tendency, which prevailed among the Athenians under their democratic constitution, was, I believe, first noticed by Mr W. Warde Fowler. There is a striking passage on the matter in hisCity-state of the Greeks and Romans(pages 170, 171).

244Hallam,Middle Ages, chapterIII.: in the cabinet edition, vol.I.pages 421-423.

245Aristotle,Politics. BekkerIV.5. 1-2 andIV.6. 7-11. Welldon, pages 266-267, pages 271-272.

246PoliticsIII.6. 1. Welldon, p. 116.

247In thePolitics(IV.2. Bekker. Welldon, pp. 253, 254) Aristotle says that "speculation about the ideally best polity is nothing else than a discussion of kingship and aristocracy": and that "kingship must be a mere name and not a reality, unless it is justified by a vast superiority of the reigning king over his subjects":—a condition that can rarely if ever be fulfilled. See also Sidgwick,Elements of Politics, p. 579.

248The descriptions of the Spartan and the Carthaginian governments are given in thePoliticsII.9 andII.11.

249The chief modern authorities for the history of the Achæan League are Bishop Thirlwall in the eighth volume of hisHistory of Greece, and Professor Freeman in hisHistory of Federal Government in Greece and Italy. I have compiled this chapter, after reading what those authors say on the subject, from the books by ancient writers which they cite.

250Smith'sDictionary of Geography, article Achaia: and Smith'sAtlas of Ancient Geography.

251For the early history of Achaia see PolybiusII.37-41: Shuckburgh, translation, pages 134-137. The story about Croton and Sybaris may be incorrect (Grote, Part II. end of chapterXXXVII.): but it shows that Polybius believed the good government of the Achæans had been established long before the battle of Leuctra.

252PolybiusII.41.

253PolybiusII.41. For the names of the cities see also Mr Shuckburgh's Introduction, pp. xlviii, xlix.

254PolybiusII.43.

255For a list of the cities in the league see Freeman,Federal Government, pp. 713-714.

256PolybiusII.45-53 and 64-69.

257Freeman,Federal Government, p. 498.

258Most of the communities in Achaia and some of those in Arcadia were rather cantons than cities: Plutarch (Aratus, ch. 9) calls the Achæansμικροπολῖται, citizens of petty towns. Corinth, Argos and Megalopolis were great cities.

259The component states were calledπόλεις, and this fact alone, in the absence of indications tending the other way, is enough to show that they managed their internal affairs. For further evidence see Freeman,Federal Government, p. 256.

260PolybiusII.37.

261Polybius (II.38) emphatically calls the Achæan system a democracy with free and equal speech.

262Polybius (V.1) says that in 218B.C.the assembly metin accordance with the lawat Ægium: but king Philip afterwards persuaded the magistrates to transfer it to Sicyon. The important assembly which made the alliance with Rome in 198B.C.was also held at Sicyon: LivyXXXII.19.

263For example, in 224B.C.Antigonus Dôsôn presented himself at an assembly at Ægium in the spring and at another at the same place in the autumn (PolybiusII.54). The meeting in the spring had to elect the officers for the coming year: and the strategus entered on his duties in May, at the rising of the Pleiades (PolybiusV.1).

264Livy (XXXII.22) after recording the proceedings of two days in the special meeting of 198B.C.says "Only one day was left in which the meeting could act: for the law ordered that on the third day its decision should be made."

265Livy (XXXII.22) says that in 198B.C.when the magistrates were just going to take a vote, most of thestatesopenly showed which way they would vote(omnibus fere populis ... præ se ferentibus quid decreturi essent): then the citizens of Dymê and Megalopolis and some from the Argolid left the assembly: but (XXXII.23) the rest of thestatesof the league, when asked in turn how they voted (ceteri populi Achæorum, cum sententias perrogarentur), decided in a certain way.

266PolybiusIV.26προσελθοντος τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐν Αἰγίῳ.The business related to a question of war against the Ætolians.

267The evidence for this is referred to by Bishop Thirlwall (History of Greece, vol.VIII.p. 92). In 187B.C.Eumenes king of Pergamum offered to give 120 talents, on condition that the money was invested and the interest used to pay the councillors (see PolybiusXXIII.7 in Dindorf's edition:XXII.10 in Mr Shuckburgh's translation). The yearly interest of a talent would be about 720 drachmæ:—a large salary for a councillor. The councillors at Athens were paid about 300 drachmæ yearly, see above, p. 51, note 1.

268PolybiusV.94ὐποστράτηγος. StraboVIII.7. 3γραμματεύς: but this passage proves the existence of the office of secretary only for the very early days of the re-constituted league soon after 280B.C.

269Freeman,Federal Government, p. 299, from PolybiusIV.7.

270LivyXXXII.22Magistratus (damiurgos vocant: decem numero creantur). The wordsmagistratusandcreanturindicate that they were elected.

271LivyXXXII.22.

272PolybiusXXIV.5 in Bekker's and Dindorf's editions:XXIII.5 in Mr Shuckburgh's translation.

273Aristotle himself, as we have seen, in one passage uses the term democracy to denote any government in which a large number of citizens take part: but in doing so he departs from his original definition of it.

274See Professor Freeman'sHistory of Federal Government.

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