“Yes, of course it is villainy, but how clever!—It is a trick but cleverly done! So majestically! so impudently!...”
“Yes, of course it is villainy, but how clever!—It is a trick but cleverly done! So majestically! so impudently!...”
We count upon attracting all nations to the construction of the foundations of the new edifice which has been planned by us. It is for this reason that it is necessary for us first of all to acquire that spirit of daring, enterprise, and force which, through our agents, will enable us to overcome all obstacles in our path.
When we accomplish our coup d’état, we will say to the peoples: “Everything went badly; all of you have suffered. We will abolish the cause of your sufferings, that is to say, nationalities, frontiers, and national currencies. Of course you are free to condemn us, but would your judgment be just if you were to pronounce it before giving a trial to what we will give you?” Thereafter they will exalt us with a sentiment of unanimous delight and hope. The voting system which we have used as a tool for our enthronement, and to which we have accustomed even the most humble members of humanity by organizing meetings and prearranged agreements, will have performed its last service and will make its last appearance in the expression of a unanimous desire to become moreclosely acquainted with us before having pronounced a judgment.
To attain this we must force all to vote, without class discrimination, to establish the autocracy of the majority, which cannot be obtained from the intellectual classes alone. Through this method of accustoming every one to the idea of self-determination, we will shatter theGoyfamily and its educational importance. We will not allow the formation of individual minds, because the mob, under our guidance, will prevent them from distinguishing themselves or even expressing themselves. The mob has become accustomed to listen only to us who pay it for obedience and attention. We will thus create such a blind power that it will be unable to move without the guidance of our agents, sent by us to replace their leaders.
The masses will submit to this régime because they will know that their earnings, perquisites, and other benefits depend upon these leaders.
The plan of government must emanate already formed from one head, as it would be impossible to put it together if disintegration by many minds into small pieces is allowed. That is why we only are allowed to know the plan of action; but we must not discuss it in order not to affect its ingenuity, the correlation between its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of its every clause. Were such a plan to be submitted to and altered by frequent voting, it would reflect the stamp of the misconceptions of every one who has not penetrated its depth and the correlation of its aims. For this reason our plans must be strongly and clearly conceived. Consequently, the inspired work of our leader must not be thrown to the mercy of the mob or even of a limited group.
These plans will not immediately upset contemporary institutions. They will only alter their organization, and consequently the entire combination of their development, which will thus be directed according to the plans laid down by us.
More or less the same institutions exist in different countries under different names, such as representative bodies, ministries, senate, state council, legislative and executive bodies. It is not necessary for me to explain to you the connecting mechanism of these different institutions, as it is well known to you. I only call to your attention that every one ofthe aforesaid institutions fulfills some important governmental function, and, moreover, I beg you to notice that the word “important” refers not to the institution but to the function. Consequently, it is not the institutions that are important but their functions. Such institutions have divided among themselves all the functions of government, namely, administrative, legislative, and executive powers; therefore, their functions in the state organism have become similar to those in a human body. If one part of the governmental machine is injured, the state itself falls ill, in the same way as the human body, and then it dies.
When we injected the poison of liberalism into the state organism, its entire political complexion changed; the states became infected with a mortal disease, namely, the decomposition of the blood. It is only necessary to await the end of their agony.
Constitutional governments were born of liberalism, which replaced the autocracy that was the salvation of theGoys, for the constitution, as you well know, is nothing more than a school for dispute, discussion, disagreement, fruitless party agitation, dissension, party tendencies—in other words, a school for everything which weakens the efficiency of government. The platform no less than the press condemned the authorities to inaction and impotency and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason they were overthrown in many countries. The rise of the republican era then became possible, and then we substituted for the ruler a caricature of government—a president chosen from the mob, from among our creatures, our slaves. This was the kind of mine we laid under theGoys, or, more correctly, under theGoynations.
In the near future we will make the president a responsible officer, whereupon we will no longer stand on ceremony in carrying out the things for which our dummy will be responsible. What difference does it make to us that the ranks of those aiming at authority will thin out, that confusion will result from inability to find presidents, confusion which will definitely disorganize the country?
To accomplish our plan, we will engineer the election of presidents whose past record contains some hidden scandal, some “Panama”—then they will be faithful executors of our orders from fear of exposure, and from the natural desireof every man who has reached authority to retain the privileges, advantages, and dignity connected with the position of president. The Chamber of Deputies will elect, protect, and screen presidents, but we will deprive it of the right of initiating laws or of amending them, for this right will be granted by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our hands. Of course then the power of the president will become the target of numerous attacks, but we will give him the means of self-protection by giving him the right of directly applying to the people, for their decision, over the heads of their representatives. In other words, he will turn to the same blind slave—to the majority of the mob. Moreover, we will empower the president to proclaim martial law. We will justify this prerogative under the pretext that the president, as chief of the national army, must control it in order to protect the new republican constitution, which he, as a responsible representative of this constitution, is bound to defend.
It is obvious that under such conditions the keys to the shrine will be in our hands, and nobody except ourselves will be able to guide the legislative power.
We will also take away from the Chamber, with the introduction of the new republican constitution, the right of interpellation in regard to governmental measures, under the pretext that political secrets must be preserved. With the aid of this new constitution we will reduce the number of representatives to the minimum, thus also reducing to the same extent political passions and passion for politics. If, in spite of this, those remaining are recalcitrant, we will abolish them completely by appealing to the majority of the people.
The appointment of the president and vice presidents of the Chamber and Senate will be the prerogative of the president. Instead of continuous parliamentary sessions, we will shorten them to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief executive, will have the right to convene or dissolve parliament, and in the case of dissolution, defer the appointment of a new parliament. But to prevent the president from being held responsible before our plans are matured for the results of all these essentially illegal actions inaugurated by us, we will give the ministers and other high administrative officials surrounding the president the idea of circumventing his orders by issuing instructions of their own. Consequently, they willbe made responsible instead of him. We recommend that the execution of this plan be given especially to the Senate, State Council, or Council of Ministers, and not to individuals. Under our guidance the president will interpret in ambiguous ways such existing laws as it is possible so to interpret. Moreover, he will annul them when the need is pointed out to him by us: he will also have the right to propose temporary laws and even modifications in the constitutional work of government, alleging as the motive for so doing the exigencies of the welfare of the country.
By such measures we will be able to destroy gradually, step by step, everything that, upon entering into our rights, we were obliged to introduce into government constitutions as a transition to the imperceptible abolition of all constitutions, when the time comes to convert all government intoour autocracy.
The recognition of our autocrat may come even before the abolition of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the people, tormented by dissension and the incompetency of their rulers, incited by us, will exclaim: Depose them, and give us one universal sovereign who will unite us and abolish the causes of dissension—national frontiers, religion, state indebtedness—and who will give us the peace and quiet which we cannot find with our rulers and representatives.
But you know well that to render such a universal expression of desire possible, it is necessary continuously to disturb the relationship between the people and the government in all countries, and so to exhaust everybody by the dissension, hostility, struggle, hatred, and even martyrdom, hunger, inoculation of diseases, and misery, as to make theGoyssee no other solution than an appeal to our money and complete rule.
Should we give the people a rest, however, the longed for moment will probably never arrive.
The Council of State will tend to accentuate the power of the ruler; in the capacity of an ostensible legislative body, it will act as a committee for the drawing up of laws and statutes on behalf of the ruler.
The following is the program of the new constitution which we are preparing. We will make laws and control the courts in the following manner:
1. By suggestions to the legislative body.2. By means of orders issued by the president as general statutes, decrees of the Senate, and decisions of the Council of State, as regulations passed by the ministries.3. And when the opportune moment arrives—in the form of acoup d’état.
1. By suggestions to the legislative body.
2. By means of orders issued by the president as general statutes, decrees of the Senate, and decisions of the Council of State, as regulations passed by the ministries.
3. And when the opportune moment arrives—in the form of acoup d’état.
Having thus roughly outlined themodus agendi, we will now take up in detail those measures by which we will complete the development of the governmental mechanism in the above direction. By these measures, I mean the freedom of the press, the right of assembly, religious freedom, electoral rights, and many other things which must disappear from the human repertoire, or must be fundamentally altered on the day following the declaration of the new constitution. It is only at this moment that it will become possible for us to announce all our decrees, for at any time in the future every perceptible change would be dangerous, and this for the following reasons: If these changes should be introduced and rigidly enforced, it might cause despair by creating the fear of further changes in a similar direction; if, however, they are made with a tendency to subsequent leniency, then it might be said that we have recognized our mistakes, which would undermine the faith in the infallibility of the new authority; it might also be said that we were frightened, and that we were forced to make concessions for which nobody would be thankful since they would be considered as legitimately due.
Any of these impressions would be detrimental to the prestige of the new constitution. It is necessary for us that, from the first moment of its proclamation, when the people are still dumbfounded by the accomplished revolution and are in a state of terror and surprise, they should realize we are so strong, so invulnerable, and so mighty that we shall in no case pay attention to them, and not only will we ignore their opinions and desires, but be ready to and capable of suppressing at any moment or place any sign of opposition with indisputable authority. We shall want the people to realize that we have taken at once everything we wanted, and that we shall under no circumstances share our power with them. Thenthey will close their eyes to everything out of fear and will await further developments.
TheGoysare like a flock of sheep—we are wolves.
Do you know what happens to sheep when wolves get into the fold?
They will also close their eyes to everything because we will promise to return to them all their liberties after the enemies of peace have been subjugated and all the parties pacified.
Is it necessary to say how long they would have to wait for the return of their liberties?
Why have we conceived and inspired this policy for theGoyswithout giving them an opportunity to examine its inner meaning if not for the purpose of attaining by a circuitous method what is unattainable for our scattered race by a direct road?
This constituted a base for our organization ofsecret masonry which is not known to and whose aims are not even suspected by these cattle, theGoys. They have been decoyed by us into our numerous ostensible organisations, which appear to be Masonic lodges, so as to divert the attention of their co-religionists.
God has given us, his chosen people, the power to scatter, and what to all appears to be our weakness, has proved to be our strength, and has now brought us to the threshold of universal rule.
Little remains to be built on these foundations.
The word “Liberty” can be differently interpreted. We will define it as follows:
Liberty is the right to do that which is permitted by law. Such a definition of this word will eventually serve us, because liberty will be in our power; and also because the laws will either destroy or construct only what we desire in accordance with the above mentioned program.
We will deal with the press in the following manner: What is the present rôle of the press? It serves to arouse furious passions or egotistic party dissensions which may be necessaryfor our purpose. It is empty, unjust, inaccurate, and most people do not understand what end it serves. We will shackle it and keep a tight rein on it. We will also do the same with other printed matter, for what use would it be for us to rid ourselves of attacks on the part of the periodical press if we remain open to criticism through pamphlets and books? We will convert the products of publicity, now so expensive, owing to the need of censorship, into a source of income for our state. We will impose a special stamp tax. When a newspaper printing shop is started, bonds will have to be deposited, which will guarantee our government from all attacks on the part of the press. In case of an attack, we will mercilessly impose fines. Such measures as stamps, bonds, and fines, the payment of which is guaranteed by the bonds, will bring a huge income to the government. It is true that party papers might not fear the loss of money, so we will suppress these after the second attack on us. No one shall touch the prestige of our political infallibility and remain unpunished. The pretext for stopping a publication will be that the publication in question excites public opinion without cause or reason.I ask you to bear in mind that among those who attack us there will be also organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively those points which we plan to change.
Not one notice will be made public without our control.This is already being done by us, since the news from all parts of the world is received through several agencies in which it is centralized.
These agencies will then be completely in our power and they will publish only such news as we will permit.
If we have already managed to subjugate the minds of theGoysto such an extent that almost all of them see world events through colored glasses which we put over their eyes; if, even at present, there is not one state which bars our access to state secrets, so termed by the stupidGoys, then what will it be when we, in the person of our universal sovereign, are the recognized rulers of the world?
Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody who wishes to become an editor, a librarian, or a printer, will be obliged to obtain a diploma, which in case of disobedience will be immediately revoked.
With such measures,thought will become an educational instrumentin the hands of our government, which will not allow the people to be led astray into realms of fancy and dreams about beneficent progress. Who of us does not know that these fantastic blessings are the direct road to baseless hopes which lead to anarchistic relations between the people and the government? Progress, or better still the idea of progress, has led to the creation of different modes of emancipation without setting any limit to it. All so-called liberals are essentially anarchists in thought if not in action. Each one of them pursues the phantom of liberty, becoming self-willed, that is to say, falling into a state of anarchy by protesting for the mere sake of protesting.
We will now again refer to the question of the press. We will place stamp taxes secured by bonds on each page of all printed matter, while on books containing less than four hundred and eighty pages we will place a double tax. We will classify them as pamphlets, so as to lessen the number of magazines, which represent the worst printed poison—and on the other hand, to force writers to prepare such long works that they will be little read, especially as they will be expensive. Our own publications, guiding public opinion in the direction we desire, will be cheap and rapidly bought. The tax will discourage the writing of mere leisure literature, whereas punishment will make the writers dependent upon us. Even if there were writers who would like to attack us, they would find no publishers for their works. Before printing any work, the editor or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission. We will then know beforehand of the attacks that are being prepared against us, and we will destroy them by coming out with advance statements on the subject.
Literature and journalism are the two most important educational forces; for this reason our government will become the owner of most of the periodicals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the private press and have great influence on the people. If we permit ten periodicals, we ourselves will print thirty, and so forth. This, however, must not be suspected by the public. All the periodicals published by us will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, inviting trust in us, thus attracting to us unsuspecting enemies, and in this way they will be caught in our trap and made harmless.
The predominant place will be held by periodicals of an official character. They will always stand guard over our interests and consequently their influence will be comparatively limited.
In the second category we will place semi-official organs, whose aim will be to attract the indifferent and little interested.
The third category will be our ostensible opposition, which at least in one of its publications will represent the opposition to us. Our real enemies will mistake this seeming opposition as belonging to their own group and will thus show us their cards.
All our newspapers will represent different tendencies, namely, aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchistic, so long of course as the constitution lasts. Like the Indian GodVishnu, these periodicals will have one hundred arms, each of which will reach the pulse of every group of public opinion. When the pulse beats faster, these arms will guide opinion toward our aims, since the excited person loses the power of reasoning and is easily led. Those fools who believe that they repeat the opinions expressed by the newspapers of their party will be repeating our opinions or those which we desire them to have. Imagining that they are following the press of their party, they will follow the flag which we will fly for them.
In order that our newspaper militia may carry out our program, we must organize the press with great care. Under the title of the Central Department of the press, we will organize literary meetings at which our agents unnoticed will give the passwords and countersigns. Discussing and contradicting our policies, although always superficially, without touching their essence, our press will conduct an empty fire against official newspapers so as to give us only an opportunity to express ourselves in greater detail than we were able to in our preliminary declarations. This, of course, will be done when it is useful to us.
These attacks against us will also seem to convince the people that complete liberty of the press still exists, and it will give our agents the opportunity to declare that the papers opposing us are mere wind-bags, since they are unable to find any real ground to refute our orders.
Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention,will be the most successful means of guiding the public mind and of inspiring confidence in our government. Thanks to them, we will as the need arises excite or pacify the public mind on political questions. We will be able to persuade or confuse them, sometimes printing the truth, sometimes lies, referring to facts or contradicting them according to the way they are received by the public, always carefully sounding the ground before stepping on it.We will surely conquer our enemies, because they will not have the press at their disposal in which to express themselves in full.Moreover, with the above mentioned plans against the press, we will not even need to refute them seriously.
The trial balloons thrown out by us in the third category of our press, we will deny energetically, in case of need, in our semi-official organs.
In French journalism there already exists the Masonic solidarity of a password; all organs of the press are bound by professional secrecy; like the ancient augurs, not one member will disclose his secret if he is not ordered to do so. Not one journalist will dare to disclose this secret, for not one of them is admitted to literary headquarters unless he has a disgraceful action in his past record. The fact would immediately be made public. While these disgraceful actions are known only to a few, the prestige of the journalist attracts opinion throughout the country—he is admired.
Our plans must extend chiefly to the provincial districts. There we must excite hopes and ambitions opposed to those of the capitals, by means of which we may always attack them, presenting such ambitions to the capitals as the inspired views and aims of provincial districts. It is obvious that their source will be ours. It is necessary for us that while we are not yet in full power, the capital should be under the influence of provincial public opinion; that is under the influence of the majority prearranged by our agents. It is necessary for us that at the critical psychological moment the capitals should not discuss an accomplished fact, for the mere reason that it had been accepted by the provincial majority.
When we reach the phase of the new régime, which is transitory to our accession to power, we must not allow the press to expose social corruption. It must be thought that the new régime has satisfied everybody to such an extent that evencriminality has stopped.Cases of criminal activity must only be known to their victims or their accidental witnesses, and to these alone.
The need of daily bread forces theGoysto silence and compels them to remain our obedient servants. The agents taken from among them for our press will discuss the facts they are ordered to publish, when it is inconvenient for us to publish statements openly in official documents. While discussion and dispute are taking place, we will simply pass the measures we desire and present them to the public as an accomplished fact. Nobody will dare to demand the rejection of measures thus passed, and the more so as they will be interpreted as an improvement. At this point the press will divert the thoughts of the people to new problems (we having accustomed the people always to seek new emotions). Those brainless creators of destiny, who heretofore have been unable to understand and do not now understand that they are ignorant of matters which they undertake to discuss, will also hasten to discuss these new problems. Political questions are meant to be understood only by those who have created them and have been directing them for many centuries.
From all this you will realize that by aiming to control the opinion of the mob we will only facilitate the functioning of our mechanism, and you will also notice that we seek approbation, not for actions but for words uttered by us on various occasions. We always declare that we are guided in all our policies by the hope and certainty of serving the general good.
To divert the over-restless people from discussing political problems, we now make it appear that we provide them with new problems, namely, those pertaining to industry. Let them become excited over this subject as much as they like. The masses will consent to remain inactive, to rest from so-called political activity (to which we ourselves accustomed them for the purpose of helping us in our struggle against theGoygovernment), only on condition of a new occupation in which we can show them supposedly the same political background.
To prevent them from reaching any independent decisions,we will divert their minds by amusements, games, pastimes,passions, and cultural centers for the people. We will soon begin to offer prize contests, through the press, in the field of art, and sports of all kinds. Such attractions will definitely deflect the mind from problems over which we would otherwise have to fight with the people. By losing more and more the custom of independent thought, they will begin to talk in unison with us, because we alone will provide new lines of thought through persons with whom of course we will presumably have no connection.
The rôle of liberal Utopians will be definitely terminated when our government is recognized. Until that time, they will do us good service. For this reason we will still direct thought towards different fantastic theories which will appear to be progressive. For it was by the word “progress” that we have successfully turned the brains of the stupidGoys. There are no brains among theGoysto realize that this word is but a cover for digression from the truth, unless it is applied to material inventions,since there is but one truth and there is no room for progress. Progress, being a false conception, serves to conceal the truth so that nobody may know it except ourselves, God’s elect, who are its guardians.
When our kingdom is established, our orators will discuss the great problems which have stirred humanity for the purpose of bringing it finally under our blessed rule.
Who will then suspect that allthese problems were instigated by us, according to a political plan which has not been disclosed by any one during so many centuries.
When we become rulers we will not tolerate the existence of any other religion except our own, which proclaims one God, with whom our fate is bound up because we are the Chosen People, and our fate has determined the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions. If the result of this produces modern atheists, as a transitory step, this will not interfere with our plans but will act as an example to those generations which will listen to our teaching of the religion of Moses, which, owing to its solid and thoughtful system, will eventually lead to the domination ofall nations by us. We will also lay stress on the mystical truth of Masonic teaching which, we will assert, is the foundation of its whole educative power.
On every possible occasion we will then publish articles in which we will compare our beneficial rule with that of the past. The benefits of peace, although attained through centuries of unrest, will serve to demonstrate the beneficial character of our rule. The mistakes made by theGoysduring their administration will be pictured by us in the most vivid colors. We will cause such disgust towards the administration of theGoysthat the masses will prefer the peace of serfdom to the rights of the much lauded liberty which has so cruelly tortured them and drained from them the very source of human existence, and by which they were exploited by a mass of adventurers, ignorant of what they were doing.The useless changes of government, to which we ourselves prompted theGoys, when we were undermining their governmental apparatus, will become such a nuisance to the people by that time, that they will prefer to endure anything from us rather than risk a repetition of former unrest and hardships.We will, moreover, lay particular stress on the historical mistakes made by theGoygovernments, which caused humanity to suffer for many centuries for lack of understanding of all matters pertaining to its true welfare, and because of their search for fantastic schemes of social welfare. TheGoysdid not notice that such schemes instead of improving mutual relationship, which is the basis of human existence, have only made it worse.
The whole force of our principles and measures will lie in the fact that they are put forward and interpreted by us as being in sharp contrast to the decayed social order of former times.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of theGoyreligion, but nobody will ever discuss our religion in the light of its true aspect, and nobody will ever thoroughly understand it, except our own people, who will never dare to disclose its secrets.
In countries so-called advanced we have created insane, dirty, and disgusting literature.For a short time after our entrance into power we will encourage its publication in order that the contrast between it and the speeches and programs which will be heard from our heights should be more pointedlymarked. Our wise men, trained as guides to theGoys, will prepare speeches, plans, memoranda, and articles, by which we will influence the minds and direct them towards the conceptions and the knowledge which we wish them to have.
When we finally become rulers by means of revolutions, which will be arranged so that they shall take place simultaneously in all countries and immediately after all existing governments shall have been officially pronounced as incapable (which may not happen soon, perhaps not before a whole century), we will see to it that no plots are hatched against us. To effect this, we will kill heartlessly all who take up arms against the establishment of our rule.
The establishment of any new secret society will be met by the death penalty, and those societies which now exist and are known to us and either work or have worked for us, will be disbanded and their members exiled to continents far removed from Europe.
We will deal in the same manner with those Masons among theGoyswho know too much.The Masons whom we may pardon for any reason will be kept under continual fear of exile. We will pass a law whereby all members of secret organizations will be exiled from Europe, that being the center of our government. The decisions of our government will be final and there will be no right of appeal.
In theGoysociety, where we have planted such deep roots of dissension and protest, order can only be restored by merciless measures which will serve as evidence that our power cannot be infringed. There is no necessity for regard towards the victims sacrificed for the future good. To attain good, even though by the sacrifice of life, is the duty of every government which realizes that its existence depends not upon privileges alone, but upon the exercise of its duties as well.
The most important means for erecting a stable government is to strengthen the prestige of authority. This is only obtained by its majestic and unshakable power, which will convey the impression that it is inviolable because of its mystical nature, namely, because chosen by God.Such until recentlyhas been the Russian Autocracy—our only dangerous enemy throughout the world, with the exception of the Pope.Remember Italy drowning in blood; she did not touch a hair on the head of Sulla who had shed that blood. Sulla had become powerful in the eyes of the people, although they were tortured by him; his manly return to Italy placed him beyond persecution. The people do not touch those who hypnotize them by bravery and steadfastness of spirit.
Meanwhile, until our rule is established, we, on the contrary, will organize and multiply free masonic lodges in all the countries of the world. We will attract to them all those who are and who may become public-spirited, because in these lodges will be the chief source of information and from them will emanate our influence.
All these lodges will be centralized under one management, known only to us and unknown to all others; these lodges will be administered by our wise men. The lodges will have their own representative in this management in order to screen the above mentioned Masonic government; he will give the password and elaborate the program. We will tie the knot of all revolutionary liberal elements in these lodges. Their membership will consist of all strata of society. The most secret political plans will be known to us and will fall under our leadership on the very day of their origination.Among the members of these lodges will be almost all the agents of the international and national police, whose work is indispensable for us, inasmuch as the police not only are able to take independent measures against the rebellious, but may also serve to mask our actions, provoke discontent, and so forth.
Most people who become members of secret societies are adventurers, career makers, and irresponsible persons in general, with whom we will have no difficulty in dealing and who will help us to set in motion the mechanism of the machine planned by us. If this world becomes perturbed, it will only prove that it was necessary for us to disorganize it so as to destroy its too great solidarity.If a plot is laid, it must be headed by one of our most trustworthy servants.It is only natural that we want nobody but ourselves to guide the work of the Masons,[5]for we know where we are trending, we knowthe final aim of every action. TheGoys, however, understand nothing, not even the immediate results. They are usually concerned about the momentary satisfaction of their ambitions in achieving their intentions. They do not notice, however, that the intention itself was not initiated by them, but that it was we who gave them the idea.
TheGoysbecome members of the lodges out of pure curiosity, or hoping to receive their share in the public funds. There are others who come for the purpose of seizing the opportunity of putting before the public their impossible and baseless hopes. They long for the emotion of success and for the applause which we grant them lavishly. We create their success in order to utilize the self-deception that is born with it and by which people, without noticing, begin to follow our suggestions without suspecting them, and being fully convinced that their infallibility originates its own ideas and, therefore, does not need those of others. You have no idea how easy it is to bring even the most intelligentGoysto a state of unconscious credulity, and, on the other hand, how easy it is to discourage them by the smallest failure, or merely by ceasing to applaud them, thus bringing them into servitude for the sake of achieving new success.To the same extent as our people ignore success for the sake of carrying out their plans, so are theGoysready to sacrifice all their plans for the sake of success.Their psychology makes the problem of direction easier for us. Those tigers in appearance have the souls of sheep and nonsense filters through their heads. As a hobby we have given them the dream of submerging human individualism through the symbolic idea ofcollectivism.
They have not yet discovered and will not discover that this hobby is a clear infringement on the principal law of nature, which, from the beginning of the world, created a being unlike all others, precisely for the sake of expressing his individuality.
If we were able to lead them to such insane and blindbeliefs, does it not obviously prove the low level of development of theGoymind as compared to our mind? It is precisely the thing which guarantees our success.
How far sighted were our wise men of old when they said that to attain a serious object one must not stop at the means, nor should one count the victims sacrificed to the cause. We have not counted the victims from among theGoys, those seeds of cattle. Although we have sacrificed many of our own peoples, we have already given them in return a formerly undreamed-of position on earth. The comparatively few victims from among our own people have saved our race from destruction.
Death is the unavoidable end of all. It would be better to accelerate this end for those who interfere with our cause than for our people or for us, ourselves, the creators of this cause to die.We kill Masons in such a way that none but the brothers suspect, not even the victims; they all die when it is necessary, apparently from a natural death.Knowing this, even the brethren, in their turn, dare not protest. It is through such measures that we have uprooted the heart of protest against our orders from among the Masons. Preaching liberalism to theGoys, at the same time we hold our people and our agents under iron discipline.
Through our influence the enforcement of theGoylaws has been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law has been undermined by the liberal interpretations introduced by us. The courts decide as we dictate the most important principles, both political and moral, viewing the cases in the light presented by us for theGoyadministration. This we accomplished naturally through agents, with whom we have ostensibly no connection, namely, through the press or otherwise. Even senators and high officials blindly follow our advice. The purely animal mind of theGoysis incapable of analysis and observation, and even less so of foreseeing to what results the development of the principle involved in a case may lead.
It is through this difference in the process of reasoning between us and theGoysthat it becomes possible clearly to demonstrate the stamp of God’s elect as compared to the instinctive and bestial mentality of theGoys. They see, but they cannot foresee, and they cannot invent anything except materialthings. It is clear, therefore, that nature herself intended us to rule and guide the world.
When the time comes for our open rule, then will be the time to show its benefits, and we will change all the laws. Our laws will be short, clear, irrevocable, and requiring no interpretation, so that everybody will be able to know them thoroughly. The chief point emphasized in them will be a highly developed obedience to authority, which will eliminate all abuses, for all without exception will be responsible before the supreme power vested in the highest authority.
Abuse of power by minor officials will then disappear, because it will be punished so mercilessly that they will lose the desire to experiment with their power. We will closely watch every action of the administration, upon which depends the action of the government machinery, for corruption there creates corruption everywhere; not a single violation of law or act of corruption will remain unpunished. Acts of concealment and willful neglect on the part of governmental officials will disappear after they have seen the first example of severe punishment. The prestige of power necessitates that appropriate, that is to say severe, punishments should be inflicted even for the smallest violations of the sanctity of the supreme authority, committed for the sake of personal gain. The guilty, if punished severely, will be like a soldier who falls on the battlefield of administration for the sake of Authority, Principle, and Law; these principles do not allow any digression from their social function for a personal motive, even on the part of those who rule. For instance:Our judges will know that by attempting to show stupid mercy, they overstep the law of justice, which was created solely for exemplary punishment of crimes and not for the manifestation of moral qualities on the part of the judge.Such qualities are commendable in private, but not in public life, which constitutes the educational forum of human life.
The personnel of our judges will not remain in office after the age of fifty-five. First, because old people adhere more persistently to prejudiced opinions and are less capable of submitting to new commands; and secondly, because that enables us to achieve a certain flexibility of change in the personnel, which will bend more easily under our pressure. He who wishes to retain his position will have to obey blindly.
In general, our judges will be selected only from among those who will clearly understand that they must punish people and enforce the laws, and not indulge in dreams of liberalism at the expense of the educational plan of the government, as is now imagined by theGoys. The method of changing the personnel will also serve to undermine the collective solidarity of the governmental officials and will attach them to the cause of the government, which decides their fate. The younger generation of judges will be so educated as to prevent any criminal activity which might interfere with the inter-relationship which we have established for our subjects.
At present theGoyjudges, lacking a clear conception of the nature of their duties, make exceptions to all kinds of crimes. This occurs because the present rulers, when appointing judges, do not take the trouble to encourage the sense of duty and conscientiousness in the work to be performed by them. As the animal sends out its young in search of prey, so theGoysare giving their subjects responsible offices without taking the time to explain their functions. Owing to this, their rule is undermined by their own efforts and through the actions of their own administration. Let us use the result of such actions as one more example of the advantage of our own rule.
We will eliminate liberalism from all the important strategic positions in our administration upon which depend the training of our subjects for our social order. These positions will be given only to those who have been trained by us for governmental work.
In answer to a possible remark, that the putting of old officials on the retired list may prove expensive for the treasury, I can state first, that, prior to their dismissal, some private work will be found for them to replace what they are losing, and secondly, I may also remark, that all the world’s money will be concentrated in our hands; consequently, our government need not fear expense.
Our autocracy will be consistent in every respect, and consequently every manifestation of our great power will be respected and unconditionally obeyed. We will ignore grumbling and discontent, and all active manifestations of either will be suppressed by punishment, which will serve as an example to the rest of the people.
We will abolish the right of appellate courts to annul judicialdecisions, which will become the exclusive prerogative of the sovereign, for we cannot permit the people to think that an incorrect decision may possibly be rendered by the judges appointed by us. Should, however, such an error happen, we ourselves will annul the decision; but the punishment which we will impose upon the judge for misconception of his duties and of his responsibility will be so severe that it will eliminate the very possibility of a recurrence. I repeat that we will watch every step taken by our administration in order to enable us to satisfy the people, for they have a right to demand a good appointee from a good administration.
In the person of our sovereign, our government will bear the appearance of a patriarchal or fatherly tutelage. The people, our subjects, will see in him a father who takes care of every need, every action, and who is concerned with every relationship, both among the subjects themselves and between them and the sovereign.
Thus, they will become imbued with the idea that it is impossible for them to do without this guardian and guide if they wish to live in a world of peace and quiet.They will recognize the autocracy of our sovereign, whom they will respect and almost deify, especially when they realize that our agents do not usurp his power, but merely execute his orders blindly. They will be glad that everything is regulated in their lives, as is done by wise parents who wish to educate their children to a sense of duty and obedience. With regard to the secrets of our political plans, both the masses and their administration are like little children.
As you can see for yourselves, I base our despotism upon right and duty; the right of forcing the performance of duty is the direct function of government, acting as the father to its subjects. It is the right of the strong to utilize his power in order to lead humanity towards a social order established by the law of nature, namely, obedience. Everything in the world is subject, if not to some other persons, then to circumstances, or to its own nature; but in any case, to something stronger than itself. Consequently, let us be the strongest for the common good.
We must sacrifice without hesitation those individuals who violate the existing order, for in exemplary punishment of evil there lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel places the crown offered to him by Europe on his sacred head, he will become the Patriarch of the World. The necessary sacrifices made by him will never equal the number of victims sacrificed to the mania of greatness during the centuries of rivalry between theGoygovernments.
Our sovereign will be in constant communication with the people, delivering from tribunes addresses which will be spread to all parts of the world.
For the purpose of destroying all collective forces except our own, we will nullify the universities, the first stage of collectivism, by reconstructing them along new lines.Their directors and professors will be trained for their work through detailed secret programs of action, from which they will not be able to deviate in the least with impunity. They will be appointed with special care and will be so placed as to be completely dependent upon the government.
We will exclude from the curriculum civic law, as well as all that touches upon political questions. These subjects will be taught only to a few dozen selected for their striking ability from among the initiated.The universities must not allow the callow youths to graduate who concoct plans of constitutions as they do comedies or tragedies, or who meddle with political matters which even their fathers do not understand.
Poorly directed study of political questions by a great number of people creates Utopians and poor citizens, as you can judge by the universal education as conducted by theGoysalong those lines. It was necessary for us to infiltrate into their educational system such principles as have successfully broken down their social order. When we are in power, we will eliminate all disturbing subjects from educational systems and will make young people obedient children of their superiors, loving the sovereign as their assurance of hope, peace, and quiet.
For the study of the classics and ancient history, which contain more bad than good examples, we will substitute a program dealing with the future. We will obliterate fromthe memory of the people all those facts pertaining to former centuries which are not to our advantage, leaving only those which emphasize the mistakes of theGoygovernments. The study of practical life, of obligatory social order, of the inter-relationship of human beings, the avoidance of evil, egotistical examples that plant the seed of evil, and other questions of a pedagogical nature, will head the educational program. This program will differ for each caste, never allowing education to be of a uniform character. Such a system is of special importance.
Each caste must be educated with strict limitations, according to its particular occupation and the nature of the work. Accidental genius has always been able and always will be able to rise to a higher caste; but, for the sake of this rare exception, to open the door to the inefficient, and to admit them to higher castes or ranks, enabling them to occupy positions of others born and trained to fill them—is absolute insanity. You, yourself, know what happened to theGoyswhen they yielded to this nonsense.
In order to implant the sovereign firmly in the minds and hearts of his subjects, it is necessary to acquaint the people, during his term of office, both in schools and in public places, with the importance of his activity and the benevolence of his enterprises.
We will abolish all unlicensed teaching. Students will have the right to gather, with their relatives, in their colleges as if in clubs. During these gatherings, on holidays, the teachers will read supposedly unbiased lectures on problems of human relationship, on the law of imitation, on the cruelty of unrestricted competition, and finally, on new philosophical theories which have not yet been disclosed to the world.
We will promote these theories into dogmatic beliefs, using them as stepping-stones to our faith. After having presented our program of action for the present and for the future, I will read to you the principles of these theories.
In short, knowing from the experience of many centuries that men live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbued only by means of education given to persons of all ages, of course by different methods but meeting with equal success, we will absorb and appropriate to our own advantage the last traces of independent thought, which for a long timehave been directed to the goal and to the ideas necessary to us. The system of enslaving thought is already in action through so-called visual education.
This system tends to turn theGoysinto thoughtless, obedient animals, expecting to see in order to understand. In France one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already announced a new program of visual education.
The lawyer’s profession makes people grow cold, cruel, stubborn and unprincipled, and compels them to take an abstract or purely legal viewpoint in all matters. They have learned to consider solely the personal gain derived from every case they handle and not the possibility of the social benefit of its results. They rarely refuse to take a case and always strive for acquittal at all cost, clinging to minor technical points of a legal nature. In this way they demoralize the courts. Therefore we will limit this profession, converting it into an executive public office. Lawyers will be deprived of the right of contact with their clients on the same basis as are the judges. They will receive their cases only from the court, preparing them on the strength of written reports and documents and defending their clients after they have been examined in court on the basis of the facts obtained during the trial. They will receive a salary, regardless of whether the defense has been successful or not. They will act as simple exponents of the case on behalf of the defense in counterbalance to the public prosecutor, who will act as exponent on behalf of the prosecution. This will shorten legal procedure and establish an honest and impartial defense, conducted not for the sake of personal gain, but based on the personal conviction of the lawyer. This will also eliminate the existing bribery among fellow lawyers and prevent their allowing the side to win which pays.
We have already taken care to discredit the clergy of theGoysand thus to undermine their function, which at the present time could have been very much in our way. Their influence over the people diminishes daily.
To-day freedom of religion has been proclaimed everywhere;consequently, it is only aquestion of a few years before the complete collapse of Christendom. It will be still easier to deal with other religions, but it is too early to discuss this problem. We will confine clericalism and clericals within such a narrow field that their influence will have an effect opposite to what it used to have.
When the moment comes to annihilate the Vatican completely, an invisible hand, pointing towards this court, will guide the masses in their assault. When, however, the masses attack, we will come forward as defenders to prevent too much bloodshed. By this method we will penetrate its very heart and will not leave it until we have undermined its power.
The King of Israel will become the real Pope of the Universe, the Patriarch of the International Church.
But until we have accomplished the re-education of the youth to new transitional religions and finally to our own,we will not openly attack the existing churches, but will fight them by means of criticism, thus creating dissension.
In general, our press will denounce governmental activities and religion, and will expose the inefficiency of theGoysin the most unscrupulous terms, so as to humiliate them to such an extent as only our ingenious race is capable of doing. Our rule will simulate the God Vishnu, who resembles us physically; each of our hundred hands will hold one of the springs of the social machine. We will see everything without the aid of the official police; in its present organization, however, which we have worked out for theGoys, the police prevent the government from seeing anything. According to our program, one-third of our subjects will watch the others from a pure sense of duty, as volunteers for the government. Then it will not be considered disgraceful to be a spy and an informer; on the contrary, it will be regarded as praiseworthy. Unfounded reports, however, will be severely punished to prevent abuse of this privilege.
Our agents will be recruited both from among the highest and the lowest ranks of society; they will be selected from among the pleasure-loving governmental officials, editors, printers, booksellers, salesmen, workmen, drivers, butlers, etc. This police force will have no official rights or credentials, which give opportunity for the abuse of power, and consequentlyit will be powerless; it will merely act as observer and will make reports. The verification of such reports and the issue of warrants for arrests will rest with a responsible group of police controllers. The actual arrests, however, will be made by a gendarme corps or the municipal police. In case of failure to report any political matter which has been observed or rumored, the person who should have reported it may be brought to trial for concealment of crime, if it is proven that he is guilty.
In the same way that our brethren are now under obligation to report on their own initiative on all apostates, or on any person marked as being opposed to the Kehillah, so in our Universal Kingdom it will be obligatory for all subjects to serve the state in that direction.
Such an organization will eliminate all abuse of power and various kinds of coercion and corruption, in fact, the very things which have been introduced into the customs of theGoysby our councils and by the theories of the rights of supermen. But how otherwise could we foment the increasing causes for disorder in the midst of their administration? What other means could we use? Among these means, one of the most important is the employment of such agents for the preservation of order as are in a position to manifest their own evil inclinations in the course of their destructive work, namely, their self-will, abuse of authority, and, most important of all, bribery.
When the time comes for us to strengthen the measures of police protection (the most terrible poison for the prestige of authority), we will artificially organize disorder or simulate the expression of discontent with the aid of experienced orators. These orators will be joined by sympathizers. This will give us the pretext for searches and special restrictions which will be put in force by our servants among theGoypolice.
As most conspirators work as amateurs for the sake of chattering, we will not disturb them until we see that they are about to take action; but we will introduce in their midstsecret service agents. It must be remembered that the prestige of authority diminishes if conspiracies against it are often discovered, for that leads to the presumption of the weakness of the authority, or, what is worse, to the admission of its own mistakes. You are aware that we have destroyed the prestige of the rulingGoysby frequent attempts made on their lives through our agents, who were but blind sheep of our flock, easily moved, by a few liberal phrases, to crimes, so long as they were of a political nature.We have forced the rulers to admit their own weakness by adopting open measures of police protection, and thereby we have ruined the prestige of their authority.
Our sovereign will be protected only by the most invisible guard, because we will never allow any one to think that conspiracy might exist against him which he is unable to combat and from which he has to hide himself. If we were to allow this thought to prevail, as it prevails among theGoys, we would thereby sign the death warrant, if not of the sovereign himself, then of his dynasty in the near future.
Observing strict decorum, our sovereign will use his power only for the benefit of the people, but never for his own good or for that of his dynasty. By strictly adhering to this decorum, his authority will be respected and protected by his subjects; moreover, he will be worshiped, because it will be known that upon his authority depends the well-being of every citizen of the kingdom, and the stability of the social order itself.
To guard the sovereign openly is equivalent to an admission of the weakness of his governmental organization.
Our sovereign, when amidst his people, will always appear to be surrounded by a crowd of curious men and women, who will stand beside him as though accidentally and will hold back the other people as though through respect for order. This example will implant an idea of self-restraint in others. If there be a person in the crowd trying to present a petition, and working his way through the ranks, the person nearest to him must take the petition and present it to the sovereign in sight of the petitioner himself, so that all may know that the petition presented has reached its destination and consequently that there exists a control of affairs on the part of the sovereign himself. The prestige of authority demands that the peopleshould be able to say, “If only the king could know it,” or, “The king will know about this.”
With the establishment of an official police guard the mystical prestige of authority vanishes at once; with a certain amount of audacity, every one considers himself superior to authority; the assassin realizes his strength and only has to watch his opportunity to make an attempt against an official. We preached differently for theGoys, but we can see the results to which open methods of protection have led them.
We will arrest criminals upon the first more or less well-founded suspicion. Because of the fear of a possible mistake political criminals should not be given the opportunity to escape; indeed towards political crime we will show no mercy. If, in exceptional cases, it may seem possible to allow the investigation of motives which have led to ordinary criminal offences, there is no excuse for those who attempt to deal with matters which no one can understand except the government. Moreover, not even all governments are capable of understanding the right policy.
Though we will not allow individuals to become involved in politics, we will, on the other hand, encourage the submission for the approval of the government of all petitions and reports containing suggestions and plans for bettering the condition of the people. This will bring to our knowledge the shortcomings or merely the fantastic aspirations of our subjects. These suggestions we will answer either by favorable action or by refusals proving the lack of intelligence and the errors of those who have submitted such suggestions.
Sedition is nothing but the barking of a lap dog at an elephant. From the point of view of a government which is well organized, not from the police standpoint but with regard to its social basis, the lap dog barks at the elephant because he does not realize his strength. It is only necessary for the elephant to show his strength once and the dog barks no more; he begins to wag his tail the moment he sees the elephant.
In order to eliminate the prestige of martyrdom from political crime, we will seat the political criminal on the same benchwith thieves, murderers, and other disgusting and dirty criminals. Then public opinion will regard that class of criminals as quite as disgraceful as any other, and will brand them with equal contempt.
We have endeavored to prevent, and I hope have succeeded in preventing, theGoysfrom using such methods of dealing with seditious activities. In order to attain this end, we have made use of the press and public speeches; indirectly, through cleverly compiled historical textbooks, we have given publicity to martyrdom as though revolutionists had undergone it for the sake of human welfare. Such an advertisement has increased the contingent of liberals and forced thousands ofGoysinto the herds of our cattle.
To-day we shall deal with the financial program, the discussion of which I have postponed until the end of my report because it is the most difficult, conclusive, and decisive point in our plans. In approaching it, I will remind you that I have already intimated that the result of our actions is measured in figures.
When we become rulers, our autocratic government, for the sake of self-defense, will avoid burdening the people with heavy taxes, and it will not forget the rôle it has to play, namely, that of Father and Protector. But as government organization is costly, it is necessary to raise the means for its maintenance. Consequently, we must carefully work out the plan of a fair distribution of taxation.
In our government the sovereign will have the legal fiction of owning everything in his kingdom (which is easily put into practice), and can resort to legal confiscation of all money in order to regulate its circulation throughout the country. Consequently, the best method of taxation is the levying of a progressive tax on property. Taxes will thus be paid without difficulty or ruin in respective proportion to the amount of property owned. The rich must realize that it is their duty to give a part of their surplus wealth for the benefit of the country as a whole, because the government guarantees inviolability of the remaining part of their property and the right ofhonest gain. I sayhonestbecause the control of property will prevent legal theft.
This social reform must come from above, for the time is ripe and it is becoming necessary as a guarantee of peace.
The tax on the poor is the seed of revolution, and it acts detrimentally to the government, which loses the great in its pursuit of the little. Moreover, the taxation of capital will lessen the increase of wealth in private hands, in which at present we have concentrated it as a counterweight to the governmental power of theGoys, namely, to the state treasury.
Progressive taxation, assessed according to the amount of capital, will produce a much greater revenue than the present system of taxing every one at an equal rate, which is useful to us now only as a means of exciting revolt and discontent among theGoys. The power of our sovereign will rest mainly in equilibrium and in guarantees of peace. For these, the capitalists must cede a part of their income so as to protect the action of the government machine. Public needs must be met by those who can best afford to do so and by those from whom there is something to take.
Such a measure will eliminate the hatred of the poor towards the rich, as they will be regarded as the financial supporters of the state and the upholders of peace and prosperity. The poor will also see that the rich are providing the necessary means to insure this end.
To prevent intelligent taxpayers from being too discontented with the new system of taxation, they will be furnished with detailed reports of the disbursement of public funds, exclusive of such as are appropriated for the needs of the throne and administrative institutions.
The sovereign will not own property, since everything in the state will seem to belong to him and these two conceptions would contradict each other. Private means would eliminate his right to own everything.
The relatives of the sovereign, aside from his descendants who will also be supported by the state, must join the ranks of government officials, or otherwise work for the right of holding property. The privilege of being of royal blood must not entitle them to rob the state treasury.
Sales, profits, or inheritances will be taxed by a progressivestamp tax. The transfer of property, whether in cash or otherwise, without the required stamp, will place the payment of the tax on the original owner, dating from the time of the transfer until the time of the reported failure to record the transaction. Transfer vouchers must be shown weekly at the local branch of the state treasury, together with a statement of the names, surnames, and the permanent addresses both of the original and of the new owner. The recording of the names of those participating in a transaction will be necessary in all transactions involving more than a certain amount for ordinary expenditure. The sale of prime necessities will be taxed only by a stamp tax, which will represent a certain small per cent of the cost of the particular article.
Just calculate how many times the amount received from such taxes will exceed the income of theGoygovernments.
The state bank must keep a definite reserve fund, and all sums in excess must be put back into circulation. The cost of public works will be met out of this surplus fund. The initiative of such works emanating from the government will also tie the working class to the interests of the government and the rulers. Some of this money will be allotted to prizes for inventions and for the purposes of production.
Even small sums in excess of a certain definite and broadly calculated fund, should not be allowed to be kept in the state treasury, because money is intended to circulate, and every impediment to circulation is detrimental to the governmental mechanism, which the money lubricates; the congestion of lubricating substances can stop the proper functioning of the mechanism.
The substitution of bonds for a part of the currency has created just such an impediment. The result of this has already become sufficiently evident.
We will also establish an auditing office, so as to enable the sovereign to find at all times a full account of state revenues and expenses, except for the current month not yet made up, and that of the previous month not yet presented.
The only person who will not be interested in robbing the state treasury will be the sovereign, its owner. This is the reason why his control will prevent the possibility of loss or misappropriation.
Receptions for the purpose of etiquette, which waste thevaluable time of the sovereign, will be abolished, because the ruler needs time for control and thought. Then his power will not be frittered away on the people surrounding the throne for the sake of appearance and brilliance, and who have only their own and not the public interest in mind.
The economic crises were created by us for theGoysonly by the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge amounts of capital were kept idle and were taken away from the nations, which were thus compelled to apply to us for loans. Payment of interest on these loans burdened the state finances and made the states subservient to capital. The concentration of industry having taken production out of the hands of the artisan and put it into the hands of capitalists, sucked all the power out of the people and also out of the state.