(13) See Grote, "H. G." v. 514, 520; Machiavelli, "Disc. s. Livio," i.7.(14) Reading with Sauppe, {anagke toinun, ean me} (for the vulgate{ean men oliga k.t.l.}) {oliga poiontai dikasteria, oligoi enekasto esontai to dikasterio}. Or, adopting Weiske's emendation,{ean men polla poiontai dikasteria k.t.l.} Translate, "Then, if byso doing they manage to multiply the law courts, there will beonly a few judges sitting," etc.(15) Or, as Liddell and Scott, "to prepare all his tricks."(16) {sundekasoi}, "to bribe in the lump." This is Schneider's happyemendation of the MS. {sundikasai}; see Demosthenes, 1137, 1.(17) Reading {oste}, lit. "so as to get a far less just judgment."
But besides this we cannot escape the conclusion that the Athenians have their festivals to keep, during which the courts cannot sit. (18) As a matter of fact these festivals are twice as numerous as those of any other people. But I will reckon them as merely equal to those of the state which has the fewest.
(18) Lit. "it is not possible to give judgment"; or, "for juries tosit."
This being so, I maintain that it is not possible for business affairs at Athens to stand on any very different footing from the present, except to some slight extent, by adding here and deducting there. Any large modification is out of the question, short of damaging the democracy itself. No doubt many expedients might be discovered for improving the constitution, but if the problem be to discover some adequate means of improving the constitution, while at the same time the democracy is to remain intact, I say it is not easy to do this, except, as I have just stated, to the extent of some trifling addition here or deduction there.
There is another point in which it is sometimes felt that the Athenians are ill advised, in their adoption, namely, of the less respectable party, in a state divided by faction. But if so, they do it advisedly. If they chose the more respectable, they would be adopting those whose views and interests differ from their own, for there is no state in which the best element is friendly to the people. It is the worst element which in every state favours the democracy—on the principle that like favours like. (19) It is simple enough then. The Athenians choose what is most akin to themselves. Also on every occasion on which they have attempted to side with the better classes, it has not fared well with them, but within a short interval the democratic party has been enslaved, as for instance in Boeotia; (20) or, as when they chose the aristocrats of the Milesians, and within a short time these revolted and cut the people to pieces; or, as when they chose the Lacedaemonians as against the Messenians, and within a short time the Lacedaemonians subjugated the Messenians and went to war against Athens.
(19) I.e. "birds of a feather."(20) The references are perhaps (1) to the events of the year 447B.C., see Thuc. i. 113; cf. Aristot. "Pol." v. 3, 5; (2) to 440B.C., Thuc. i. 115; Diod. xii. 27, 28; Plut. "Pericl." c. 24; (3)to those of 464 B.C., followed by 457 B.C., Thuc. i. 102; Plut."Cimon," c. 16; and Thuc. i. 108.
I seem to overhear a retort, "No one, of course, is deprived of his civil rights at Athens unjustly." My answer is, that there are some who are unjustly deprived of their civil rights, though the cases are certainly rare. But it will take more than a few to attack the democracy at Athens, since you may take it as an established fact, it is not the man who has lost his civil rights justly that takes the matter to heart, but the victims, if any, of injustice. But how in the world can any one imagine that many are in a state of civil disability at Athens, where the People and the holders of office are one and the same? It is from iniquitous exercise of office, from iniquity exhibited either in speech or action, and the like circumstances, that citizens are punished with deprivation of civil rights in Athens. Due reflection on these matters will serve to dispel the notion that there is any danger at Athens from persons visited with disenfranchisement.
I
I recall the astonishment with which I (1) first noted the unique position (2) of Sparta amongst the states of Hellas, the relatively sparse population, (3) and at the same time the extraordinary power and prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. It was only when I came to consider the peculiar institutions of the Spartans that my wonderment ceased. Or rather, it is transferred to the legislator who gave them those laws, obedience to which has been the secret of their prosperity. This legislator, Lycurgus, I must needs admire, and hold him to have been one of the wisest of mankind. Certainly he was no servile imitator of other states. It was by a stroke of invention rather, and on a pattern much in opposition to the commonly-accepted one, that he brought his fatherland to this pinnacle of prosperity.
(1) See the opening words of the "Cyrop." and of the "Symp."(2) Or, "the phenomenal character." See Grote, "H. G." ix. 320 foll.;Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 202.(3) See Herod. vii. 234; Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 14 foll.; Muller,"Dorians," iii. 10 (vol. i. p. 203, Eng. tr.)
Take for example—and it is well to begin at the beginning (4)—the whole topic of the begetting and rearing of children. Throughout the rest of the world the young girl, who will one day become a mother (and I speak of those who may be held to be well brought up), is nurtured on the plainest food attainable, with the scantiest addition of meat or other condiments; whilst as to wine they train them either to total abstinence or to take it highly diluted with water. And in imitation, as it were, of the handicraft type, since the majority of artificers are sedentary, (5) we, the rest of the Hellenes, are content that our girls should sit quietly and work wools. That is all we demand of them. But how are we to expect that women nurtured in this fashion should produce a splendid offspring?
(4) Cf. a fragment of Critias cited by Clement, "Stromata," vi. p.741, 6; Athen. x. 432, 433; see "A Fragment of Xenophon" (?), ap.Stob. "Flor." 88. 14, translated by J. Hookham Frere, "TheognisRestitutus," vol. i. 333; G. Sauppe, "Append. de Frag. Xen." p.293; probably by Antisthenes (Bergk. ii. 497).(5) Or, "such technical work is for the most part sedentary."
Lycurgus pursued a different path. Clothes were things, he held, the furnishing of which might well enough be left to female slaves. And, believing that the highest function of a free woman was the bearing of children, in the first place he insisted on the training of the body as incumbent no less on the female than the male; and in pursuit of the same idea instituted rival contests in running and feats of strength for women as for men. His belief was that where both parents were strong their progeny would be found to be more vigorous.
And so again after marriage. In view of the fact that immoderate intercourse is elsewhere permitted during the earlier period of matrimony, he adopted a principle directly opposite. He laid it down as an ordinance that a man should be ashamed to be seen visiting the chamber of his wife, whether going in or coming out. When they did meet under such restraint the mutual longing of these lovers could not but be increased, and the fruit which might spring from such intercourse would tend to be more robust than theirs whose affections are cloyed by satiety. By a farther step in the same direction he refused to allow marriages to be contracted (6) at any period of life according to the fancy of the parties concerned. Marriage, as he ordained it, must only take place in the prime of bodily vigour, (7) this too being, as he believed, a condition conducive to the production of healthy offspring. Or again, to meet the case which might occur of an old man (8) wedded to a young wife. Considering the jealous watch which such husbands are apt to keep over their wives, he introduced a directly opposite custom; that is to say, he made it incumbent on the aged husband to introduce some one whose qualities, physical and moral, he admired, to play the husband's part and to beget him children. Or again, in the case of a man who might not desire to live with a wife permanently, but yet might still be anxious to have children of his own worthy the name, the lawgiver laid down a law (9) in his behalf. Such a one might select some woman, the wife of some man, well born herself and blest with fair offspring, and, the sanction and consent of her husband first obtained, raise up children for himself through her.
(6) "The bride to be wooed and won." The phrase {agesthai} perhapspoints to some primitive custom of capturing and carrying off thebride, but it had probably become conventional.(7) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg," 15 (Clough, i. 101). "In their marriages thehusband carried off his bride by a sort of force; nor were theirbrides ever small and of tender years, but in their full bloom andripeness."(8) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 15 (Clough, i. 103).(9) Or, "established a custom to suit the case."
These and many other adaptations of a like sort the lawgiver sanctioned. As, for instance, at Sparta a wife will not object to bear the burden of a double establishment, (10) or a husband to adopt sons as foster-brothers of his own children, with a full share in his family and position, but possessing no claim to his wealth and property.
(10) Cf. Plut. "Comp. of Numa with Lycurgus," 4; "Cato mi." 25(Clough, i. 163; iv. 395).
So opposed to those of the rest of the world are the principles which Lycurgus devised in reference to the production of children. Whether they enabled him to provide Sparta with a race of men superior to all in size and strength I leave to the judgment of whomsoever it may concern.
II
With this exposition of the customs in connection with the birth of children, I wish now to explain the systems of education in fashion here and elsewhere. Throughout the rest of Hellas the custom on the part of those who claim to educate their sons in the best way is as follows. As soon as the children are of an age to understand what is said to them they are immediately placed under the charge of Paidagogoi (1) (or tutors), who are also attendants, and sent off to the school of some teacher to be taught "grammar," "music," and the concerns of the palestra. (2) Besides this they are given shoes (3) to wear which tend to make their feet tender, and their bodies are enervated by various changes of clothing. And as for food, the only measure recognised is that which is fixed by appetite.
(1) = "boy-leaders." Cf. St. Paul, "Ep. Gal." iii. 24; The Law was ourschoolmaster to bring us unto Christ.(2) Cf. Plato, "Alc. maj." 106 E; "Theages," 122 E; Aristot. "Pol."viii. 3.(3) Or, "sandals."
But when we turn to Lycurgus, instead of leaving it to each member of the state privately to appoint a slave to be his son's tutor, he set over the young Spartans a public guardian, the Paidonomos (4) or "pastor," to give them his proper title, (5) with complete authority over them. This guardian was selected from those who filled the highest magistracies. He had authority to hold musters of the boys, (6) and as their overseer, in case of any misbehaviour, to chastise severely. The legislator further provided his pastor with a body of youths in the prime of life, and bearing whips, (7) to inflict punishment when necessary, with this happy result that in Sparta modesty and obedience ever go hand in hand, nor is there lack of either.
(4) = "boyherd."(5) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 107); Aristot. "Pol." iv. 15,13; vii. 17, 5.(6) Or, "assemble the boys in flocks."(7) {mastigophoroi} = "flagellants."
Instead of softening their feet with shoe or sandal, his rule was to make them hardy through going barefoot. (8) This habit, if practised, would, as he believed, enable them to scale heights more easily and clamber down precipices with less danger. In fact, with his feet so trained the young Spartan would leap and spring and run faster unshod than another shod in the ordinary way.
(8) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 16 (Clough, i. 106).
Instead of making them effeminate with a variety of clothes, his rule was to habituate them to a single garment the whole year through, thinking that so they would be better prepared to withstand the variations of heat and cold.
Again, as regards food, according to his regulation the Eiren, (9) or head of the flock, must see that his messmates gathered to the club meal, (10) with such moderate food as to avoid that heaviness (11) which is engendered by repletion, and yet not to remain altogether unacquainted with the pains of penurious living. His belief was that by such training in boyhood they would be better able when occasion demanded to continue toiling on an empty stomach. They would be all the fitter, if the word of command were given, to remain on the stretch for a long time without extra dieting. The craving for luxuries (12) would be less, the readiness to take any victual set before them greater, and, in general, the regime would be found more healthy. (13) Under it he thought the lads would increase in stature and shape into finer men, since, as he maintained, a dietary which gave suppleness to the limbs must be more conducive to both ends than one which added thickness to the bodily parts by feeding. (14)
(9) For the Eiren, see Plut. "Lycurg." (Clough, i. 107).(10) Reading {sumboleuein} (for the vulg. {sumbouleuein}). Theemendation is now commonly adopted. For the word itself, see L.Dindorf, n. ad loc., and Schneider. {sumbolon} = {eranos} or clubmeal. Perhaps we ought to read {ekhontas} instead of {ekhonta}.(11) See Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 108).(12) Lit. "condiments," such as "meat," "fish," etc. See "Cyrop." I.ii. 8.(13) Or, "and in general they would live more healthily and increasein stature."(14) See L. Dindorf's emendation of this corrupt passage, n. ad loc.(based upon Plut. "Lycurg." 17 and Ps. Plut. "Moral." 237), {kaieis mekos d' an auxanesthai oeto kai eueidesterous} vel {kalliousgignesthai, pros amphotera ton radina ta somata poiousan trophenmallon sullambanein egesamenos e ten diaplatunousan}. Otherwise Iwould suggest to read {kai eis mekos an auxanesthai ten (gar)radina... egesato k.t.l.}, which is closer to the vulgate, andgives nearly the same sense.
On the other hand, in order to guard against a too great pinch of starvation, though he did not actually allow the boys to help themselves without further trouble to what they needed more, he did give them permission to steal (15) this thing or that in the effort to alleviate their hunger. It was not of course from any real difficulty how else to supply them with nutriment that he left it to them to provide themselves by this crafty method. Nor can I conceive that any one will so misinterpret the custom. Clearly its explanation lies in the fact that he who would live the life of a robber must forgo sleep by night, and in the daytime he must employ shifts and lie in ambuscade; he must prepare and make ready his scouts, and so forth, if he is to succeed in capturing the quarry. (16)
(15) See "Anab." IV. vi. 14.(16) For the institution named the {krupteia}, see Plut. "Lycurg." 28(Clough, i. 120); Plato, "Laws," i. 633 B; for the {klopeia}, ib.vii. 823 E; Isocr. "Panathen." 277 B.
It is obvious, I say, that the whole of this education tended, and was intended, to make the boys craftier and more inventive in getting in supplies, whilst at the same time it cultivated their warlike instincts. An objector may retort: "But if he thought it so fine a feat to steal, why did he inflict all those blows on the unfortunate who was caught?" My answer is: for the self-same reason which induces people, in other matters which are taught, to punish the mal-performance of a service. So they, the Lacedaemonians, visit penalties on the boy who is detected thieving as being but a sorry bungler in the art. So to steal as many cheeses as possible (off the shrine of Orthia (17)) was a feat to be encouraged; but, at the same moment, others were enjoined to scourge the thief, which would point a moral not obscurely, that by pain endured for a brief season a man may earn the joyous reward of lasting glory. (18) Herein, too, it is plainly shown that where speed is requisite the sluggard will win for himself much trouble and scant good.
(17) I.e. "Artemis of the Steep"—a title connecting the goddess withMount Orthion or Orthosion. See Pausan. VIII. xxiii. 1; and forthe custom, see Themistius, "Or." 21, p. 250 A. The words haveperhaps got out of their right place. See Schneider's Index, s.v.(18) See Plut. "Lycurg." 18; "Morals," 239 C; "Aristid." 17; Cic."Tusc." ii. 14.
Furthermore, and in order that the boys should not want a ruler, even in case the pastor (19) himself were absent, he gave to any citizen who chanced to be present authority to lay upon them injunctions for their good, and to chastise them for any trespass committed. By so doing he created in the boys of Sparta a most rare modesty and reverence. And indeed there is nothing which, whether as boys or men, they respect more highly than the ruler. Lastly, and with the same intention, that the boys must never be reft of a ruler, even if by chance there were no grown man present, he laid down the rule that in such a case the most active of the Leaders or Prefects (20) was to become ruler for the nonce, each of his own division. The conclusion being that under no circumstances whatever are the boys of Sparta destitute of one to rule them.
(19) Lit. "Paidonomos."(20) Lit. "Eirens."
I ought, as it seems to me, not to omit some remark on the subject of boy attachments, (21) it being a topic in close connection with that of boyhood and the training of boys.
(21) See Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 109).
We know that the rest of the Hellenes deal with this relationship in different ways, either after the manner of the Boeotians, (22) where man and boy are intimately united by a bond like that of wedlock, or after the manner of the Eleians, where the fruition of beauty is an act of grace; whilst there are others who would absolutely debar the lover from all conversation (23) and discourse with the beloved.
(22) See Xen. "Symp." viii. 34; Plato, "Symp." 182 B (Jowett, II. p.33).(23) {dialegesthai} came to mean philosophic discussion and debate. Isthe author thinking of Socrates? See "Mem." I. ii. 35; IV. v. 12.
Lycurgus adopted a system opposed to all of these alike. Given that some one, himself being all that a man ought to be, should in admiration of a boy's soul (24) endeavour to discover in him a true friend without reproach, and to consort with him—this was a relationship which Lycurgus commended, and indeed regarded as the noblest type of bringing up. But if, as was evident, it was not an attachment to the soul, but a yearning merely towards the body, he stamped this thing as foul and horrible; and with this result, to the credit of Lycurgus be it said, that in Lacedaemon the relationship of lover and beloved is like that of parent and child or brother and brother where carnal appetite is in abeyance.
(24) See Xen. "Symp." viii. 35; Plut. "Lycurg." 18.
That this, however, which is the fact, should be scarcely credited in some quarters does not surprise me, seeing that in many states the laws (25) do not oppose the desires in question.
(25) I.e. "law and custom."
I have now described the two chief methods of education in vogue; that is to say, the Lacedaemonian as contrasted with that of the rest of Hellas, and I leave it to the judgment of him whom it may concern, which of the two has produced the finer type of men. And by finer I mean the better disciplined, the more modest and reverential, and, in matters where self-restraint is a virtue, the more continent.
III
Coming to the critical period at which a boy ceases to be a boy and becomes a youth, (1) we find that it is just then that the rest of the world proceed to emancipate their children from the private tutor and the schoolmaster, and, without substituting any further ruler, are content to launch them into absolute independence.
(1) {eis to meirakiousthai}, "with reference to hobbledehoy-hood."Cobet erases the phrase as post-Xenophontine.
Here, again, Lycurgus took an entirely opposite view of the matter. This, if observation might be trusted, was the season when the tide of animal spirits flows fast, and the froth of insolence rises to the surface; when, too, the most violent appetites for divers pleasures, in serried ranks, invade (2) the mind. This, then, was the right moment at which to impose tenfold labours upon the growing youth, and to devise for him a subtle system of absorbing occupation. And by a crowning enactment, which said that "he who shrank from the duties imposed on him would forfeit henceforth all claim to the glorious honours of the state," he caused, not only the public authorities, but those personally interested (3) in the several companies of youths to take serious pains so that no single individual of them should by an act of craven cowardice find himself utterly rejected and reprobate within the body politic.
(2) Lit. "range themselves." For the idea, see "Mem." I. ii. 23;Swinburne, "Songs before Sunrise": Prelude, "Past youth whereshoreward shallows are."(3) Or, "the friends and connections."
Furthermore, in his desire to implant in their youthful souls a root of modesty he imposed upon these bigger boys a special rule. In the very streets they were to keep their two hands (4) within the folds of the cloak; they were to walk in silence and without turning their heads to gaze, now here, now there, but rather to keep their eyes fixed upon the ground before them. And hereby it would seem to be proved conclusively that, even in the matter of quiet bearing and sobriety, (5) the masculine type may claim greater strength than that which we attribute to the nature of women. At any rate, you might sooner expect a stone image to find voice than one of those Spartan youths; to divert the eyes of some bronze stature were less difficult. And as to quiet bearing, no bride ever stepped in bridal bower (6) with more natural modesty. Note them when they have reached the public table. (7) The plainest answer to the question asked—that is all you need expect to hear from their lips.
(4) See Cic. "pro Coelio," 5.(5) See Plat. "Charmid." 159 B; Jowett, "Plato," I. 15.(6) Longinus, {peri ups}, iv. 4, reading {ophthalmois} for{thalamois}, says: "Yet why speak of Timaeus, when even men likeXenophon and Plato, the very demigods of literature, though theyhad sat at the feet of Socrates, sometimes forget themselves inthe pursuit of such pretty conceits? The former in his account ofthe Spartan Polity has these words: 'Their voice you would no morehear, than if they were of marble, their gaze is as immovable asif they were cast in bronze. You would deem them more modest thanthe very maidens in their eyes.' To speak of the pupils of theeyes as modest maidens was a piece of absurdity becomingAmphicrates rather than Xenophon; and then what a strange notionto suppose that modesty is always without exception, expressed inthe eye!"—H. L. Howell, "Longinus," p. 8. See "Spectator," No.354.(7) See Paus. VII. i. 8, the {phidition} or {philition}; "Hell." V.iv. 28.
IV
But if he was thus careful in the education of the stripling, (1) the Spartan lawgiver showed a still greater anxiety in dealing with those who had reached the prime of opening manhood; considering their immense importance to the city in the scale of good, if only they proved themselves the men they should be. He had only to look around to see what wherever the spirit of emulation (2) is most deeply seated, there, too, their choruses and gymnastic contests will present alike a far higher charm to eye and ear. And on the same principle he persuaded himself that he needed only to confront (3) his youthful warriors in the strife of valour, and with like result. They also, in their degree, might be expected to attain to some unknown height of manly virtue.
(1) See "Hell." V. iv. 32.(2) Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 22.(3) Or, "pit face to face."
What method he adopted to engage these combatants I will now explain. It is on this wise. Their ephors select three men out of the whole body of the citizens in the prime of life. These three are named Hippagretai, or masters of the horse. Each of these selects one hundred others, being bound to explain for what reason he prefers in honour these and disapproves of those. The result is that those who fail to obtain the distinction are now at open war, not only with those who rejected them, but with those who were chosen in their stead; and they keep ever a jealous eye on one another to detect some slip of conduct contrary to the high code of honour there held customary. And so is set on foot that strife, in truest sense acceptable to heaven, and for the purposes of state most politic. It is a strife in which not only is the pattern of a brave man's conduct fully set forth, but where, too, each against other and in separate camps, the rival parties train for victory. One day the superiority shall be theirs; or, in the day of need, one and all to the last man, they will be ready to aid the fatherland with all their strength.
Necessity, moreover, is laid upon them to study a good habit of the body, coming as they do to blows with their fists for very strife's sake whenever they meet. Albeit, any one present has a right to separate the combatants, and, if obedience is not shown to the peacemaker, the Pastor of youth (4) hales the delinquent before the ephors, and the ephors inflict heavy damages, since they will have it plainly understood that rage must never override obedience to law.
(4) Lit. "the Paidonomos."
With regard to those who have already passed (5) the vigour of early manhood, and on whom the highest magistracies henceforth devolve, there is a like contrast. In Hellas generally we find that at this age the need of further attention to physical strength is removed, although the imposition of military service continues. But Lycurgus made it customary for that section of his citizens to regard hunting as the highest honour suited to their age; albeit, not to the exclusion of any public duty. (6) And his aim was that they might be equally able to undergo the fatigues of war with those in the prime of early manhood.
(5) Probably the {agathoergoi}, technically so called. See Herod. i.67; Schneider, ap. Dindorf.(6) Lit. "save only if some public duty intervened." See "Cyrop." I.ii.
V
The above is a fairly exhaustive statement of the institutions traceable to the legislation of Lycurgus in connection with the successive stages (1) of a citizen's life. It remains that I should endeavour to describe the style of living which he established for the whole body, irrespective of age. It will be understood that, when Lycurgus first came to deal with the question, the Spartans like the rest of the Hellenes, used to mess privately at home. Tracing more than half the current misdemeanours to this custom, (2) he was determined to drag his people out of holes and corners into the broad daylight, and so he invented the public mess-rooms. Whereby he expected at any rate to minimise the transgression of orders.
(1) Lit. "with each age."; see Plut. "Lycurg." 25; Hesychius, {s. u.irinies}; "Hell." VI. iv. 17; V. iv. 13.(2) Reading after Cobet, {en touto}.
As to food, (3) his ordinance allowed them so much as, while not inducing repletion, should guard them from actual want. And, in fact, there are many exceptional (4) dishes in the shape of game supplied from the hunting field. Or, as a substitute for these, rich men will occasionally garnish the feast with wheaten loaves. So that from beginning to end, till the mess breaks up, the common board is never stinted for viands, nor yet extravagantly furnished.
(3) See Plut. "Lycurg." 12 (Clough, i. 97).(4) {paraloga}, i.e. unexpected dishes, technically named {epaikla}(hors d'oeuvres), as we learn from Athenaeus, iv. 140, 141.
So also in the matter of drink. Whilst putting a stop to all unnecessary potations, detrimental alike to a firm brain and a steady gait, (5) he left them free to quench thirst when nature dictated (6); a method which would at once add to the pleasure whilst it diminished the danger of drinking. And indeed one may fairly ask how, on such a system of common meals, it would be possible for any one to ruin either himself or his family either through gluttony or wine-bibbing.
(5) Or, "apt to render brain and body alike unsteady."(6) See "Agesilaus"; also "Mem." and "Cyrop."
This too must be borne in mind, that in other states equals in age, (7) for the most part, associate together, and such an atmosphere is little conducive to modesty. (8) Whereas in Sparta Lycurgus was careful so to blend the ages (9) that the younger men must benefit largely by the experience of the elder—an education in itself, and the more so since by custom of the country conversation at the common meal has reference to the honourable acts which this man or that man may have performed in relation to the state. The scene, in fact, but little lends itself to the intrusion of violence or drunken riot; ugly speech and ugly deeds alike are out of place. Amongst other good results obtained through this out-door system of meals may be mentioned these: There is the necessity of walking home when the meal is over, and a consequent anxiety not to be caught tripping under the influence of wine, since they all know of course that the supper-table must be presently abandoned, (10) and that they must move as freely in the dark as in the day, even the help of a torch (11) to guide the steps being forbidden to all on active service.
(7) Cf. Plat. "Phaedr." 240 C; {elix eklika terpei}, "Equals delightin equals."(8) Or, "these gatherings for the most part consist of equals in age(young fellows), in whose society the virtue of modesty is leastlikely to display itself."(9) See Plut. "Lycurg." 12 (Clough, i. 98).(10) Or, "that they are not going to stay all night where they havesupped."(11) See Plut. "Lycurg." 12 (Clough, i. 99).
In connection with this matter, Lycurgus had not failed to observe the effect of equal amounts of food on different persons. The hardworking man has a good complexion, his muscles are well fed, he is robust and strong. The man who abstains from work, on the other hand, may be detected by his miserable appearance; he is blotched and puffy, and devoid of strength. This observation, I say, was not wasted on him. On the contrary, turning it over in his mind that any one who chooses, as a matter of private judgment, to devote himself to toil may hope to present a very creditable appearance physically, he enjoined upon the eldest for the time being in every gymnasium to see to it that the labours of the class were proportional to the meats. (12) And to my mind he was not out of his reckoning in this matter more than elsewhere. At any rate, it would be hard to discover a healthier or more completely developed human being, physically speaking, than the Spartan. Their gymnastic training, in fact, makes demands alike on the legs and arms and neck, (13) etc., simultaneously.
(12) I.e. "not inferior in excellence to the diet which they enjoyed."The reading here adopted I owe to Dr. Arnold Hug, {os me ponousauton elattous ton sition gignesthai}.(13) See Plat. "Laws," vii. 796 A; Jowett, "Plato," v. p. 365; Xen."Symp." ii. 7; Plut. "Lycurg." 19.
VI
There are other points in which this legislator's views run counter to those commonly accepted. Thus: in other states the individual citizen is master over his own children, domestics, (1) goods and chattels, and belongings generally; but Lycurgus, whose aim was to secure to all the citizens a considerable share in one another's goods without mutual injury, enacted that each one should have an equal power of his neighbour's children as over his own. (2) The principle is this. When a man knows that this, that, and the other person are fathers of children subject to his authority, he must perforce deal by them even as he desires his own child to be dealt by. And, if a boy chance to have received a whipping, not from his own father but some other, and goes and complains to his own father, it would be thought wrong on the part of that father if he did not inflict a second whipping on his son. A striking proof, in its way, how completely they trust each other not to impose dishonourable commands upon their children. (3)
(1) Or rather, "members of his household."(2) See Plut. "Lycurg." 15 (Clough, i. 104).(3) See Plut. "Moral." 237 D.
In the same way he empowered them to use their neighbour's (4) domestics in case of need. This communism he applied also to dogs used for the chase; in so far that a party in need of dogs will invite the owner to the chase, and if he is not at leisure to attend himself, at any rate he is happy to let his dogs go. The same applies to the use of horses. Some one has fallen sick perhaps, or is in want of a carriage, (5) or is anxious to reach some point or other quickly—in any case he has a right, if he sees a horse anywhere, to take and use it, and restores it safe and sound when he has done with it.
(4) See Aristot. "Pol." ii. 5 (Jowett, i. pp. xxxi. and 34; ii. p.53); Plat. "Laws," viii. 845 A; Newman, "Pol. Aristot." ii. 249foll.(5) "Has not a carriage of his own."
And here is another institution attributed to Lycurgus which scarcely coincides with the customs elsewhere in vogue. A hunting party returns from the chase, belated. They want provisions—they have nothing prepared themselves. To meet this contingency he made it a rule that owners (6) are to leave behind the food that has been dressed; and the party in need will open the seals, take out what they want, seal up the remainder, and leave it. Accordingly, by his system of give-and-take even those with next to nothing (7) have a share in all that the country can supply, if ever they stand in need of anything.
(6) Reading {pepamenous}, or if {pepasmenous}, "who have alreadyfinished their repasts."(7) See Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9 (Jowett, i. pp. xlii. and 52); Muller,"Dorians," iii. 10, 1 (vol. ii. 197, Eng. tr.)
VII
There are yet other customs in Sparta which Lycurgus instituted in opposition to those of the rest of Hellas, and the following among them. We all know that in the generality of states every one devotes his full energy to the business of making money: one man as a tiller of the soil, another as a mariner, a third as a merchant, whilst others depend on various arts to earn a living. But at Sparta Lycurgus forbade his freeborn citizens to have anything whatsoever to do with the concerns of money-making. As freemen, he enjoined upon them to regard as their concern exclusively those activities upon which the foundations of civic liberty are based.
And indeed, one may well ask, for what reason should wealth be regarded as a matter for serious pursuit (1) in a community where, partly by a system of equal contributions to the necessaries of life, and partly by the maintenance of a common standard of living, the lawgiver placed so effectual a check upon the desire of riches for the sake of luxury? What inducement, for instance, would there be to make money, even for the sake of wearing apparel, in a state where personal adornment is held to lie not in the costliness of the clothes they wear, but in the healthy condition of the body to be clothed? Nor again could there be much inducement to amass wealth, in order to be able to expend it on the members of a common mess, where the legislator had made it seem far more glorious that a man should help his fellows by the labour of his body than by costly outlay. The latter being, as he finely phrased it, the function of wealth, the former an activity of the soul.
(1) See Plut. "Lycurg." 10 (Clough, i. 96).
He went a step further, and set up a strong barrier (even in a society such as I have described) against the pursuance of money-making by wrongful means. (2) In the first place, he established a coinage (3) of so extraordinary a sort, that even a single sum of ten minas (4) could not come into a house without attracting the notice, either of the master himself, or of some member of his household. In fact, it would occupy a considerable space, and need a waggon to carry it. Gold and silver themselves, moreover, are liable to search, (5) and in case of detection, the possessor subjected to a penalty. In fact, to repeat the question asked above, for what reason should money-making become an earnest pursuit in a community where the possession of wealth entails more pain than its employment brings satisfaction?
(2) Or, "against illegitimate commerce."(3) See Plut. "Lycurg." 9 (Clough, i. 94).(4) = 40 pounds, circa.(5) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 320; Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 37.
VIII
But to proceed. We are all aware that there is no state (1) in the world in which greater obedience is shown to magistrates, and to the laws themselves, than Sparta. But, for my part, I am disposed to think that Lycurgus could never have attempted to establish this healthy condition, (2) until he had first secured the unanimity of the most powerful members of the state. I infer this for the following reasons. (3) In other states the leaders in rank and influence do not even desire to be thought to fear the magistrates. Such a thing they would regard as in itself a symbol of servility. In Sparta, on the contrary, the stronger a man is the more readily does he bow before constituted authority. And indeed, they magnify themselves on their humility, and on a prompt obedience, running, or at any rate not crawling with laggard step, at the word of command. Such an example of eager discipline, they are persuaded, set by themselves, will not fail to be followed by the rest. And this is precisely what has taken place. It (4) is reasonable to suppose that it was these same noblest members of the state who combined (5) to lay the foundation of the ephorate, after they had come to the conclusion themselves, that of all the blessings which a state, or an army, or a household, can enjoy, obedience is the greatest. Since, as they could not but reason, the greater the power with which men fence about authority, the greater the fascination it will exercise upon the mind of the citizen, to the enforcement of obedience.
(1) See Grote, "H. G." v. 516; "Mem." III. v. 18.(2) Or, reading after L. Dindorf, {eutaxian}, "this world-renownedorderliness."(3) Or, "from these facts."(4) Or, "It was only natural that these same..."(5) Or, "helped." See Aristot. "Pol." v. 11, 3; ii. 9, 1 (Jowett, ii.224); Plut. "Lycurg." 7, 29; Herod. i. 65; Muller, "Dorians," iii.7, 5 (vol. ii. p. 125, Eng. tr.)
Accordingly the ephors are competent to punish whomsoever they choose; they have power to exact fines on the spur of the moment; they have power to depose magistrates in mid career (6)—nay, actually to imprison them and bring them to trial on the capital charge. Entrusted with these vast powers, they do not, as do the rest of states, allow the magistrates elected to exercise authority as they like, right through the year of office; but, in the style rather of despotic monarchs, or presidents of the games, at the first symptom of an offence against the law they inflict chastisement without warning and without hesitation.
(6) Or, "before the expiration of their term of office." See Plut."Agis," 18 (Clough, iv. 464); Cic. "de Leg." iii. 7; "de Rep." ii.33.
But of all the many beautiful contrivances invented by Lycurgus to kindle a willing obedience to the laws in the hearts of the citizens, none, to my mind, was happier or more excellent than his unwillingness to deliver his code to the people at large, until, attended by the most powerful members of the state, he had betaken himself to Delphi, (7) and there made inquiry of the god whether it were better for Sparta, and conducive to her interests, to obey the laws which he had framed. And not until the divine answer came: "Better will it be in every way," did he deliver them, laying it down as a last ordinance that to refuse obedience to a code which had the sanction of the Pythian god himself (8) was a thing not illegal only, but profane.
(7) See Plut. "Lycurg." 5, 6, 29 (Clough, i. 89, 122); Polyb. x. 2, 9.(8) Or, "a code delivered in Pytho, spoken by the god himself."
IX
The following too may well excite our admiration for Lycurgus. I speak of the consummate skill with which he induced the whole state of Sparta to regard an honourable death as preferable to an ignoble life. And indeed if any one will investigate the matter, he will find that by comparison with those who make it a principle to retreat in face of danger, actually fewer of these Spartans die in battle, since, to speak truth, salvation, it would seem, attends on virtue far more frequently than on cowardice—virtue, which is at once easier and sweeter, richer in resource and stronger of arm, (1) than her opposite. And that virtue has another familiar attendant—to wit, glory—needs no showing, since the whole world would fain ally themselves after some sort in battle with the good.