1227.These and their later history are the subject of a most exhaustive treatise by Martin Lipenius, in Graevius’Thesaurus, vol. xii, p. 405. See also Marq.Privatleben, 1. 2, 245. For the sentiment implied in thestrenaesee Ovid,Fasti, 1. 71 foll. and 175.
1227.These and their later history are the subject of a most exhaustive treatise by Martin Lipenius, in Graevius’Thesaurus, vol. xii, p. 405. See also Marq.Privatleben, 1. 2, 245. For the sentiment implied in thestrenaesee Ovid,Fasti, 1. 71 foll. and 175.
1228.Cp. Fest. 290.
1228.Cp. Fest. 290.
1229.Symmachus, ep. 10. 35 ‘Ab exortu paene urbis Martiae strenarum usus adolevit, auctoritate Tatii regis, qui verbenas felicis arboris ex luco Strenuae anni novi auspices primus accepit.’
1229.Symmachus, ep. 10. 35 ‘Ab exortu paene urbis Martiae strenarum usus adolevit, auctoritate Tatii regis, qui verbenas felicis arboris ex luco Strenuae anni novi auspices primus accepit.’
1230.Varro,L. L.6. 25 ‘quotannis is dies concipitur’ (for the right reading of the rest of the passage see Mommsen,C. I. L.305). Macrobius (1. 16. 6) reckons them as conceptivae, in the fourth century; Philoc. and Silv. may be representing atraditionaldate for a feast which wasiure conceptivus. So Momms. Cp. Gell. 10. 24. 3, where the formula for fixing the date is given; and Cic.in Pis.4. 8. It was the praetor (urbanus?) who in this case made the announcement.
1230.Varro,L. L.6. 25 ‘quotannis is dies concipitur’ (for the right reading of the rest of the passage see Mommsen,C. I. L.305). Macrobius (1. 16. 6) reckons them as conceptivae, in the fourth century; Philoc. and Silv. may be representing atraditionaldate for a feast which wasiure conceptivus. So Momms. Cp. Gell. 10. 24. 3, where the formula for fixing the date is given; and Cic.in Pis.4. 8. It was the praetor (urbanus?) who in this case made the announcement.
1231.Cp. Philargyrius,Georg.2. 382 ‘[compita] ubi pagani agrestes buccina convocati solent certa inire consilia’; no doubt discussion about agricultural matters.
1231.Cp. Philargyrius,Georg.2. 382 ‘[compita] ubi pagani agrestes buccina convocati solent certa inire consilia’; no doubt discussion about agricultural matters.
1232.Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 1. 665, of the Paganalia: ‘Rusticus emeritum palo suspendat aratrum.’ (Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 5.) Such features were perhaps common to all these rustic winter rejoicings.
1232.Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 1. 665, of the Paganalia: ‘Rusticus emeritum palo suspendat aratrum.’ (Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 5.) Such features were perhaps common to all these rustic winter rejoicings.
1233.Grom. Vet.302. 20 foll.
1233.Grom. Vet.302. 20 foll.
1234.For Greece see Farnell,Cults, ii. 561 and 598.
1234.For Greece see Farnell,Cults, ii. 561 and 598.
1235.Folklore in Northern India, i. 77.
1235.Folklore in Northern India, i. 77.
1236.Marq. 203; Dion. Hal. 4. 14; Ovid,Fasti, 2. 615 and 5. 140. Wissowa (Myth. Lex.s. v. Lares, p. 1874) would limit them in origin to the pagi outside the septem montes, as the latter had their own sacra.
1236.Marq. 203; Dion. Hal. 4. 14; Ovid,Fasti, 2. 615 and 5. 140. Wissowa (Myth. Lex.s. v. Lares, p. 1874) would limit them in origin to the pagi outside the septem montes, as the latter had their own sacra.
1237.Dion. Hal. 4. 14 οὐ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἀλλὰ τοὺς δούλους ἔταξε (i. e. Serv. Tull.) παρεῖναί τε καὶ συνιερουργεῖν, ὡς κεχαρισμένης τοῖς ἥρωσι τῆς τῶν θεραπόντων ὑπηρεσίας (Cic.pro Sestio, 15. 34).
1237.Dion. Hal. 4. 14 οὐ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἀλλὰ τοὺς δούλους ἔταξε (i. e. Serv. Tull.) παρεῖναί τε καὶ συνιερουργεῖν, ὡς κεχαρισμένης τοῖς ἥρωσι τῆς τῶν θεραπόντων ὑπηρεσίας (Cic.pro Sestio, 15. 34).
1238.Marq. 204; Rushforth,Latin Historical Inscriptions, p. 59 foll.
1238.Marq. 204; Rushforth,Latin Historical Inscriptions, p. 59 foll.
1239.Pliny,N. H.36. 204; Macrob. 1. 7. 34; Dion. l. c.
1239.Pliny,N. H.36. 204; Macrob. 1. 7. 34; Dion. l. c.
1240.Asconius, p. 6, K. Sch. Livy, 34. 7. 2.
1240.Asconius, p. 6, K. Sch. Livy, 34. 7. 2.
1241.So Wissowa,de Feriis, xii note. Cp. his article ‘Agonium’ in the new edition of Pauly’sReal-Encycl.
1241.So Wissowa,de Feriis, xii note. Cp. his article ‘Agonium’ in the new edition of Pauly’sReal-Encycl.
1242.p. 10. Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 1. 331 ‘Et pecus antiquus dicebat agonia sermo.’
1242.p. 10. Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 1. 331 ‘Et pecus antiquus dicebat agonia sermo.’
1243.He uses the plural: ‘Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem immolat’ (L. L.6. 12). But only Jan. 9 seems to be alluded to.
1243.He uses the plural: ‘Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem immolat’ (L. L.6. 12). But only Jan. 9 seems to be alluded to.
1244.Fasti, 1. 325; cf. Macrob. 1. 16. 5.
1244.Fasti, 1. 325; cf. Macrob. 1. 16. 5.
1245.Civ. Dei, 4. 11. 16. Ambrosch (Studien, 149) thinks it possible that Agonius may have been a god of the Colline city.
1245.Civ. Dei, 4. 11. 16. Ambrosch (Studien, 149) thinks it possible that Agonius may have been a god of the Colline city.
1246.Bücheler,Umbrica, p. 30. B. apparently sees in the Umbrian ‘sakreu perakneu’ an equivalent to ‘hostias agonales.’ The Iguvian ritual is certainly the most likely document to be useful; it at least shows how large was the store of sacrificial vocabulary.
1246.Bücheler,Umbrica, p. 30. B. apparently sees in the Umbrian ‘sakreu perakneu’ an equivalent to ‘hostias agonales.’ The Iguvian ritual is certainly the most likely document to be useful; it at least shows how large was the store of sacrificial vocabulary.
1247.Fest. p. 10. For the Salii, Varro,L. L.6. 14.
1247.Fest. p. 10. For the Salii, Varro,L. L.6. 14.
1248.Wissowa,de Feriis, xii.
1248.Wissowa,de Feriis, xii.
1249.When Varro writes (L. L.6. 12) that the dies agonales are those in which the Rex sacrorum sacrifices a ram in the Regia, he may be including all the four days, and not only Jan. 9. I think this is likely; but we only know it of Jan. 9.
1249.When Varro writes (L. L.6. 12) that the dies agonales are those in which the Rex sacrorum sacrifices a ram in the Regia, he may be including all the four days, and not only Jan. 9. I think this is likely; but we only know it of Jan. 9.
1250.Fasti, i. 333. VarroL. L.6. 12 ‘Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem immolat.’
1250.Fasti, i. 333. VarroL. L.6. 12 ‘Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem immolat.’
1251.Cp. lines 318 and 333.
1251.Cp. lines 318 and 333.
1252.Henzen, 144. An ‘agna’ is the only other animal sacrifice we know of to Janus (Roscher, inLex.42).
1252.Henzen, 144. An ‘agna’ is the only other animal sacrifice we know of to Janus (Roscher, inLex.42).
1253.Roscher, inLex.s. v. Ianus, 29 foll. (cp. for much interesting kindred matter, De-Marchi,Il Culto privato, p. 20 foll.). Roscher’s attempt to find an analogy between the Forum and the house is interesting, but unluckily the positions ‘ad Forum’ of the ‘Ianus geminus’ and the ‘aedes Vestae’ do not exactly answer to those of the door and hearth of a Roman house.
1253.Roscher, inLex.s. v. Ianus, 29 foll. (cp. for much interesting kindred matter, De-Marchi,Il Culto privato, p. 20 foll.). Roscher’s attempt to find an analogy between the Forum and the house is interesting, but unluckily the positions ‘ad Forum’ of the ‘Ianus geminus’ and the ‘aedes Vestae’ do not exactly answer to those of the door and hearth of a Roman house.
1254.Sat.i. 9. 2; Procopius,B. G.1. 25, who says that ‘Janus belonged to the gods whom the Romans in their tongue called Penates,’ seems to be alluding to the same connexion of this god and the house.
1254.Sat.i. 9. 2; Procopius,B. G.1. 25, who says that ‘Janus belonged to the gods whom the Romans in their tongue called Penates,’ seems to be alluding to the same connexion of this god and the house.
1255.We owe this explanation of Janus chiefly to Roscher’s article, and Roscher himself owed it to the fact that his study of Janus for the article was a second and not a first attempt. InHermes der Windgott(Leipzig, 1878) he had arrived at a very different and a far less rational conclusion. The influence of Mannhardt and the folk-lorists set him on the right track.
1255.We owe this explanation of Janus chiefly to Roscher’s article, and Roscher himself owed it to the fact that his study of Janus for the article was a second and not a first attempt. InHermes der Windgott(Leipzig, 1878) he had arrived at a very different and a far less rational conclusion. The influence of Mannhardt and the folk-lorists set him on the right track.
1256.Nigidius Figulus in Macrob. i. 9. 8.
1256.Nigidius Figulus in Macrob. i. 9. 8.
1257.See Roscher,Lex.44.
1257.See Roscher,Lex.44.
1258.Macrob. 1. 9. 9; Lydus,de Mensibus, 4. 6 (who quotes Lutatius).
1258.Macrob. 1. 9. 9; Lydus,de Mensibus, 4. 6 (who quotes Lutatius).
1259.Schwegler,R. G.i. 218 foll.; Preller, 1. 168 foll. The etymology is weak; the god and goddess have nothing common in cult or myth; it is not certain that Diana was originally the moon; and the great Italian deities are not coupled together in this way.
1259.Schwegler,R. G.i. 218 foll.; Preller, 1. 168 foll. The etymology is weak; the god and goddess have nothing common in cult or myth; it is not certain that Diana was originally the moon; and the great Italian deities are not coupled together in this way.
1260.ii. 125 foll. Cf. Müller’sEtrusker(ed. Deecke), ii. 58 foll. Müller, with his usual good sense, concluded from the evidence that the Latin Janus was a god of gates; but he thought that an Etruscan deity of the vault or arch of heaven had been amalgamated with him. This is not impossible, if there was really such an Etruscan god; and Deecke finds him in Ani, who in Etruscan theology seems to have had his seat in the northern part of the heaven (Mart. Capell. 1. 45) where Janus was also represented in the templum of Piacenza (Lex.s. v. Janus, p. 28). But this must remain a doubtful point, even though Lydus (4. 2) tells us that Varro said that the god παρὰ θούσκοις οὐρανὸν λέγεσθαι.
1260.ii. 125 foll. Cf. Müller’sEtrusker(ed. Deecke), ii. 58 foll. Müller, with his usual good sense, concluded from the evidence that the Latin Janus was a god of gates; but he thought that an Etruscan deity of the vault or arch of heaven had been amalgamated with him. This is not impossible, if there was really such an Etruscan god; and Deecke finds him in Ani, who in Etruscan theology seems to have had his seat in the northern part of the heaven (Mart. Capell. 1. 45) where Janus was also represented in the templum of Piacenza (Lex.s. v. Janus, p. 28). But this must remain a doubtful point, even though Lydus (4. 2) tells us that Varro said that the god παρὰ θούσκοις οὐρανὸν λέγεσθαι.
1261.Nissen,Templum, p. 228.
1261.Nissen,Templum, p. 228.
1262.Macrob. 1. 9. 16.
1262.Macrob. 1. 9. 16.
1263.p. 93 foll.; Caes.B. G.6. 18.
1263.p. 93 foll.; Caes.B. G.6. 18.
1264.M. Mowat thought that this was Janus naturalized in Gaul; but with Prof. Rhys (p. 81 note) I cannot but think this unlikely.
1264.M. Mowat thought that this was Janus naturalized in Gaul; but with Prof. Rhys (p. 81 note) I cannot but think this unlikely.
1265.SeeCorpus Poeticum Boreale, ii. 465.
1265.SeeCorpus Poeticum Boreale, ii. 465.
1266.Roscher, inLex.18; Rhys, 1. c. 88.
1266.Roscher, inLex.18; Rhys, 1. c. 88.
1267.Roscher,Lex.17; Jordan,Topogr.1. 2. 351.
1267.Roscher,Lex.17; Jordan,Topogr.1. 2. 351.
1268.Cic.De Nat. Deorum, 2. 27. 67 ‘Transitiones perviae iani, foresque in liminibus profanarum aedium ianuae nominantur.’ Cp. Macrob. 1. 9. 7.
1268.Cic.De Nat. Deorum, 2. 27. 67 ‘Transitiones perviae iani, foresque in liminibus profanarum aedium ianuae nominantur.’ Cp. Macrob. 1. 9. 7.
1269.On the whole question see Jordan,Topogr. 1. 2. 215 foll. Ovid (Fasti, 1.257) asks the god ‘Cum tot sint iani, cur stas sacratus in uno?‘
1269.On the whole question see Jordan,Topogr. 1. 2. 215 foll. Ovid (Fasti, 1.257) asks the god ‘Cum tot sint iani, cur stas sacratus in uno?‘
1270.From Falerii came another janus, with a four-headed simulacrum, which was set up in the Forum transitorium (Macr. 1. 9. 13; Jordan,Top. 1. 2. 348).
1270.From Falerii came another janus, with a four-headed simulacrum, which was set up in the Forum transitorium (Macr. 1. 9. 13; Jordan,Top. 1. 2. 348).
1271.Preller made an attempt, which Roscher approves, to identify Portunus with Janus, Portunus being, according to Varro, ‘Deus portuum portarumque praeses’ (Interpr. Veron.Aen.v. 241). But see onAug. 17.
1271.Preller made an attempt, which Roscher approves, to identify Portunus with Janus, Portunus being, according to Varro, ‘Deus portuum portarumque praeses’ (Interpr. Veron.Aen.v. 241). But see onAug. 17.
1272.The nearest approach to Janus is the Hermes θυραῖος or στροφαῖος (single head only?) and Hermes with two, three, or four heads at the meeting-points of streets. These are points which suggested to Roscher in his older work an elaborate comparison of Hermes and Janus (p. 119 foll.).
1272.The nearest approach to Janus is the Hermes θυραῖος or στροφαῖος (single head only?) and Hermes with two, three, or four heads at the meeting-points of streets. These are points which suggested to Roscher in his older work an elaborate comparison of Hermes and Janus (p. 119 foll.).
1273.See Marq 25, 26 and notes.
1273.See Marq 25, 26 and notes.
1274.Cic.N. D.2. 27; Preller, ii. 172.
1274.Cic.N. D.2. 27; Preller, ii. 172.
1275.For the evidence of this position of Janus in the cults of the house see Roscher,Lex.32; it is indirect, but sufficiently convincing.
1275.For the evidence of this position of Janus in the cults of the house see Roscher,Lex.32; it is indirect, but sufficiently convincing.
1276.See my article ‘Vestales’ inDict. of Antiquities, ed. 2.
1276.See my article ‘Vestales’ inDict. of Antiquities, ed. 2.
1277.Marq. 321 foll. Besides the sacrifice in the Regia on Jan. 9, the Rex and his wife, the Regina sacrorum, sacrificed to Juno in the Regia on the Kalends of every month, and apparently also to Janus (Junonius) to whom there were twelve altars (in the Regia?) one for each month. Macr. 1. 9. 16 and 1. 15. 19.
1277.Marq. 321 foll. Besides the sacrifice in the Regia on Jan. 9, the Rex and his wife, the Regina sacrorum, sacrificed to Juno in the Regia on the Kalends of every month, and apparently also to Janus (Junonius) to whom there were twelve altars (in the Regia?) one for each month. Macr. 1. 9. 16 and 1. 15. 19.
1278.For the father as the natural defender of the family, see Westermarck,Hist. of Human Marriage, ch. 3.
1278.For the father as the natural defender of the family, see Westermarck,Hist. of Human Marriage, ch. 3.
1279.Festus, 185 ‘Maximus videtur Rex, dein Dialis, post hunc Martialis, quarto loco Quirinalis, quinto pontifex maximus.’ For the corresponding place of Janus, Liv. 8. 9. 6; Cato,R. R.134; Marq. 26.
1279.Festus, 185 ‘Maximus videtur Rex, dein Dialis, post hunc Martialis, quarto loco Quirinalis, quinto pontifex maximus.’ For the corresponding place of Janus, Liv. 8. 9. 6; Cato,R. R.134; Marq. 26.
1280.Lex.37 foll.; Preller, 1. 166 foll.; Mommsen,R. H.i. 173.
1280.Lex.37 foll.; Preller, 1. 166 foll.; Mommsen,R. H.i. 173.
1281.Ἔφορος πάσης πράξεως, says Lydus, 4. 2, quoting Varro; cp. Ovid,Fasti, 165 foll.
1281.Ἔφορος πάσης πράξεως, says Lydus, 4. 2, quoting Varro; cp. Ovid,Fasti, 165 foll.
1282.Plut.Q. R.22.
1282.Plut.Q. R.22.
1283.Macrob. 1. 9. 16; Horace,Sat.ii. 6. 20 foll.
1283.Macrob. 1. 9. 16; Horace,Sat.ii. 6. 20 foll.
1284.Macrob. 1. 9. 14.
1284.Macrob. 1. 9. 14.
1285.Varro,L. L.7. 26; Fest. 122.
1285.Varro,L. L.7. 26; Fest. 122.
1286.Macr. 1. 9. 16.
1286.Macr. 1. 9. 16.
1287.Macr. l. c. Wissowa (de Feriis, vi) says the true form is consevius; but the etymology holds.
1287.Macr. l. c. Wissowa (de Feriis, vi) says the true form is consevius; but the etymology holds.
1288.Roscher,Lex.21, 26, 40.
1288.Roscher,Lex.21, 26, 40.
1289.C. I. L.1. 307, on the evidence of Ovid,Fast.1. 629 and Varro,L. L.7. 84.
1289.C. I. L.1. 307, on the evidence of Ovid,Fast.1. 629 and Varro,L. L.7. 84.
1290.Wissowa,de Feriis, viii.
1290.Wissowa,de Feriis, viii.
1291.Mommsen,C. I. L.1. 288.
1291.Mommsen,C. I. L.1. 288.
1292.Fast. Praen. on Jan. 15 (mutilated). Cp. Ovid,Fast.1. 619, and Plut.Q. R.56. Festus, 245.
1292.Fast. Praen. on Jan. 15 (mutilated). Cp. Ovid,Fast.1. 619, and Plut.Q. R.56. Festus, 245.
1293.By Huschke,Röm. Jahr, 199. There was probably more than one Carmenta (Gell. 16. 16. 4), if we consider Porrima and Postverta as two forms of the goddess; and the two days may have some relation to this duality. Perhaps there were two altars in the temple. Ovid,Fasti, 1. 627.
1293.By Huschke,Röm. Jahr, 199. There was probably more than one Carmenta (Gell. 16. 16. 4), if we consider Porrima and Postverta as two forms of the goddess; and the two days may have some relation to this duality. Perhaps there were two altars in the temple. Ovid,Fasti, 1. 627.
1294.Plut.Romulus, 21.
1294.Plut.Romulus, 21.
1295.See Wissowa inLex. Myth.i. 851; Ovid.Fasti, 1. 461 foll.; Virg.Aen.8. 336. The eighth Aeneid, it may be remarked, should be learnt by heart by all investigators into Roman antiquity.
1295.See Wissowa inLex. Myth.i. 851; Ovid.Fasti, 1. 461 foll.; Virg.Aen.8. 336. The eighth Aeneid, it may be remarked, should be learnt by heart by all investigators into Roman antiquity.
1296.Plut.Q. R.56: cp. Dion. Hal. 1. 31. 1-9, from whom Plutarch may have drawn his information, directly or perhaps through Juba. For the temple they built cp. Gell. 18. 7. 2. If this temple be a different one from that under the Capitol, it may suggest an explanation of the double festival.
1296.Plut.Q. R.56: cp. Dion. Hal. 1. 31. 1-9, from whom Plutarch may have drawn his information, directly or perhaps through Juba. For the temple they built cp. Gell. 18. 7. 2. If this temple be a different one from that under the Capitol, it may suggest an explanation of the double festival.
1297.Studies in Latin Literature, p. 48 foll.;Journal of Philology, xi. 178.
1297.Studies in Latin Literature, p. 48 foll.;Journal of Philology, xi. 178.
1298.See on Fortuna, above, p.167.
1298.See on Fortuna, above, p.167.
1299.Ovid,Fast.1. 633; Varro in Gell. 16. 6. 4. Nettleship takes a different view of these words. But see Wissowa inLex.1. 853; Preller, i. 406.
1299.Ovid,Fast.1. 633; Varro in Gell. 16. 6. 4. Nettleship takes a different view of these words. But see Wissowa inLex.1. 853; Preller, i. 406.
1300.St. Augustine,C. D.4. 11 ‘In illis deabus quae fata nascentibus canunt et vocantur Carmentes.’
1300.St. Augustine,C. D.4. 11 ‘In illis deabus quae fata nascentibus canunt et vocantur Carmentes.’
1301.Asiatic Studies, p. 20.
1301.Asiatic Studies, p. 20.
1302.Cic.Brut.14. 56;C. I. L.vi. 3720; andEph. Ep.iv. 759. The rite of Jan. 11 is called ‘sacrum pontificale’ by Ovid (Fast.1. 462), whence we infer that the pontifices had a part in it as well as the flamen.
1302.Cic.Brut.14. 56;C. I. L.vi. 3720; andEph. Ep.iv. 759. The rite of Jan. 11 is called ‘sacrum pontificale’ by Ovid (Fast.1. 462), whence we infer that the pontifices had a part in it as well as the flamen.
1303.Ovid,Fast.1. 629. Cp. Varro,L. L.7. 84. This passage of Varro may possibly raise a doubt whether the taboo did not arise from a mistaken interpretation of the wordsscortumandpellicula, as Carmenta was especially worshipped by matrons.
1303.Ovid,Fast.1. 629. Cp. Varro,L. L.7. 84. This passage of Varro may possibly raise a doubt whether the taboo did not arise from a mistaken interpretation of the wordsscortumandpellicula, as Carmenta was especially worshipped by matrons.
1304.The more so as we have no inscriptions relating to Carmenta. Though her flaminium continued to exist under the Empire, she herself practically disappeared. I am inclined to guess that her attributes were to some extent usurped by the more popular and plebeian Fortuna.
1304.The more so as we have no inscriptions relating to Carmenta. Though her flaminium continued to exist under the Empire, she herself practically disappeared. I am inclined to guess that her attributes were to some extent usurped by the more popular and plebeian Fortuna.
1305.Solinus, 1. 13; Serv.Aen.8. 336 and 337.
1305.Solinus, 1. 13; Serv.Aen.8. 336 and 337.
1306.See especially underApril 1and28, the days of Fortuna virilis and Flora.
1306.See especially underApril 1and28, the days of Fortuna virilis and Flora.
1307.Ovid,Fasti, 6. 223 foll.
1307.Ovid,Fasti, 6. 223 foll.
1308.Juturnalia, Serv.Aen.12. 139.
1308.Juturnalia, Serv.Aen.12. 139.
1309.Jordan,Topogr.1. 2. 370; Wissowa inLex.s. v. Iuturna.
1309.Jordan,Topogr.1. 2. 370; Wissowa inLex.s. v. Iuturna.
1310.Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 45.
1310.Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 45.
1311.Sementinae, according to Jordan in Prell. 2. 5, note 2.
1311.Sementinae, according to Jordan in Prell. 2. 5, note 2.
1312.Fasti, 1. 658 foll.
1312.Fasti, 1. 658 foll.
1313.Paganicae (feriae), Varro,L. L.6. 26. Varro seems to separate the two: after mentioning the Sementinae, which he says was ‘sationis causa susceptae,’ he goes on ‘Paganicae eiusdem agriculturae susceptae, ut haberent in agris omnes pagi,’ &c. But the distinction is perhaps only of place; or if of time also, yet not of object and meaning.
1313.Paganicae (feriae), Varro,L. L.6. 26. Varro seems to separate the two: after mentioning the Sementinae, which he says was ‘sationis causa susceptae,’ he goes on ‘Paganicae eiusdem agriculturae susceptae, ut haberent in agris omnes pagi,’ &c. But the distinction is perhaps only of place; or if of time also, yet not of object and meaning.
1314.So Marq. 199, and Hartmann,Röm. Kal.203. Preller thinks the Sementinae were in September, before the autumn sowing; and it is possible that there were two feasts of the name, one before the autumn, another before the spring, sowing. Lydus (de Mens.3. 3) speaks of two days separated by seven others; on the former they sacrificed to Tellus (Demeter), on the latter to Ceres (Κόρη); two successive nundinae (market-days) are here meant.
1314.So Marq. 199, and Hartmann,Röm. Kal.203. Preller thinks the Sementinae were in September, before the autumn sowing; and it is possible that there were two feasts of the name, one before the autumn, another before the spring, sowing. Lydus (de Mens.3. 3) speaks of two days separated by seven others; on the former they sacrificed to Tellus (Demeter), on the latter to Ceres (Κόρη); two successive nundinae (market-days) are here meant.
1315.Cp. Scholiast on Persius, 4. 28; and see under Compitalia, Jan. 3-5.
1315.Cp. Scholiast on Persius, 4. 28; and see under Compitalia, Jan. 3-5.
1316.Ovid, 1. 661.
1316.Ovid, 1. 661.
1317.R. R.1. 34; Plin.N. H.18. 204.
1317.R. R.1. 34; Plin.N. H.18. 204.
1318.Cp. Varro,R. R.1. 29, 36. Cp. the Rustic Calendars for February.
1318.Cp. Varro,R. R.1. 29, 36. Cp. the Rustic Calendars for February.
1319.Varro,L. L.6. 26 ‘sationis causa’; and Lydus says that the feast could not be ‘stativae,’ because the ἀρχὴ σπόρου cannot be fixed to a day. Lydus’ reason is not a good one, if the sowing did not begin till Feb. 7; but it is plain that he understands the rites asprophylactic. I may note that Columella seems to know little about spring sowing (II. 2: cp. 2. 8). Mommsen,R. H.ii. 364, says that spring sowing was exceptional.
1319.Varro,L. L.6. 26 ‘sationis causa’; and Lydus says that the feast could not be ‘stativae,’ because the ἀρχὴ σπόρου cannot be fixed to a day. Lydus’ reason is not a good one, if the sowing did not begin till Feb. 7; but it is plain that he understands the rites asprophylactic. I may note that Columella seems to know little about spring sowing (II. 2: cp. 2. 8). Mommsen,R. H.ii. 364, says that spring sowing was exceptional.
1320.See under Cerialia,April 19.
1320.See under Cerialia,April 19.
1321.Ad Virg.Georg.2. 385; Marq. 200 and 192, where the old explanation (Macr. 1. 7. 34) seems to be adopted, that these were substitutes for human or other victims (cp. Bötticher,Baumkultus, 80 foll.). We have no clear evidence for this, and I am not disposed to accept it.
1321.Ad Virg.Georg.2. 385; Marq. 200 and 192, where the old explanation (Macr. 1. 7. 34) seems to be adopted, that these were substitutes for human or other victims (cp. Bötticher,Baumkultus, 80 foll.). We have no clear evidence for this, and I am not disposed to accept it.
1322.2. 42. So Plut.Coriol.3.
1322.2. 42. So Plut.Coriol.3.
1323.Momms.C. I. L.1. 308; Jordan,Eph. Ep.1. 236; Aust,de Aedibus sacris, 43.
1323.Momms.C. I. L.1. 308; Jordan,Eph. Ep.1. 236; Aust,de Aedibus sacris, 43.
1324.Dion. Hal. 6. 13; Liv. 2. 20.
1324.Dion. Hal. 6. 13; Liv. 2. 20.
1325.Suetonius,Tib.20; Aust, op. cit. p. 6.
1325.Suetonius,Tib.20; Aust, op. cit. p. 6.
1326.Weight must, however, be given to the fact that the transvectio equitum took place on July 15. Aust, 43, and Furtwängler inLex.s. v. Dioscuri.
1326.Weight must, however, be given to the fact that the transvectio equitum took place on July 15. Aust, 43, and Furtwängler inLex.s. v. Dioscuri.
1327.Middleton,Ancient Rome, p. 174; Lanciani,Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 271 foll.
1327.Middleton,Ancient Rome, p. 174; Lanciani,Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 271 foll.
1328.Mommsen,Münzwesen, 301, 559.
1328.Mommsen,Münzwesen, 301, 559.
1329.Pydna, Cic.N. D.3. 5. II; Verona (101B.C.), Plut.Mar.26. The most famous application of the story is in the accounts of the great fight between Locri and Kroton at the river Sagra: this was probably the origin of the Italian legends. See Preller, ii. 301.
1329.Pydna, Cic.N. D.3. 5. II; Verona (101B.C.), Plut.Mar.26. The most famous application of the story is in the accounts of the great fight between Locri and Kroton at the river Sagra: this was probably the origin of the Italian legends. See Preller, ii. 301.
1330.Albert,le Culte de Castor et Pollux en Italie, 1883. Cp. Furtwängler, l. c.
1330.Albert,le Culte de Castor et Pollux en Italie, 1883. Cp. Furtwängler, l. c.
1331.Paulus, 85 ‘Quaecumque purgamenti causa in quibusque sacrificiis adhibentur, februa appellantur. Id vero quod purgatur, diciturfebruatum.’ The verb februare also occurs. Varro (L. L.6. 13) says thatfebruumwas the Sabine equivalent forpurgamentum: ‘Nam et Lupercalia februatio, ut in Antiquitatum libris demonstravi’ (cp. 6. 34). Ovid renders the word by ‘piamen’ (Fasti, 2. 19). Februus, a divinity, is mentioned in Macr. 1. 13. 3; he is almost certainly a later invention (seeLex. Myth.s. v.). The etymology of the word is uncertain.
1331.Paulus, 85 ‘Quaecumque purgamenti causa in quibusque sacrificiis adhibentur, februa appellantur. Id vero quod purgatur, diciturfebruatum.’ The verb februare also occurs. Varro (L. L.6. 13) says thatfebruumwas the Sabine equivalent forpurgamentum: ‘Nam et Lupercalia februatio, ut in Antiquitatum libris demonstravi’ (cp. 6. 34). Ovid renders the word by ‘piamen’ (Fasti, 2. 19). Februus, a divinity, is mentioned in Macr. 1. 13. 3; he is almost certainly a later invention (seeLex. Myth.s. v.). The etymology of the word is uncertain.
1332.Varro,R. R.1. 29. Cp. Colum. xi. 2; and the rustic calendars.
1332.Varro,R. R.1. 29. Cp. Colum. xi. 2; and the rustic calendars.
1333.Varro,R. R.1. 28. See above, p.295.
1333.Varro,R. R.1. 28. See above, p.295.
1334.This is very distinctly stated by Cicero (de Legibus, 1. 14. 40 ‘In deos impietatum nulla expiatio est’: cp. 2. 9. 22 ‘Sacrum commissum quod neque expiari poterit, impie commissum est’). Even the sailor in Horace’s ode (1. 28), whose duty does not seem exactly binding, is told, if he omits it, ‘teque piacula nulla resolvent.’ On the general question, cp. De Marchi,La Religione nella vita domestica, 246; and Marq. 257. The pontifex Scaevola ‘asseverabat prudentem expiari non posse’ (Macrob. 1. 16. 10). Ovid’s account (Fasti, 2. 35 foll.) is that of a layman and a modern, but not less interesting for that reason.
1334.This is very distinctly stated by Cicero (de Legibus, 1. 14. 40 ‘In deos impietatum nulla expiatio est’: cp. 2. 9. 22 ‘Sacrum commissum quod neque expiari poterit, impie commissum est’). Even the sailor in Horace’s ode (1. 28), whose duty does not seem exactly binding, is told, if he omits it, ‘teque piacula nulla resolvent.’ On the general question, cp. De Marchi,La Religione nella vita domestica, 246; and Marq. 257. The pontifex Scaevola ‘asseverabat prudentem expiari non posse’ (Macrob. 1. 16. 10). Ovid’s account (Fasti, 2. 35 foll.) is that of a layman and a modern, but not less interesting for that reason.
1335.Varro,L. L.6. 30 ‘Praetor qui tum (i.e. die nefasto) fatus est, si imprudens fecit, piaculari hostia facta piatur; si prudens dixit, Q. Mucius ambigebat eum expiari ut impium non posse.’
1335.Varro,L. L.6. 30 ‘Praetor qui tum (i.e. die nefasto) fatus est, si imprudens fecit, piaculari hostia facta piatur; si prudens dixit, Q. Mucius ambigebat eum expiari ut impium non posse.’
1336.Fasti, 2. 33.
1336.Fasti, 2. 33.
1337.Ib. 31.
1337.Ib. 31.
1338.See Marq. 259; Bouché-Leclercq,Les Pontifes, 101 foll.
1338.See Marq. 259; Bouché-Leclercq,Les Pontifes, 101 foll.
1339.Marq. 180, Bouché-Leclercq, 178.
1339.Marq. 180, Bouché-Leclercq, 178.
1340.See Robertson Smith,Religion of the Semites, p. 406.
1340.See Robertson Smith,Religion of the Semites, p. 406.
1341.Fasti, 2. 19 foll.
1341.Fasti, 2. 19 foll.
1342.This difficult line has occasioned much conjecture, and seems still inexplicable. See Merkel,Fasti, clxvi foll.; and De-Marchi, op. cit. p. 246.
1342.This difficult line has occasioned much conjecture, and seems still inexplicable. See Merkel,Fasti, clxvi foll.; and De-Marchi, op. cit. p. 246.
1343.Aust,De Aedibus sacris, pp. 21, 45, 48. On this last page are some useful remarks on the danger of drawing conclusions as to the indigenous or foreign origin of deities from the position of their temples inside or outside the pomoerium.
1343.Aust,De Aedibus sacris, pp. 21, 45, 48. On this last page are some useful remarks on the danger of drawing conclusions as to the indigenous or foreign origin of deities from the position of their temples inside or outside the pomoerium.
1344.Fasti, 2. 55 foll.
1344.Fasti, 2. 55 foll.
1345.Livy, 33. 42; 34. 53. Jordan, inCommentationes in hon. Momms.359 foll.; Aust, op. cit. p. 20.
1345.Livy, 33. 42; 34. 53. Jordan, inCommentationes in hon. Momms.359 foll.; Aust, op. cit. p. 20.
1346.SeeDict. of Antiq.s.v. sacra. Fest. 245 a ‘Publica sacra, quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt: quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis.’
1346.SeeDict. of Antiq.s.v. sacra. Fest. 245 a ‘Publica sacra, quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt: quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis.’
1347.Ovid,Fasti, 2. 527. See under Quirinalia.
1347.Ovid,Fasti, 2. 527. See under Quirinalia.
1348.See onApril 15. There must have been at one time a tendency to amalgamate the two kinds ofsacra publica. Theargeiwere also attended by Pontifices and Vestals. I should conjecture that the Pontifices claimed supervision over rites in which they had originally no officiallocus standi, and brought the Vestals with them.
1348.See onApril 15. There must have been at one time a tendency to amalgamate the two kinds ofsacra publica. Theargeiwere also attended by Pontifices and Vestals. I should conjecture that the Pontifices claimed supervision over rites in which they had originally no officiallocus standi, and brought the Vestals with them.
1349.Mommsen,Staatsrecht. iii. 1. 89 foll.
1349.Mommsen,Staatsrecht. iii. 1. 89 foll.
1350.Ἱεραὰ οἰκίαι, Dion. Hal. 2. 23; Fest. 174 b; Marq. 195.
1350.Ἱεραὰ οἰκίαι, Dion. Hal. 2. 23; Fest. 174 b; Marq. 195.
1351.Dion. Hal. 2. 23.
1351.Dion. Hal. 2. 23.
1352.Ib. 2. 50. The Latin words are from Paul, 64.
1352.Ib. 2. 50. The Latin words are from Paul, 64.
1353.Jordan, on Preller, i. 278 note. Roscher, inLex.s. v. Iuno, 596. Curis = hasta in Sabine; Fest. 49; Roscher, l. c.; Ovid,Fasti, 2. 477.
1353.Jordan, on Preller, i. 278 note. Roscher, inLex.s. v. Iuno, 596. Curis = hasta in Sabine; Fest. 49; Roscher, l. c.; Ovid,Fasti, 2. 477.
1354.Cp. the parting of the bride’s hair with a spear, Marq. vii. 44 and note 5; Plut.Q. R.87; Bötticher,Baumkultus, 485; Schwegler,R. G.i. 469.
1354.Cp. the parting of the bride’s hair with a spear, Marq. vii. 44 and note 5; Plut.Q. R.87; Bötticher,Baumkultus, 485; Schwegler,R. G.i. 469.
1355.The same connexion betweencuriaeand the armed deity of the female principle is found at Tibur (Serv.Aen.1. 17), ‘in sacris Tiburtibus sic precantur: Iuno curritis (sic) tuo curru clipeoque tuere meos curiae vernulas,’ Jordan, inHermes, 8. 217 foll. Possibly also at Lanuvium (Lex.s. v. Iuno, 595).
1355.The same connexion betweencuriaeand the armed deity of the female principle is found at Tibur (Serv.Aen.1. 17), ‘in sacris Tiburtibus sic precantur: Iuno curritis (sic) tuo curru clipeoque tuere meos curiae vernulas,’ Jordan, inHermes, 8. 217 foll. Possibly also at Lanuvium (Lex.s. v. Iuno, 595).
1356.Varro,L. L.5. 83 and 155; Marq. 195.
1356.Varro,L. L.5. 83 and 155; Marq. 195.
1357.This has been done by O. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr.2, 129 foll.), an author who is not often so helpful. He is followed by Steuding, inLex. Myth.s. v. Fornax.
1357.This has been done by O. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr.2, 129 foll.), an author who is not often so helpful. He is followed by Steuding, inLex. Myth.s. v. Fornax.
1358.Paul. 93 (cp. 83), ‘Fornacalia feriae institutae sunt farris torrendi gratia quod ad fornacem quae in pistrinis erat sacrificium fieri solebat.’ Dionysius was probably referring to this when he wrote (2. 23) that he had himself seen ancient wooden tables spread with rude cakes of primitive fashion in baskets and dishes of primitive make. He also mentions καρπῶν τινων ἐπαρχάς (cp. Ovid, l. c. 520), which might indeed suggest a feast of curiae at a different time of year. For thefar, see Marq. vii. 399 foll. The cakes werefebrua, according to Ovid; see above, p.301.
1358.Paul. 93 (cp. 83), ‘Fornacalia feriae institutae sunt farris torrendi gratia quod ad fornacem quae in pistrinis erat sacrificium fieri solebat.’ Dionysius was probably referring to this when he wrote (2. 23) that he had himself seen ancient wooden tables spread with rude cakes of primitive fashion in baskets and dishes of primitive make. He also mentions καρπῶν τινων ἐπαρχάς (cp. Ovid, l. c. 520), which might indeed suggest a feast of curiae at a different time of year. For thefar, see Marq. vii. 399 foll. The cakes werefebrua, according to Ovid; see above, p.301.