[25]Pray.[26]Wolsey's Palace as Archb. of York: after his fall it became the Royal Palace of Whitehall.[27]Sans autre.[28]The name of a prison.[29]Restrained.[30]Good will.[31]Caecitatem = blindness.[32]Potsherdes = broken pieces of earthenware.[33]Sang (Fr.), blood.[34]Pardieu.[35]Sort.[36]Quatrivials = astrology, geometry, arithmetic, music.[37]The trivials = grammar, rhetoric, and logic.[38]To make good our story.[39]Mad.
[25]Pray.
[26]Wolsey's Palace as Archb. of York: after his fall it became the Royal Palace of Whitehall.
[27]Sans autre.
[28]The name of a prison.
[29]Restrained.
[30]Good will.
[31]Caecitatem = blindness.
[32]Potsherdes = broken pieces of earthenware.
[33]Sang (Fr.), blood.
[34]Pardieu.
[35]Sort.
[36]Quatrivials = astrology, geometry, arithmetic, music.
[37]The trivials = grammar, rhetoric, and logic.
[38]To make good our story.
[39]Mad.
Cardinal Wolsey to King Henry.From the Originals lent me by Sir William Cook.
Source.—Burnet'sHistory of the Reformation, Part III.;Collection of Records, Book I., No. 7.
Sir,
It may like your highness to understand I have this hour received letters from your Orators Resident in the court of Rome, mentioning how the xivth day of this instant month, it pleased Almighty God to call the Pope's Holiness to His mercy, whose soul our Lord pardon. And in what train the matters then were at that time for election of the future Pope, your Highness shall perceive by the letters of your said Orators, which I send unto the same at this time, whereby appeareth that mine absence from thence shall be the only obstacle (if any be) in the election of me to that dignity; albeit there is no great semblance that the college of Cardinals shall consent upon any being there present, because of the sundry factions that be among themselves, for which cause, though afore God, I repute myself right unmeet and unable to so high and great dignity, desiring much rather to demure, continue and end my life with your Grace, for doing of such service as may be to your Honour and Wealth of thisyour realm, than to be x Popes, yet nevertheless, remembering what mind and opinion your grace was of, at the last vacation, to have me preferred thereunto, thinking that it should be to the honour, benefit, etc. advancement of your affairs in time coming; and supposing that your Highness persisteth in the same mind and intent, I shall devise such instructions, commissions and other writings, as the last time was delivered to Mr. Pace for that purpose: And the same I shall send to your grace by the next post, whom it may like to do farther therein as will stand with your gracious pleasure, whereunto I shall always conform myself accordingly. And to the intent it may appear farther to your grace what mind and determination they be of, towards mine advancement, which as your Orators wrote, have now at this present time the principal authority and chief stroke in the election of the Pope, making in mannerTriumviratum, I send unto your Highness their several letters to me addressed in that behalf, beseeching Our Lord that such one may be chosen as may be to the Honour of God, the weal of Christ's Church, and the benefit of all Christendom. And thus Jesu preserve your most Noble and Royal Estate: At the More the last Day of September, by
Your most humble chaplain,T. Carlis. Ebor.
Your most humble chaplain,
T. Carlis. Ebor.
Source.—Burnet'sHistory of the Reformation, Vol. III.;Collection of Records, Part I., No. 8.
Sir,
It may like your Grace to understand that ensuing the tenor of my letter sent unto your Highness yesterday, I have devised such Commissions and Letters to be sent unto your counsellors the Bishop of Bath, Mr. Richard Pace, and Mr. Thomas Hanibal, jointly and severally, as at the last time of vacation of the Papal Dignity were delivered unto the said Mr. Richard Pace; for the Preferment either of me, or that failing of the Cardinal de Medici unto the same, which letters and commissions if it stand with your gracious pleasure tohave that matter set forth, it may like your Highness of your benign Grace and Goodness to sign, so to be sent to the Court of Rome in such diligence as the importance of the same, with the brevity of the time doth necessarily require. And to the intent also that the Emperor may the more effectually and speedily concur with your Highness for the furtherance hereof, albeit, I suppose verily that ensuing the Conference and Communications which he hath had with your Grace in that behalf, he hath not praetermitted before this time to advance the same, yet nevertheless for the more acceleration of this furtherance to be given thereunto, I have also devised a familiar letter in the name of your grace to be directed unto his Majesty, which if it may please your Highness to take the pain for to write with your own hand, putting thereunto your secret sign and mark, being between your Grace and the said Emperor, shall undoubtedly do singular benefit and furtherance to your gracious Intent and virtuous purpose in that behalf. Beseeching Almighty God that such effect may ensue thereof, as may be in his pleasure, the contentation of your highness, the weal and exaltation of your most Royal estate, realm, and affairs, and howsoever the matter shall chance, I shall no less knowledge myself obliged and bounden far above any my deserts unto your Highness, than if I had attained the same, whereunto I would never in thought aspire, but to do honour good and service unto your Noble Person and this your Realm. And thus Jesu preserve your most Noble and Royal Estate, at the More the first day of October, by
Your most humble chaplain,T. Carlis. Ebor.
Your most humble chaplain,
T. Carlis. Ebor.
A Part of Cardinal Wolsey's Letter to the King.
Source.—Burnet'sHistory of the Reformation, Part III., Book I.;Collection of Records, Number 12.
We daily and hourly musing and thinking on your Grace's great and secret affair, and how the same may come to goodeffect and desired end, as well for the deliverance of your Grace out of the thrauld,[40]pensive, and dolorous life that the same is in, as for the continuance of your health and the surety of your realm and succession, considering also that the Pope's consent, or his Holiness detained in captivity, the authority of the cardinals now to be convoked into France equivalent thereunto, must concur for approbation of such process as I shall make in that behalf; and that if the Queen shall fortune, which it is to be supposed she will do, either appeal or utterly decline from my Jurisdiction (one of the said authorities is also necessarily requisite). I have none other thought nor study but how in available manner the same may be attained. And after long discussion and debating with myself, I finally am reduced and resolved to two points; the one is that the Pope's consent cannot be obtained and had in this case, unless his deliverance out of captivity be first procured; the other is that the Cardinals can nothing do in this behalf, unless there be by them consultation and order taken, what shall be donein Administratione rerum Ecclesiasticarum durante dicta captivitate summi Pontificis.
As touching the restitution of the Pope to liberty, the state of the present affairs considered the most prompt sure and ready way is, by conclusion of the peace betwixt the Emperor and the French King: for the advancement and setting forward whereof I shall put myself in extreme devour, and by all possible means induce and persuade the said French King to strain himself and condescend to as much of the Emperor's demands as may stand with reason and surety of his and your Grace's affairs; moving him further, that forasmuch as the Emperor taketh your Highness as a Mediator making fair demonstration in words, that he will at your contemplation and arbitre, not only declare the bottom of his mind concerning his demand, but also remit and relent in the same, he will be contented that your Grace forbearing the intimation of hostility may in the managing of the said Peace and inducing the Emperor to reasonable conditions, be so taken and reputed ofhim, without any outward declaration to the contrary until such time as the conducing of the said peace shall be clearly desperate. Whereby if the said French King can be induced thereunto, may in the mean season use the benefit of their intercourse in the Emperor's Low-Countries: not omitting nevertheless for the time of soliciting the said peace, the diligent zeal and effectual execution of the sword by Monsieur de Lautrek in the parties of Italy: whereby your Grace's said mediation shall be the more set by and regarded.
And in case the said peace cannot be by these means brought to effect, whereupon might ensue the Pope's deliverance, by whose authority and consent your Grace's affair should take most sure honourable effectual and substantial end, and who I doubt not considering your Grace's gratitude, would facilely be induced to do all things therein that might be to your Grace's good satisfaction and purpose, then and in that case there is none other remedy but the Convocation of the said Cardinals; who as I am informed will not nor can conveniently converse in any other place but at Avignon, where the Administration of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction hath been in semblable cases heretofore exercised. To the which place if the said Cardinals can be induced to come, your Highness being so contented, I purpose also to repair, not sparing any labour, travail or pain in my body, charges or expense, to do service unto your Grace in that behalf; according to that most bounden duty and hearty desire, there to consult and devise with them for the governance and administration of the authority of the Church during the said captivity: which shall be a good ground and fundament for the effectual execution of your Grace's secret affair.
And forasmuch as thus repairing to Avignon I shall be near to the Emperor's confines, and within an hundred miles of Perpinian, which is a commodious and convenient place to commune and treat with the Emperor's person, I think in my poor opinion that the conducing of peace by your Grace's mediation not being desperate, nor intimation of hostility made on your behalf, it should much confer as well for thedeliverance of the Pope, as for concluding of the Peace between the French King and the Emperor, if his Majesty can be so contented that a meeting might be between him, my Lady the French king's mother, and me at the said Perpinian; to the which....
(The rest of this letter has been lost.)
[40]Enslaved.
[40]Enslaved.
Source.—Tyndale'sObedience of a Christian Man and how Christian Rulers ought to Govern, 1528, p. 12.
That thou mayest perceive how that the Scripture ought to be in the mother tongue, and that the reasons which our spirits make for the contrary are but sophistry and false wiles to fear thee from the light, that thou mightest follow them blindfold and be their captive to honour their ceremonies and to offer to their belly.
First God gave the children of Israel a law by the hand of Moses in their mother tongue, and all the prophets wrote in their mother tongue, and all the psalms were in the mother tongue. And there was Christ but figured and described in ceremonies, in riddles, in parables and in dark prophecies. What is the cause that we may not have the Old Testament with the New also, which is the light of the old, and wherein is openly declared before the eyes that there was darkly prophesied? I can imagine no cause verily, except it be that we should not see the work of Antichrist and juggling of hypocrites. What should be the cause that we which walk in the broad day should not see as well as they that walked in the night, or that we should not see as well at noon as they did in the twilight? Came Christ to make the world more blind? By this means, Christ is the darkness of the world, and not the light as he saith himself, John viii.
Moreover, Moses saith, Deutero. vi, "Hear, Israel, let these words which I command thee this day stick fast in thine heart, and whet them on thy children, and talk of them as thousittest in thine house and as thou walkest by the way and when thou liest down and when thou risest up, and bind them for a token of thine hand, and let them be a remembrance between thine eyes, and write them on the posts and gates of thine house." This was commanded generally unto all men. How cometh it that God's word pertaineth less unto us than unto them? Yea, how cometh it that our Moseses forbid us and command us the contrary, and threat us if we do, and will not that we once speak of God's word? How can we whet God's word (that is put in practise, use and exercise) upon our children and household, when we are violently kept from it and know it not? How can we (as Peter commandeth) give a reason for our hope, when we wot not what it is that God hath promised or what to hope? Moses also commandeth in the said chapter: if the son ask what the testimonies, laws and observances of the Lord mean, that the father teach him. If our children ask what our ceremonies (which are no more than the Jewses were) mean, no father can tell his son. And in the xi chapter he repeateth all again, for fear of forgetting.
They will say haply "the Scripture requireth a pure mind and a quiet mind. And therefore the lay-man, because he is altogether cumbered with worldly business, cannot understand them." If that be the cause, then it is a plain case that our prelates understand not the Scriptures themselves. For no lay-man is so tangled with worldly business as they are. The great things of the world are ministered by them. Neither do the lay people any great thing but at their assignment.
"If the Scripture were in the mother tongue," they will say, "then would the lay people understand it every man after his own ways." Wherefore serveth the curate but to teach them the right way? Wherefore were the holidays made but that the people should come and learn? Are ye not abominable schoolmasters in that ye take so great wages, if ye will not teach? If ye would teach, how could ye do it so well and with so great profit as when the lay people have the Scripture before them in their mother tongue? For then should they see, by the order of the text, whether thou juggledest or not. Andthen would they believe it because it is the Scripture of God, though thy living be never so abominable. Where now, because your living and your preaching are so contrary and because they grope out in every sermon your open and manifest lies and smell your unsatiable covetousness, they believe you not when you preach truth. But alas, the curates themselves (for the most part) wot no more what the New or Old Testament meaneth than do the Turks. Neither know they of any more than that they read at masse, matins, and evensong, which yet they understand not. Neither care they but even to mumble up so much every day (as the pie and popinjay speak they wot not what) to fill their bellies with all. If they will not let the lay-man have the word of God in his mother tongue, yet let the priests have it, which, for a great part of them, do understand no Latin at all; but sing and say and patter all day with the lips only that which the heart understandeth not.
Source.—Edward Hall'sHenry VIII. Grafton's Edition, 1548.[41]
Here is to be remembered, that at this present time, William Tindale had newly translated and imprinted the New Testament in English, and the Bishop of London, not pleased with the translation thereof, debated with himself, how he might compass and devise to destroy that false and erroneous translation, (as he said). And so it happened that one Augustine Packington, a Mercer and Merchant of London, and of great honesty, the same time was in Antwerp, where the Bishop then was, and this Packington was a man that highly favoured William Tindale, but to the bishop utterly showed himself tothe contrary. The bishop desirous to have his purpose brought to pass, communed of the New Testament, and how gladly he would buy them. Packington then hearing that he wished for, said unto the bishop, my Lord, if it be your pleasure, I can in this matter do more, I dare say, than most of the Merchants of England that are here, for I know the Dutchmen and strangers, that have bought them of Tyndale, and have them here to sell, so that if it be your lordship's pleasure, to pay for them (for otherwise I cannot come by them, but I must disburse money for them) I will then assure you, to have every book of them, that is imprinted and is here unsold. The Bishop thinking that he had God by the toe, when indeed he had (as after he thought) the Devil by the fist, said, gentle Master Packington, do your diligence and get them, and with all my heart I will pay for them, whatsoever they cost you, for the books are erroneous and naughty, and I intend surely to destroy them all, and to burn them at Paul's Cross. Augustine Packington came to William Tyndale and said, William I know thou art a poor man, and hast a heap of new Testaments and books by thee for the which thou hast both endangered thy friends, and beggared thyself, and I have now gotten thee a Merchant, which with ready money shall dispatch thee of all that thou hast, if you think it so profitable for yourself. Who is the merchant, said Tyndale. The bishop of London, said Packington. O that is because he will burn them, said Tyndale. Yea Mary, quod Packington. I am the gladder, said Tyndale, for these two benefits shall come thereof, I shall get money of him for these books, to bring myself out of debt, and the whole world shall cry out upon the burning of God's word. And the overplus of the money that shall remain to me, shall make me more studious, to correct the said New Testament, and so newly to imprint the same once again, and I trust the second will much better like you, than ever did the first: And so forward went the bargain, the bishop had the books, Packington the thanks, and Tyndale had the money. Afterwards, when more new Testaments were imprinted, they came thick and threefold into England. Thebishop of London hearing that still there were so many New Testaments abroad, sent for Augustine Packington and said unto him: Sir, how cometh this that there are so many New Testaments abroad, and you promised and assured me that you had bought all? Then said Packington, I promise you I bought all that there was to be had: but I perceive they have made more since, and it will never be better, as long as they have the letters and stamps; therefore it were best for your lordship, to buy the stamps too, and then are you sure: the bishop smiled at him and said, Well Packington, well. And so ended this matter.
[41]No reference has been given to the paging, as it is improbable that readers will have access to the Grafton Edition. Should there be need for further reference to Hall's Life, no difficulty will be found, as in all editions each year has a separate chapter.
[41]No reference has been given to the paging, as it is improbable that readers will have access to the Grafton Edition. Should there be need for further reference to Hall's Life, no difficulty will be found, as in all editions each year has a separate chapter.
Source.—Burnet'sHistory of the Reformation, Book III.;Collection of Records, Book II. No 17.
Trusty and well beloved subjects, we greet you well. And whereas we have, for an high and weighty cause of ours, not only consulted many and substantial well learned men within our Realm and without, for certain considerations our conscience moving, we think it also very convenient to feel the minds of you amongst you in our University of Oxenford, which be erudite in the faculty of Divinity, to the intent we may perceive of what conformity ye be with the others, which marvellously both wisely and substantially have declared to us their intent and mind: not doubting but that ye for the allegiance and fidelity that ye are bound unto us in, will as sincerely and truly without any abuse declare your minds and conscience in this behalf, as any of the other have done. Wherefore we will and command you, that ye not leaning to wilful and sinister opinions of your own several minds, not giving credence to misreports and sinister opinions or persuasions,considering we be your sovereign Liege Lord, totally giving your true mind and affection to the true overture of Divine learning in this behalf, do shew and declare your true and just learning in the said cause, like as ye will abide by; wherein ye shall not only please Almighty God, but also us your Liege Lord. And we for your so doing shall be to you and our University there so good and gracious a Sovereign Lord for the same, as ye shall perceive it well employed to your well fortune to come; in case you do not uprightly according to Divine Learning hand yourselves herein, ye may be assured, that we, not without great cause, shall so quickly and sharply look to your unnatural misdemeanour herein, that it shall not be to your quietness and ease hereafter. Wherefore we heartily pray you, that according both to Duty to God and your Prince, you set apart all untrue and sinister informations, and accommodate yourselves to mere truth as it becometh true subjects to do; assuring you that those that do, shall be esteemed and set forth, and the contrary neglected and little set by: trusting that now you know our mind and pleasure, we shall see such conformity among you, that we shall hereof take great consolation and comfort, to the great allegement of our conscience; willing and commanding you among you to give perfect credence to my Lord of Lincoln our Confessor in this behalf and matter: and in all things which he shall declare unto you or cause to be declared in our behalf, to make unto us either by him or the authentic letters full answer and resolution, which, your duties well-remembered, we doubt not but that it shall be our high contention and pleasure.
Given under, etc.
Given under, etc.
Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And of late being informed, to our no little marvel and discontentation, that a great part of the youth of that our University with contentious factions and manner, daily combining together, neither regarding their duty to us their Sovereign Lord, noryet conforming themselves to the opinions and orders of the virtuous, wise, sage, and profound learned men of that University, wilfully to stick upon the opinion to have a great number of regents and non-regents to be associate unto the doctors, proctors, and Bachelors of Divinity, for the determination of our question; which we believe hath not been often seen, that such a number of right small learning in regard to the other, should be joined with so famous a sort, or in a manner stay their seniors in so weighty a cause: which as we think should be no small dishonour to our University there, but most especially to you the seniors and rulers of the same, assuring you that this their unnatural and unkind demeanour is not only right much to our displeasure, but much to be marvelled of, upon what ground and occasion they being our mere subjects, should show themselves more unkind and wilful in this matter, than all other universities both in this and in all other regions do. Finally, we trusting in the dexterity and wisdom of you and other the said discreet and substantial learned men of that University, be in perfect hope, that ye will condemn and frame the said young persons unto good order and conformity, as it becometh you to do. Wherefore we be desirous to hear with incontinent diligence, and doubt you not we shall regard the demeanour of everyone of the University, according to their merits and deserts. And if the youth of the University will play masteries, as they begin to do, we doubt not but that they shall well perceive thatnon est bonum irritare crabrones.
Given under, etc.
Given under, etc.
Source.—Cavendish'sLife of Wolsey, p. 229.
"I will give no judgement herein until I have made relation unto the Pope of all our proceedings, whose counsel and commandment in this high case I will observe. The case is toohigh and notable known throughout the world, for us to give any hasty judgement, considering the highness of the persons and the doubtful allegations; and also whose commissioners we be, and under whose authority we sit here. It was therefore reason, that we should make our chief head of counsel in the same, before we proceed to judgement definitive. I come not so far to please any man, for fear, meed, or favour, be he king or any other potentate. I have no such respect to the persons that I will offend my conscience. I will not for favour or displeasure of any high estate or mighty prince do that thing that should be against the law of God. I am an old man, both sick and impotent, looking daily for death. What should it then avail me to put my soul in the danger of God's displeasure, to my utter damnation, for the favour of any prince or high estate in this world? My coming and being here is only to see justice ministered according to my conscience, as I thought thereby the matter either good or bad. And for as much as I do understand, and having perceivance by the allegations and negations in this matter laid for both the parties, that the truth in this case is very doubtful to be known, and also that the party defendant will make no answer thereunto, but doth rather appeal from us, supposing that we be not indifferent, considering the king's high dignity and authority within his own realm which he hath over his own subjects; and we being his subjects, and having our livings and dignities in the same, she thinketh that we cannot minister true and indifferent justice for fear of his displeasure. Therefore to avoid all these ambiguities and obscure doubts, I intend not to damn my soul for no prince nor potentate alive. I will therefore, God willing, wade no farther in this matter, unless I have the just opinion and judgement, with the assent of the pope, and such other of his counsel as hath more experience and learning in such doubtful laws than I have. Wherefore I will adjourn this court for this time, according to the order of the court in Rome, from whence this court and jurisdiction is derived. And if we should go further than our commission doth warrant us, it were folly and vain,and much to our slander and blame; and we might be accounted the same breakers of this order of the higher court from whence we have (as I said) our original authorities."
Source.—Cavendish'sLife of Wolsey(published by Harding and Lepard, 1827), p. 241.
And as I[42]heard it reported by them that waited upon the king at dinner, that Mistress Anne Boleyn was much offended with the King, as far as she durst, that he so gently entertained my lord, saying, as she sat with the King at dinner, in communication of him, "Sir," quoth she, "is it not a marvellous thing to consider what debt and danger the cardinal hath brought you in with all your subjects?" "How so, sweetheart?" quoth the King. "Forsooth," quoth she, "there is not a man in all your realm, worth five pounds, but he hath indebted you unto him," (meaning by a loan that the king had but late of his subjects). "Well, well," quoth the King, "as for that there is in him no blame; for I know that matter better than you, or any other." "Nay, Sir," quoth she, "besides all that, what things hath he wrought within this realm to your great slander and dishonour? There is never a nobleman within this realm that if he had done but half so much as he hath done, but he were well worthy to lose his head. If my Lord of Norfolk, my Lord of Suffolk, my lord my father, or any other noble person within your realm, had done much less than he, but they should have lost their heads ere this." "Why, then, I perceive," quoth the king, "ye are not the Cardinal's friend?" "Forsooth, Sir," then quoth she, "I have no cause, nor any other that loveth your grace, no more have your grace if ye consider well his doings."
[42]"I" refers to Cavendish, who was Wolsey's Gentleman Usher.
[42]"I" refers to Cavendish, who was Wolsey's Gentleman Usher.
Source.—Cavendish'sLife of Wolsey, p. 246.
After Cardinal Campeggio was thus departed and gone, Michaelmas Term drew near, against the which my lord returned unto his house at Westminster; and when the Term began, he went to the Hall in such like sort and gesture as he was wont most commonly to do, and sat in the Chancery, being Chancellor. After which day he never sat there more. The next day he tarried at home, expecting the coming of the Dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, who came not that day: but the next day they came thither unto him: to whom they declared how the king's pleasure was that he should surrender and deliver up the great seal into their hands, and to depart simply unto Asher, (Esher) a house situate nigh Hampton Court, belonging to the Bishoprick of Winchester. My lord, understanding their message, demanded of them what commission they had to give him any such commandment, who answered him again, that they were sufficient commissioners in that behalf, having the King's commandment by his mouth so to do. "Yet," quoth he, "that is not sufficient for me, without further commandment of the King's pleasure; for the great seal of England was delivered me by the King's own person, to enjoy during my life, with the ministration of the office and high room of Chancellorship of England: for my surety whereof, I have the King's letters patent to show." Which matter was greatly debated between the Dukes and him, with many stout words between them; whose words and checks he took in patience for the time; in so much that the dukes were fain to depart again, without their purpose at that present: and returned again unto Windsor to the King: and what report they made I cannot tell; howbeit the next day they came again from the King, bringing with them the King's letters. After the receipt and reading of the same by my lord, which was done with much reverence, he delivered unto them, the great seal, contented to obey the King's highcommandment: and seeing that the King's pleasure was to take his house, with the contents, was well pleased simply to depart to Asher, taking nothing but only some provision for his house.
Source.—Cavendish'sLife of Wolsey(published by Harding and Lepard, 1827), p. 474.
My Own Good Master Secretary,
After my most hearty commendations I pray you at the reverence of God to help, that expedition be used in my pursuits, the delay whereof so replenisheth my heart with heaviness, that I can take no rest; not for any vain fear, but only for the miserable condition that I am presently in, and likelihood to continue in the same, unless that you, in whom is my assured trust do help and relieve me therein; For first, continuing here in this moist and corrupt air, being entered into the passion of the dropsy,Cum prostatione appetitus et continuo insomnio. I cannot live: Wherefore of necessity I must be removed to some other dryer air and place, where I may have commodity of physicians. Secondly, having but Yorke, which is now decayed, by £800 by the year, I cannot tell how to live, and keep the poor number of folks which I now have, my houses there be in decay, and of everything meet for household unprovided and furnished. I have no apparel for my houses there, nor money to bring me thither, nor to live with till the propice time of the year shall come to remove thither. These things considered, Mr. Secretary, must needs make me in agony and heaviness, mine age therewith and sickness considered, alas Mr. Secretary, ye with other my lords showed me, that I should otherwise be furnished and seen unto, ye know in your learning and conscience, whether I should forfeit my spiritualities of Winchester or no. Alas! the qualities of mine offences considered, with the great punishment and loss of goods that I have sustained, ought to movepitiful hearts; and the most noble king, to whom if it would please you of your charitable goodness to show the premises after your accustomed wisdom and dexterity, it is not to be doubted, but his highness would have consideration and compassion, augmenting my living, and appointing such thing as should be convenient for my furniture, which to do shall be to the king's high honour, merit, and discharge of conscience, and to you great praise for the bringing of the same to pass for your old bringer up and loving friend. This kindness exhibited from the king's highness shall prolong my life for some little while, though it shall not be long, by the means whereof his grace shall take profit, and by my death not. What is it to his Highness to give some convenient portion out of Winchester, and St. Albans, his Grace taking with my hearty good will the residue. Remember, good Mr. Secretary, my poor degree, and what service I have done, and how now approaching to death, I must begin the world again. I beseech you therefore, moved with pity and compassion, succour me in this my calamity, and to your power which I know is great, relieve me; and I with all mine shall not only ascribe this my relief unto you, but also pray to God for the increase of your honour, and as my poor shall increase, so I shall not fail to requite your kindness. Written hastily at Asher,[43]with the rude and shaking hand of
Your daily bedesmanand assured friend,T. Carlis Ebor.To the right honourableand my assured friend, Master Secretary.
Your daily bedesman
and assured friend,
T. Carlis Ebor.
To the right honourable
and my assured friend, Master Secretary.
[43]Esher.
[43]Esher.
Source.—Burnet'sHistory of the Reformation, Part I.;Collection of Records, Book II. xlii.
"After most humble commendations, and most devout kissing of your blessed feet. Albeit that we have hitherto deferred to make answer to those letters dated at Bonony, the 7th day of October; which letters of late were delivered unto us by Paul of Casali. Yet when they appear to be written for this cause, that we deeply considering the contents of the same, should provide for the tranquillity of our own conscience, and should purge such scruples and doubts conceived of our cause of Matrimony. We could neither neglect those letters sent for such a purpose, nor after that we had diligently examined and perpended the effects of the same, which we did very diligently, noting, conferring and revolving every thing in them contained, with deep study of mind, pretermit nor leave to answer unto them. For since that your Holiness seemeth to go about that thing chiefly, which is to vanquish those doubts, and to take away inquietations which daily do prick our conscience: and insomuch as it doth appear at the first sight to be done of zeal, love and piety, we therefore do thank you of your good will. Howbeit since it is not performed in deed, that you pretend, we have thought it expedient to require your Holiness to provide us other remedies: wherefore forasmuch as your Holiness would vouchsafe to write unto us concerning this matter, we heartily thank you greatly lamenting also both the chance of your Holiness and also ours, unto whom both twain it hath chanced in so high a matter of so great moment to be frustrated and deceived: that is to say, that your Holiness not being instructed, nor having knowledge of the matter, of your self should be compelled to hang upon the judgement of others, and so put forth and make answers, gathered of other men, being variable and repugnant among themselves. And that we being so long sick and exagitate with this same sore, should so long time in vain look forremedy: which when we have augmented our aegritude and distress, by delay and protracting of time, you do so cruciate the patient and afflicted as who seeth it should much avail to protract the cause, and thorough vain hope of the end of our desire to lead us whither you will. But to speak plainly to your Holiness; forasmuch as we have suffered many injuries, which with great difficulty we do sustain and digest; albeit that among all things passed by your Holiness, some cannot be laid, alleged, nor objected against your Holiness, yet in many of them some default appeareth to be in you, which I would to God we could so diminish as it might appear no default; but it cannot be hid, which is so manifest and though we could say nothing, the thing itself speaketh. But as to that that is affirmed in your letters, both of God's law, and man's, otherwise than is necessary and truth, let that be ascribed to the temerity and ignorance of your Counsellors, and your Holiness to be without all default save only for that you do not admit more discreet and learned men to be your Counsellors, and stop the mouths of them which liberally would speak the truth. This truly is your default, and verily a great fault, worthy to be alienated and abhorred of Christ's Vicar, in that you have dealt so variably, yea, rather so inconstantly and deceivably. Be ye not angry with my words and let it be lawful for me to speak the truth without displeasure; if your Holiness shall be displeased with that we do rehearse, impute no default in us, but in your own deeds, which deeds have so molested and troubled us wrongfully that we speak now unwillingly, and as enforced thereunto. Never was there any prince so handled by a Pope, as your Holiness hath intreated us. First when our cause was proponed to your Holiness, when it was explicated and declared afore the same; when certain doubts in it were resolved by your Counsellors, and all things discussed, it was required that answer might be made thereunto by the order of the Law. There was offered a commission, with a promise also that the same commission should not be revoked; and whatsoever sentence should be given, should straight without delay be confirmed.The judges were sent unto us, the promise was delivered to us, subscribed with your Holiness' hand; which avouched to confirm the sentence and not to revoke the Commission, nor grant anything else that might let the same; and finally to bring us in a greater hope, a certain Commission Decretal, defining the cause, was delivered to the Judges' hands. If your Holiness did grant us all these things justly, you did injustly revoke them; and if by good and truth the same was granted, they were not made frustrate or annihilate without fraud; so as if there were no deceit nor fraud in the revocation, then how wrongfully and subtly have been done those things that have been done! Whether will your Holiness say, that you might do those things that you have done, or that you might not do them? If you will say that you might do them, where then is the faith which becometh a friend, yea, and much more a Pope to have those things not being performed, which lawfully were promised? And if you will say that you might not do them, have we not then very just cause to mistrust those medicines and remedies with which in your letters you go about to heal our conscience, especially in that we may perceive and see those remedies to be prepared for us, not to relieve the sickness and disease of our mind, but for other means, pleasures and worldly respects? And as it should seem profitable that we should ever continue in hope or despair, so always the remedy is attempted; so that we being always a-healing, and never healed, should be sick still. And this truly was the chief cause why we did consult and take the advice of every learned man, being free without all affection, that the truth (which now with our labour and study we seem partly to have attained) by their judgements more manifestly divulged, we might more at large perceive; whose judgements and opinions it is easy to see how much they differ from that, that those few men of yours do shew unto you, and by those your letters is signified. Those few men of yours do affirm the prohibition of our marriage to be inducted only by the law positive, as your Holiness has also written in your letters; but all others say the prohibition to be inducted, both by the law of Godand Nature. Those men of yours do suggest, that it may be dispensed for avoiding all slanders. The others utterly do contend, that by no means it is lawful to dispense with that, that God and Nature have forbidden. We do separate from our cause the authority of the See Apostolic, which we do perceive to be destitute of that learning whereby it should be directed; and because your Holiness doth ever profess your ignorance and is wont to speak of other men's mouths, we do confer the sayings of those, with the sayings of them that be of the contrary opinion; for to confer the reasons it were too long. But now the Universities of Cambridge, Oxford in our realms; Paris, Orleans, Biturisen,[44]Andegavon[45]in France; and Bonony[46]in Italy, by one consent; and also divers other of the most famous and learned men, being freed from all affection, and only moved in respect of verity, partly in Italy, and partly in France, do affirm the Marriage of the brother with the brother's wife to be contrary both to the Law of God and Nature, and also do pronounce that no dispensation can be lawful or available to any Christian man in that behalf. But others think the contrary by whose counsels your Holiness hath done that, that since you have confessed you could not do, in promising to us as we have above rehearsed, and giving that Commission to the Cardinal Campeggio to be shewed unto us; and after, if it so should seem profitable to burn it, as afterwards it was done indeed as we have perceived. Furthermore, those which so do moderate the power of your Holiness, that they do affirm that the same cannot take away the Appellation which is used by man's law and yet is available to Divine matters everywhere without distinction. No princes heretofore have more highly esteemed, nor honoured the See Apostolic than we have, wherefore we be the more sorry to be provoked to this contention which to our usage and nature is most alienate and abhorred. Those things so cruel we write very heavily, and more glad would have been to have been silent if we might, and would have left your authority untouched with a good will and constrained to seek the verity,we fell, against our will into this contention, but the sincerity of the truth prohibited us to keep silence and what should we do in so great and many perplexities! For truly if we should obey the letters of your Holiness in that they do affirm that we know to be otherwise, we should offend God and our conscience and we should be a great slander to them that do the contrary, which be a great number, as we have before rehearsed. Also, if we should dissent from those things which your Holiness doth pronounce we would account it not lawful, if there were not a cause to defend the fact as we now do, being compelled by necessity, lest we should seem to contemn the Authority of the See Apostolic. Therefore, your Holiness ought to take it in good part though we do somewhat at large and more liberally speak in this cause which does so oppress us, especially forasmuch as we pretend none atrocity, nor use no rhetoric in the exaggerating and increasing the indignity of the matter; but if I speak of anything that toucheth the quick, it proceedeth of the mere verity, which we cannot nor ought not to hide in this cause, for it toucheth not worldly things but divine, not frail but eternal; in which things no feigned, false nor painted reasons, but only the truth shall obtain and take place; and God is the truth to whom we are bound to obey rather than to men; and nevertheless we cannot but obey unto men also, as we were wont to do, unless there be an express cause why we should not, which by those our letters we now do to your Holiness, and we do it with charity, not intending to spread it abroad nor yet further to impugn your authority, unless you do compel us; albeit also, that that we do, doth not impugn your authority, but confirmeth the same, which we revocate to its first foundations; and better it is in the middle way to return than always to run forth headlong and do ill. Wherefore if your Holiness do regard or esteem the tranquillity of our mind, let the same be established with verity which hath been brought to light by the consent of so many learned men; so shall your Holiness reduce and bring us to a certainty and quietness, and shall deliver us from all anxiety, and shall provide both for us and our realm andfinally shall do your office and duty. The residue of our affairs we have committed to our Ambassadors to be propounded unto you, to whom we beseech your Holiness to give credence, etc."