"I said nothing about injuring men who came to take their places. I told them if they struck, to put on their good clothes and keep away from the railroad property. If the railroads could get men to run their roads, let them, but if the men stood together, were united, the roads couldn't get men and would have to yield.
"Far from advising violence, I have always advised against it. I have some questions I would like the commission to put to the general managers, either here, or in Washington. They are these:
"1st. Were not the general managers whipped on July 5, before there had been any violence to array public opinion against the strikers, and before the troops were here and by their presence provoked violence?
"2d. Did your company have a contract with the government to carry the mails?
"3d. Was the contract dependent upon your ability to carry Pullmans?
"4th. Did your contract with the PullmanCompany require you to refuse to transport mail if you left the Pullmans off?
"5th. Did the strikers interfere to prevent carrying of the mails if you left the Pullmans off?
"6th. Could you not have carried mails, if you did not insist in hauling Pullmans?
"7th. Was your contract with the government less binding on you than your contract with the Pullman Company, or was either dependent on the other?"
Mr. Kernan had no objection to the questions being put to the general managers, but did not think, under the circumstances, the commission could prolong its sitting in order to ask them.
Mayor John P. Hopkins was then called and cordially shook hands with the commissioners before taking the witness chair. His examination was conducted by Judge Worthington as follows:
Mr. Worthington: "As mayor of the city and the actual head of the police department, please state the general conduct of the police force during the strike and the conditions attending the strike."
Mr. Hopkins: "The evening of June 25, Mr.Ellsworth, who claimed to represent the different railroads, called on me and said he understood a boycott was to be enforced on all roads hauling Pullman cars. He said he understood I was going to Springfield that night and wished me to give instructions to the chief of police and arrange for the protection of the roads. So far as I know, the police did all the work required of them, and I have ample assurance of that fact from railway officials.
"This condition existed until July 5. That morning Mr. Wright of the Rock Island called at my office and claimed that riotous mobs were interfering with the operation of trains, overturning cars, etc. I went with him to the office of Mr. Cable of the Rock Island road, where we discussed the matter. Mr. Cable said he thought the police were not doing their duty, but from the information I had received, I was confident that such was not the case. I then suggested that Mr. Cable go with me to the scene of the alleged trouble, but he said that he did not think it safe to do so. I proposed the same plan to Mr. Wright, but he made the same objection. I then saw the corporation counsel and suggested the same plan, which he accepted. Aswitch engine was secured and we went. A crowd of probably 3,000 or 3,500 persons, mostly women and children, had assembled at that point. On the tracks at Thirty-seventh street four trains were standing, and just north of them an empty freight car was lying across the tracks. Half an hour after we arrived, a wrecking crew, accompanied by young Newell, Attorney Wright, and other officials came up, and they started to take the car off the track. On going down we had found the tracks entirely unobstructed, but on going back found ten or fifteen overturned cars. I thought the police did all they could to prevent such an occurrence. I stayed about two hours, when I came back and issued the proclamation to the people which was published. I also instructed the chief of police to suspend all officers who had been stationed at the crossings where the cars were overturned.
"That night I wired the governor at Springfield, that the militia, which had been preparing to go into camp there, had better be retained in the city, as it might be advisable to call out the troops within twenty-four hours. The same night about 10:30, I was at the Hyde Parkpolice station when I heard that the "Diamond Special" had been stopped at Kensington and that large crowds had congregated there. Inspector Hunt sent re-inforcements to that point, and when I retired everything seemed quiet. Friday morning, July 6, which was the first time the railroads had intimated that the protection afforded them was inadequate, I heard from Kensington that there was trouble in the Rock Island and Chicago & Eastern Illinois roads. I then called on the governor for five regiments of the state militia. Saturday, at 3:30P. M., some trouble occurred at Forty-seventh and Loomis streets, where a mob had collected. The state troops fired and killed one man, two others dying afterward. There was no trouble after that, so far as I know."
Mayor Hopkins then read a number of communications from railway officials expressing satisfaction in regard to the perfect protection afforded by the police during the strike. Among these were letters from President Marvin Hughitt of the Northwestern, General Superintendent Sullivan of the Illinois Central, President Thomas of the Chicago & Western Indiana, and others. Several officers who were deemed worthy of promotionfor their good services at critical times were mentioned in a letter from a Santa Fe official. The mayor then continued his testimony as follows:
"So far as the management of the police was concerned I think it was excellent. I wish to state that the Blue Island police are governed by the officials of that town. The word police has been referred to indiscriminately in the testimony, leaving the impression that Blue Island was under the jurisdiction of the city.
"There was very little resistance to the police. The strikers treated me all right, and the crowds seemed good-natured. There was some resistance to the police, I believe, on the night of July 7, at Ashland avenue and the Northwestern tracks. The police fired and killed a woman on the roof of a house in the neighborhood."
Mr. Worthington: "How many were killed in all or who have since died in consequence of injuries received?"
Mr. Hopkins: "About seven, I think in Chicago. Three at Forty-seventh and Loomis streets, one at Kensington, the woman just mentioned, and I think two others."
Mr. Worthington: "Please state about the militia engaged during the strike."
Mr. Hopkins: "I will read my copy of the telegram to the governor to which I referred. The next day I again telegraphed the governor suggesting that five regiments be placed at the disposal of the city. In one half hour I received an answer stating that the militia had been ordered to report. There was virtually the entire militia of the state in service, probably 2,000 men. The last detachment went home August 6."
Mr. Worthington: "You have stated that you gave orders to suspend officers at certain crossings. Why was that?"
Mr. Hopkins: "The officers complained that people jumped over the fences and that they could not prevent them. The Rock Island road is protected on each side of the right-of-way by low fences, and empty freight cars were standing for many blocks on the side track next the fence. The people who lived near the tracks could easily jump the fence unseen and tip the cars over. I ordered the men suspended for the general effect it would have on the force."
Mr. Worthington: "I would like to ask ageneral question. As mayor of the city, do you think the police, or a portion of them, either directly or indirectly, took a part in promoting the strike in any way?"
Mr. Hopkins: "I would not deny that some of the men had sympathy with the strikers. I am in sympathy myself with the Pullman strikers."
Mr. Worthington: "But do you think the police did their duty?"
Mr. Hopkins: "Yes, sir. Several times Mr. Eagan telephoned that trouble was occurring at some point. When officers would investigate they would find no trouble at all. There are 2,100 miles of railway in the city limits; there are 1,360 trains daily, 160 railroad crossings, and 3,000 surface railroad crossings. The police force for this year is scheduled at 1,928 patrolmen. There are 186 square miles of territory in the city and you can readily see that every point could not be covered at once. The amount of violence was not very great. In Pullman not one pane of glass was broken in the three months of the strike. I live in Pullman myself."
Mr. Worthington: "You may state whetherat any time you advised the American Railway Union or its members to strike?"
Mr. Hopkins: "No, sir."
Mr. Worthington: "Did the General Manager's Association either during or since the strike request the city to arrest any individual strikers or suggest such arrest?"
Mr. Hopkins: "No, sir; I think that President Newell swore out a warrant for a man named Hall, but the information was furnished by the city."
Mr. Worthington: "Has the American Railway Union brought in any information of this character?"
Mr. Hopkins: "Yes, sir; in the case of Hall, who was charged with turning over cars; also in other cases, which upon investigation we concluded not to take up."
Mr. Worthington: "Then the disposition of the American Railway Union appears to have been to assist the city?"
Mr. Hopkins: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Worthington: "During or before the strike were there any overtures made in regard to arbitration?"
Mr. Hopkins: "I met Mr. Pullman at lunchin the Chicago club one day and he told me of a meeting his employes had held. Then July 3, there was a further talk about protecting the works on the following day when trouble might be expected. There was some talk about a settlement, but the company seemed to regard the strikers as law breakers. Then a committee of the council was appointed, and word sent to Mr. Eagan, but he said he couldn't come. Then the committee called at Mr. Pullman's office to discuss the question of arbitration—or if there was anything to arbitrate. The answer received there was that the company refused to arbitrate. July 11, I received a telegram from Mayor Pingree of Detroit, asking if I would act with him in endeavoring to settle the strike. He had communications from fifty other mayors giving their views on the question. We saw Mr. Wickes, Mr. Runnels and Mr. Brown, and had a long interview. Mayor Pingree took the point that arbitration should be tested, and made a strong argument. He is a member of a shoe manufacturing firm and related his own experience in a strike of nine months' duration. Mr. Wickes, Mr. Runnels and Mr. Brown withdrew and prepared a statement giving the position of the company and decliningthe proposition. On July 13, Mr. Debs, Mr. Howard, and Mr. Kelliher prepared a communication to the railway managers offering to settle the strike if the railroads would re-instate the men as individuals or such men as had committed no overt acts. With Mr. McGillen I went over with the document to Mr. St. John. What occurred there has been published. Now, while I think of it, I want to say that the statement published in some papers that Mr. St. John told me I should not act as a messenger boy for the American Railway Union is false. I deny most emphatically that Mr. St. John used those words. I should not have allowed it. This was the last action on my part to bring about a settlement.
"It has been said that I protested against the presence of the federal troops in the city. I do say that the railways had never complained that the civil authorities were unable to protect the roads. I have never protested against the federal troops and think they did some good."
Mr. Worthington: "It has been stated in the press that you applied to Mr. Debs to move trains."
Mr. Hopkins: "That is not true. A man named Brenock has a contract with the city toremove dead animals, the place where they are rendered being over the Indiana state line. He called upon me and said that there was a train load of dead animals at the stock yards which could not be pulled out; the men had quit work. I said I thought a volunteer crew of trainmen could be procured which would do the work. I sent my secretary to the American Railway Union with that request. A crew went down to the yards and manned the train. When it proceeded some distance it was discovered that a train load of dressed beef had been substituted and the train crew abandoned the cars. The dead animals then remained where they were for several days."
Mr. Kernan: "Then this action was simply a plan to guard the public health?"
Mr. Hopkins: "Yes, sir; simply to remove the dead animals from the city limits."
At the conclusion of Mayor Hopkins' testimony, President Carroll D. Wright arose and declared the commission formally adjourned until Wednesday, Sept. 26, at Washington, D. C.
In response to a piteous appeal for help from a committee of Pullman strikers, John P. Altgeld, governor of Illinois, came in person to the town of Pullman and made an investigation of the condition of the people in order to satisfy himself regarding their complaints of suffering and destitution. After only a partial investigation the governor returned to his hotel satisfied with the correctness of the reports.
He said the starvation at Pullman was as bad if not worse than had been reported by the Times that 1,600 families in Pullman and vicinity were starving.
"Not only starving," said the governor, "but they are without fuel and in rags. They must not starve and I will remain in Pullman until some means can be devised for their relief.
"I went to Pullman in response to an invitation by the strikers' committee, and found matters even worse than represented. I visitedtheir homes and went through every room in some of their houses. Two representatives of the Pullman company who accompanied me, admitted that the houses visited were a fair representation of every house occupied by the strikers' families. Their condition is pitiful, there are families numbering from two to eight members and I tell you they are slowly starving to death. The little ones are crying with hunger and there is nothing in the house to eat. Something for their relief must be done immediately. I have thought of several measures, but as yet have arrived at no conclusion. For several months the people may have to be cared for, and it is well to go slow when one is treading in deep water. I suppose I will be abused no matter what steps I take, but I don't care a blank, as these people will not starve if I can prevent it, and I shall see that I do prevent it."
The governor declined to say anything in relation to the cause which created the present condition at Pullman. He said it was enough to know that women and children were crying with hunger, it was time enough to talk about the causes later.
Upon the governor's arrival at Pullman, abig man with gray whiskers and a lordly air rushed forward and presented his card to his excellency. He was August Rapp, chief designer of the company and formerly superintendent of the works. With him was Chief Wilde, Pullman's head accountant, whom he presented. It was evident that the governor did not wish to see the Pullman official.
"Where are the members of the committee that sent for me?" he demanded. "I want to see the men." Somewhat abashed Messrs. Wilde and Rapp stepped backward and three or four mechanics came forward. There was Thos. W. Heathcoat, G. A. Kreamer, Theo. Rhode and two or three members of the relief committee. "I want to see what you men have to show me," said the governor.
They repaired at once to the tenements on Fulton street, where the first stop was made at No. 124, occupied by Mrs. O'Halleron. A blind widow was found occupying four small rooms on the first floor. She told the governor that she had two sons aged nineteen and fourteen respectively and a daughter aged twenty. All three had worked for Pullman but were now idle. They had applied for work but were told there wasno work for them. One of the boys had been a brass polisher and the younger son and the daughter had worked in the laundry. They had lived in the town seven years. There was no coal in the house, they had a little food, given them by the relief committee, but they could not support themselves and said there was no one to look after their condition.
"Have the Pullman people sent any one to see you?"
"They have not," replied the blind woman.
She said they paid $12.60 for the four rooms. One of her sons had drawn $1.60 and the other 96 cents per day.
"Good luck to you, sir," she said as the governor walked away with his teeth set firmly together.
F. H. Taylor, superintendent of the Pullman company, had now joined the party taking the place of Accountant Wilde. Mr. Rapp pressed his way in everywhere though paying no attention to the audible slurs of the people about him.
Block B, across the way on Fulton street was next visited. The manner of Gov. Altgeld was kindly and he introduced himself in apleasant way, asking questions in a manner calculated to inspire confidence.
There were six families in Block B, some of the tenants had gone back to work. A poor woman in No. 3 said her husband was not working, he had been in Pullman for six years and had asked to return to work, but was told there was nothing for him to do, the shop was full. She had three little children but little to eat, only a bit of flour, coffee and tea from the relief store left.
In Block S, room 7, was John Carlson, a cabinet maker who had worked in Pullman for seven years and could not get his position back He had nothing in the house to eat.
"Have you eaten to-day?" asked the governor.
"I had some bread and coffee from a neighbor," said the man. "My wife is sick and I divided with her, we haven't a thing in the house now."
Theo. Ericson, of 301 Fulton street, had six in family. He said he could not get work and the money he had saved before the strike was all gone. The relief committee had given a little food.
"How many in Pullman," said the governor, "are in the same fix, whom you know of?"
"Lots of men, sir, I know of half a dozen in my neighborhood," answered the man.
Olaf Olson had worked in the street car shops and was now idle. He had six children and his wife to care for, they have nothing to eat, and he could get nothing from the relief committee as their supplies were exhausted.
Otto Wullf, of room 22, Block F, also had a wife and six children. He said that all he had in the house to eat was two pounds of oat meal from the relief store. As he told his story tears rolled down the cheeks of the big bearded fellow and the governor was visibly affected. His wife was sick abed he said and a newspaper reporter dropped a quarter into his hand while he used a handkerchief to remove the moisture from his eyes.
The man stated that his wages had been $1.30 per day, and his rent $9.60 per month for four small rooms.
Peter Anderson, of Kensington, said he had worked in the repair shop but could not get work now as the shop was filled, or at least so he was told when he applied.
He had five children and not enough to eat. He had borrowed a dollar with which to buy a sack of flour. This was all he had.
Mr. Vanderwein had a wife and four children and could not get a position. He had no money and only two pounds of oat meal, two pounds of corn meal and a little flour left.
Here someone whispered to the governor and the latter turned to Mr. Rapp and said:
"They tell me you are taking the names of those who complain, with a view of keeping them out of work?"
"That is not so, sir," said Rapp, coloring deeply.
"And," said the governor, "they tell me you are largely responsible for the reduction of the wages?"
"That is not so, sir," persisted Mr. Rapp.
"Well, men," said the governor, "let him come with us, this must not be a star chamber affair."
A boy named Koopka spoke for his father who did not understand English.
He was one of three children he said, and they hadn't enough to eat. No relief could beobtained now and every thing was gone but a few potatoes.
Mrs. Nathan Booth stepped forward. She said she had six children, all barefooted, the oldest eleven years, and the youngest six months. They had been two years in Pullman and her husband had earned $1.30 per day. He had no work now, and the only food was that given them by the wife of the Methodist minister.
Andrew Schelly said he had worked for the Pullman company twelve years but could get no work now, and his family had nothing to eat. He had borrowed a pair of shoes in which he could seek work.
A. Bergstrom for seven years in Pullman said he could not get his old position. He had five children, the eldest ten years, and they had no money, no food, no trust.
Frank Mass had been three years in Pullman, had three children and nothing to eat.
The wife of Pat Mullen, of Block E, room 1, appeared with a child in her arms and a toddler at her skirts.
They had been in Pullman twelve years and had four other children. Her husband could not get back to work because he was on thestrike committee. She did not know where the next meal was to come from.
Though wretchedly poor these people were clean and neat. They are all of the better class of laboring people.
John Cedarland sat at a table and stared stolidly at the visitors, while his wife with a baby at her breast and two at her heels stood by. A neighbor who had given them of her scanty store, said the man was sick and the family destitute. On Sunday she had given them a piece of meat, and wood with which to cook it.
A reporter slipped a quarter into her hand and received a look worth $8.00.
Two of John Smith's collectors, out with furniture bills as a matter of form, told the governor that two-thirds of the old men were still idle, and that the condition of these men was deplorable. They had called at one place where one of the children was celebrating its birthday and all there was for the feast was bread and onions. The collectors chipped in for a few luxuries.
Mrs. Peter Camp appeared with two children and reported five more, and there werescores of similar cases, all destitute and absolutely without food.
On his way back to the city the governor would say but little.
Mr. Wickes, vice president of the Pullman company called and was presented to his excellency in due form. The object of his visit was to tender his services as guide and escort.
This was declined.
Mr. Wickes expressed his regret that the governor saw fit not to accept the offer.
As a result of Gov. Altgeld's investigation he issued the following proclamation:
"To the People of Illinois, and Especially Those of the City of Chicago:There is great distress growing out of the want of food in and around the town of Pullman. More than a thousand families in the neighborhood of 6,000 people, are utterly destitute. Nearly four-fifths of them are women and children. The men have endeavored to get work but were unable to do so. I have made a personal examination of the case and learn from the officials of the Pullman company that prior to the strike they had 3,260 names on the pay roll; yesterday they had 2,220 people at work, butover 600 of these were new men, so that they have only about 1,600 of their old employes at work, leaving about 1,660 that have not been taken back. Several hundreds of these have left, but the remainder are unable to go away and have nothing to eat. I find that immediately after the beginning of the strike a relief association was formed to provide for the needy, and the books of this association show that 2,463 applications were made by the Pullman employes, mostly heads of families, to this association for aid. In fact, nearly all of the employes, except the few hundred who left, have been supported by charity for nearly three months.
"As a rule they are a superior class of laboring people, industrious, capable, and steady and some of them have worked for the Pullman company for more than ten years. Those who have been given work can get food, but are still in such an impoverished condition that they cannot help their neighbors if they would. The relief society is unable to get more supplies. Last Saturday it gave to each family two pounds of oat meal and two pounds of corn meal, and having nothing left it suspended operations, leaving the people in an absolutely helplesscondition. The county commissioners of Cook county, as overseers of the poor, have rendered some assistance, but owing to limited appropriation they can furnish relief but for a short time.
"We cannot now stop to inquire into the cause of this distress. The good people of this state cannot allow women and children by the hundred to perish of hunger. I therefore call upon all humane and charitably disposed citizens to contribute what they can toward giving relief to these people. I am satisfied that any contribution sent to the Pullman relief committee at Kensington, Ill., will be judiciously distributed. I find their treasurer has given a bond to properly account for all moneys received.
"John P. Altgeld."Governor.
"Aug. 21, 1894
"To the Honorable, the Board of County Commissioners of Cook County—
Gentlemen:Your attention has already been called to the great destitution that exists in and around the town of Pullman and you have furnished some relief there. I have made a personal investigation of the conditions there and find the suffering is very great for want of food. Irespectfully appeal to you as the officers upon whom devolves the duty of providing for cases of this kind, that you do the uttermost in your power to furnish immediate assistance to those people.
Very respectfully,"John P. Altgeld.
"Aug. 21, 1894.Governor."
Before leaving Springfield to investigate the condition at Pullman, Gov. Altgeld sent the following telegram to Mr. Pullman:
"Aug. 19, 1894."George M. Pullman, President of the Pullman's Palace Car Company, Chicago, Ill.:
"I have received numerous reports to the effect that there is great distress at Pullman. To-day I received a formal appeal as governor from a committee of the Pullman people for aid. They state that 1,600 families, including women and children, are starving; that they cannot get work and have not the means to go elsewhere; that your company has brought men from all over the United States to fill their places. Now, these people live in your town and were your employes. Some of them worked for your company for many years. They must be people of industry and character or you would not havekept them. Many of them have practically given their lives to you. It is claimed that they struck because after years of toil their wages were so reduced that their children went hungry. Assuming that they were wrong and foolish, they had yet served you long and well and you must feel some interest in them. They do not stand on the same footing with you, so that much must be overlooked. The state of Illinois has not the least desire to meddle in the affairs of your company, but it cannot allow a whole community within its borders to perish of hunger. The local overseer of the poor has been appealed to, but there is a limit to what he can do. I cannot help them very much at present, so unless relief comes from some other source I shall either have to call an extra session of the legislature to make special appropriation or else issue an appeal to the humane people of the state to give bread to your recent employes. It seems to me that you would prefer to relieve the situation yourself, especially as it has just cost the state upward of $50,000 to protect your property and as both the state and the public have suffered enormous loss and expense on account of disturbances that grew out of thetrouble between your company and its workmen. I am going to Chicago to-night to make a personal investigation before taking any official action. I will be in my office in the Unity block at 10A. M.to-morrow and shall be glad to hear from you if you care to make any reply.
John P. Altgeld."
The following letter was addressed to Mr. Pullman by Gov. Altgeld.
"Chicago, Ill., Aug. 21.
"George M. Pullman, President of the Pullman's Palace Car Company, Chicago.
"Sir:I examined the conditions at Pullman yesterday, visited even the kitchens and bedrooms of many of the people. Two representatives of your company were with me and we found the distress as great as it was represented. The men are hungry and the women and children are actually suffering. They have been living on charity for a number of months and it is exhausted. Men who have worked for your company for more than ten years had to apply to the relief society in two weeks after the work stopped. I learn from your manager that last spring there were 3,260 people on the pay roll; yesterday there were 2,220 at work, but over600 of these are new men, so that only about 1,600 of the old employes have been taken back, thus leaving over 1,000 of the old employes who have not been taken back. A few hundred have left. The remainder have nearly all applied for work, but were told that they were not needed. These are utterly destitute. The relief committee last Saturday gave out two pounds of oatmeal and two pounds of cornmeal to each family, but even the relief committee has exhausted its resources. Something must be done at once. The case differs from instances of destitution found elsewhere, for generally there is somebody in the neighborhood able to give relief. This is not the case at Pullman. Even those who have gone to work are so exhausted that they cannot help their neighbors if they would. I repeat now that it seems to me your company cannot afford to have me appeal to the charity and humanity of the state to save the lives of your old employes. Four-fifths of those people are women and children. No matter what caused this distress it must be met.
"If you will allow me I will make this suggestion: If you had shut down your works last fall when you say business was poor youwould not have expected to get any rent from your tenants. Now, while a dollar is a large sum to each of these people all the rent now due you is a comparatively small matter to you. If you will cancel all rent to Oct. 1, you will be as well off as if you had shut down. This would enable those at work to meet their most pressing wants. Then if you cannot give work to all, work some half time so that all can at least get something to eat for their families. This will give immediate relief to the whole situation and then by degrees assist as many to go elsewhere as desire to do so and all to whom you cannot give work. In this way something like a normal condition could be re-established at Pullman before winter and you would not be out any more than you would have been had you shut down a year ago. I will be at the Unity block for several hours and will be glad to see you if you care to make any reply.
"Yours respectfully,"John P. Altgeld."
Mr. Pullman replied as follows:
The Pullman's Palace Car Company,Office of the President
"Chicago, Ill., Aug. 21, 1894.
"Sir:I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date, giving your impressions derived from your visit to the town of Pullman yesterday. In pursuance of the invitation contained in your telegram of the 19th inst. I caused Mr. Wickes, a vice president of this company, who is thoroughly acquainted with its affairs at Pullman, to call upon you and offer you every assistance in his power or which could be offered by any officer of the company in making your proposed personal investigation. Mr. Wickes offered to accompany you to Pullman for this purpose, and I regret that you did not appear to consider that he could be of service to you. As an indication of the importance of the aid of local knowledge in making essential discriminations I may say to you that I have the best reason for believing that the husband of a wife who is published as representing her family to you yesterday as in need of help, drew more than $1,300 of his savings froma bank July 2 last for the purpose as he said of buying lots.
"While it has not been represented to the officers of this company by any persons concerned that there was any such extended distress at Pullman, as was represented for the first time by the extraordinary method of a published telegram to you in your official capacity, I do not doubt that there are many cases of need caused by the refusal of the employes for more than two and one-half months to earn offered wages of more than $300,000; and that such cases have been increased and made more severe by the persistence of more than 650 of our employes, of whom about 350 live in Pullman, in refusing to apply for their old places after the strike was practically over and after they were publicly invited, July 16, to resume their work, until by the gradual coming in of new men during the whole month their places have been filled and the full force engaged for all work in hand. In addition to this there is, no doubt, need among the old employes living in Pullman, a considerable number of whom have persistently refused to apply for work at all, many of themit is understood, considering themselves to be still engaged in a strike.
"I mention these things so that the responsibility for the existing situation, whatever it is may not be improperly placed. The situation, however, is one which must be dealt with without regard to what has caused it, and I shall give it the consideration which is due from the company. I do not, however, anticipate, as you appear to do, that those employes who have resumed their work will be limited to the satisfaction of their most pressing wants, and as to those who are not at work the cancelling of their rents is not, I venture to suggest, a question to which attention should first be given at the present juncture if their pressing needs are as you suppose them to be. The company will continue in its efforts to secure work in order to employ as many men as possible, and in that way relieve the situation as far as practicable.
"Your suggestion that the work should be divided so that a sufficient number of our present employes should be put on half time in order to give at least half time work for all was tried last winter. The result has been that the gross earnings of various individual employes werelast winter so small as to give an erroneous impression with reference to the sufficiency of the rate of wages. The policy of the company is now to employ only as many men as it is possible to furnish work for on full time.
"Very respectfully yours,"George M. Pullman,"President.
"The Hon. John P. Altgeld, Governor."
"Chicago, Aug. 21.
"George M. Pullman, Esq., President the Pullman's Palace Car Company, City.
"Sir:I have your answer to my communication this morning. I see by it that your company refuses to do anything toward relieving the situation at Pullman. It is true that Mr. Wickes offered to take me to Pullman and show me around. I told him that I had no objection to his going, but that I doubted the wisdom of my going under anybody's wing. I was, however, met by two of your representatives, both able men, who accompanied me everywhere. I took pains to have them present in each case. I also called at your office and got what information they could give there, so that your company was represented and heard, and no man therequestioned either the condition or the extent of their suffering. If you will make the round I made, go into the houses of these people, meet them face to face, and talk with them you will be convinced that none of them had $1,300 or any other sum of money a few weeks ago.
"I cannot enter into a discussion with you as to the merits of the controversy between you and your former workmen. It is not my business to fix the moral responsibility in this case. There are nearly 6,000 people suffering for the want of food—they were your employes—four-fifths of them are women and children—some of these people have worked for you more than twelve years. I assume that even if they were wrong and had been foolish you would not be willing to see them perish. I also assume that as the state has just been to a large expense to protect your property you would not want to have the public shoulder the burden of relieving distress in your town.
"As you refuse to do anything to relieve the suffering in this case I am compelled to appeal to the humanity of the people of Illinois to do so.
Respectfully yours,"John P. Altgeld."
The condition of the Pullman strikers elicited by the commission appointed by President Cleveland for that purpose as shown by the preceding extracts from the investigation, was known to the delegates to the convention of the American Railway Union held in Chicago in June. In turn they made known to the various local unions these deplorable conditions. Hence the boycott, or as it has been designated by the general managers, a sympathetic strike.
They have been charged with striking without a cause other than a fanciful grievance of the Pullman employe, and roundly censured for their actions. That too by men of kind hearts and liberal views who were not aware of the true situation. Had this commission been appointed previous to the boycott, it is my honest conviction, there would have been no trouble. The broad inherent spirit of humanity in American hearts would assert itself and thepowerful voice of public sentiment would terrorize this inhuman corporation into doing justice to their employes.
The defeat of the strikers was attributed to a great many causes, but the real cause can be laid to the federal government or the administration thereof.
President Cleveland, it is said, was and is a partner in a law firm who are employed by four of the largest railroad systems in the United States. The cabinet, with a few exceptions, are also connected with railroad corporations either directly or indirectly.
The federal courts are absolutely owned by the railroads, and consequently the whole federal government was arrayed against the strikers.
The federal judges prostituted the courts to the use of the railroads in granting injunctions to restrain the officers of the American Railway Union from acting in any form for or with that organization. From the time that Mr. Debs was successfully shackled by the courts, the strikers were like some great beheaded mastodon, staggering about, vainly endeavoring to retain the dying spark of life.
In order to be more explicit, just as soon as the officers of the American Railway Union were incarcerated, reports were circulated by the general managers at one point, that men at some distant point had returned to work. The men, where these reports would be received, would at once wire to the officers at Chicago, asking if it be true. The officers of the union were prohibited from sending telegrams, and on receiving no reply they would take it for granted that these reports were authentic, and apply for work. In short, when they lost the guidance of Debs, their ranks became demoralized. This was the real cause of the defeat of the American Railway Union. Its first defeat after twelve decisive victories, eleven of which were accomplished without a strike.
The prostitution of the government—founded on the blood of our forefathers—by the organized capital of this country, of which the greater part is foreign gold, is something of the most vital importance to every workingman in America to-day. This is a matter that demands the gravest thought of every American citizen who is loyal to himself, to his family and to his country.
The flagrant abuse of the constitution bythe plutocratic money power, if not checked by the people, will reduce them to a condition beneath that of any nation in the known world.
This strike has clearly demonstrated the truth of this assertion. In not one instance during the whole course of the trouble, have the representatives of the corporations and the representatives of the government failed to unite in destroying the constitutional rights of the American workingman.
The devilish ingenuity of this corporate power goes still further to retain the power they hold over the government. They have conceived a plan to disfranchise in a manner all members of the American Railway Union and deprive them of the right to vote. In this they have actually accomplished their purpose by forcing its members out of employment, and driving them from their homes to seek employment in foreign parts of the country on the eve of election, where they would not be eligible to vote.
The inherent cunning of this blood sucking money power would pale to insignificance the most diabolical deeds of the prince of darkness.
Blinded by their victory over the American Railway Union—through the assistance of thefederal courts—they will stop at nothing to complete the work of subjugation and annihilation. They have tested their power over the courts and find them so completely subservient to their will that they know they would be secure in carrying out any high-handed proceeding which they may deem necessary to complete their work of demoralization and hounding to death, if need be, the members of this order.
This was the very condition of affairs that President Debs anticipated, and tried to guard against. This was the impending danger against which he warned the men, and for this he filled a felon's cell in Cook county jail.
Against these conditions the people must unite and co-operate. We must no longer close our eyes to the glaring fact that we are being made parties to our own destruction by the corporations and trusts of this country, and their allies the Democratic and Republican parties.
These two great political parties are so completely controlled by the corporations, that anything asked of them is immediately granted, the only difference between the two being their views as to the best method by which they can serve these corporations.
The railroads combine and trusts of all kinds furnish the funds for campaign purposes, and also incidentally furnish the votes to elect their friends. They have in every precinct, ward, town, city, county and state, their hirelings who beguile the people into voting as they dictate.
The child like confidence of the people could not be shaken in the old parties. They were ever ready to place implicit faith in these designing politicians, believing that the laws made by them were just what was wanted for the people's salvation.
This delusion cannot last, the time is now ripe for action. The masses must protect their interests if they would be free to enjoy the rights awarded them by the constitution.
The American Railway Union has proven the greatest blessing to the working people of this country. It has torn the mask of hypocrisy from these plutocratic professional politicians and revealed them in their true character.
The working people can no longer afford to be deluded by these old parties. They must unite and arise in one grand body and assert their independence as freemen and intelligent American citizens, and by their ballot take possessionof this government of the capitalist, by the capitalist, and for the capitalist, and again make it a government of the people, by the people and for the people.
President Debs struck the keynote when he said that it was better for the government to own the railroads than for the railroads to own the government. Our only chance to succeed in obtaining our constitutional rights is by legislation and this we must create ourselves. We never can obtain it through either of the old parties and therefore must ally ourselves to a new party.
It is time that every intelligent workingman would think and act for himself. All semblance to aristocracy in labor must be eliminated, the skillful artisan has no more guarantee of just treatment than has the common laborer.
Every workingman should endorse the Peoples party. They must unite as one, in one common cause and strike for their rights with the only effective weapon left to them, "the ballot."
This strike has proven beyond doubt that the protective features in railroad organizations, and other organizations as well, is a dead letter as long as the federal courts are controlled by capital.Unless this is remedied, all labor organizations might just as well send in their charters and cease to exist.
I cannot believe that the American people will allow this state of affairs to continue. There are many men in public life to-day whose motives are pure and unselfish. Such men as Governors Altgeld, Waite, Penoyer; Congressmen Kyle, Pfeffer, McGann, Pence, Goldgier; Mayor Hopkins of Chicago, Sydney M. Owens, Clarence S. Darrow, Judge Tully, Gen. Weaver, W. W. Erwin and hosts of others, who publicly espoused the cause of the strikers.
The subsidized press, the most dangerous enemy of labor, and next to the courts, the most effective weapon in the hands of the railroad corporations in destroying the rights of labor and defeating the strikers, has again fallen in line as the champions of the laboring classes. With hypocritical pretensions to sympathy for the workingman, the organs of the two great political parties have begun to knife each other, and unite in denouncing the People's party, all for the benefit of the poor farmer, railroader, mechanic and laborer. They are loud in their denunciation of trusts, combines and corporations ofall kinds that have a tendency to crush the poor working people. Their great and generous hearts are overflowing with sympathy for the poor oppressed toiler.
The question is, can the American workingman be again deluded by these organs of organized capital?
The laboring people do not want sympathy, neither do they want charity, all they want is simple justice, and this they must and will have.
There are exceptions among the press and these should be remembered by the people. Papers that were champions of right and justice and whom the general managers could not buy.
And now, kind reader, in conclusion I will quote the words of him, whose noble life is devoted to the cause of humanity:
"The strike was not a failure. It will pass into history as a noble struggle for a righteous cause, and those who participated in it, whatever their immediate sacrifices may be, will in the end feel amply compensated for all their losses."