Cum serimus, caelum ventis aperite serenis;Cum latet, aetheria spargite semen aqua.
Cum serimus, caelum ventis aperite serenis;Cum latet, aetheria spargite semen aqua.
Cum serimus, caelum ventis aperite serenis;Cum latet, aetheria spargite semen aqua.
Cum serimus, caelum ventis aperite serenis;
Cum latet, aetheria spargite semen aqua.
Or if it be argued that both these lines may very well refer to the spring, it is at least certain that the poet understood the festival to cover the past autumn sowing:
Utque dies incerta sacro, sic tempora certa,Seminibus iactis est ubi fetus ager[1316].
Utque dies incerta sacro, sic tempora certa,Seminibus iactis est ubi fetus ager[1316].
Utque dies incerta sacro, sic tempora certa,Seminibus iactis est ubi fetus ager[1316].
Utque dies incerta sacro, sic tempora certa,
Seminibus iactis est ubi fetus ager[1316].
Varro tells us[1317]that the time of the autumn sowing extended from the equinox to the winter solstice; after which, as we have seen, the husbandmen rested from their labours in the fields, and enjoyed the festivals we have been discussing since Dec. 17 (Consualia). The last of these is the Paganalia, i. e. the one nearest in date, if we may go by Ovid, to the time for setting to work at the spring sowing, which began on or about Feb. 7 (Favonius).[1318]It would thus be quite natural that this festival should have reference not only to the seed already in the ground, but also to that which was still to be sown. If Ovid lays stress on the former, Varro and Lydus seem to be thinking chiefly of the latter[1319].
Ovid has told us what was the nature of the rites. According to him, Ceres and Tellus were the deities concerned, and with this Lydus agrees. We need not be too certain about the names[1320], considering the ‘fluidity’ and impersonality of early Romannuminaof this type; but the type itself is obvious. There were offerings of cake, and a sacrifice of a pregnant sow; the oxen which had served in the ploughing were decorated with garlands; prayers were offered for the protection of the seed from bird and beast and disease. If we may believea note of Probus’[1321],oscillawere hung from the trees, as at the Latin festival, &c., doubtless as a charm against evil influences.
AEDIS [CASTORIS ET PO]LLUCIS DEDICA[TA EST ...]. (PRAEN.)
Mommsen’s restoration of this note in the Fasti of Praeneste is based on Ov.Fast.1. 705-8:
At quae venturas praecedet sexta Kalendas,Hac sunt Ledaeis templa dicata deis.Fratribus illa deis fratres de gente deorumCirca Iuturnae composuere lacus.
At quae venturas praecedet sexta Kalendas,Hac sunt Ledaeis templa dicata deis.Fratribus illa deis fratres de gente deorumCirca Iuturnae composuere lacus.
At quae venturas praecedet sexta Kalendas,Hac sunt Ledaeis templa dicata deis.Fratribus illa deis fratres de gente deorumCirca Iuturnae composuere lacus.
At quae venturas praecedet sexta Kalendas,
Hac sunt Ledaeis templa dicata deis.
Fratribus illa deis fratres de gente deorum
Circa Iuturnae composuere lacus.
But Livy[1322]gives the Ides of July as the day of dedication, and a difference of learned opinion has arisen[1323]. July 15,B.C.496, is the traditional date of the battle of Lake Regillus, and the temple was dedicatedB.C.484—the result of the Consul’s vow in that battle[1324]. Mommsen infers that Livy confused the date of the dedication with that of the battle, and that Jan. 27 is right. Aust and others differ, and refer the latter date to a restoration by Tiberius, probably inA.D.6[1325]. The mistake in Livy is easy to explain, and Mommsen’s explanation seems sufficient[1326]. Three beautiful columns of Tiberius’ temple are still to be seen at the south-eastern end of the Forum, near the temple of Vesta, and close to the Iacus Juturnae, where the Twins watered their steeds after the battle[1327].
The very early introduction of the Dioscuri into the Roman worship is interesting as being capable of unusually distinct proof. They must have been known long before the battleof the Regillus; and they took a peculiarly firm hold on the Roman mind, as we see from the common oaths Edepol, Mecastor, from their representation on the earliest denarii[1328], from their connexion with the equites throughout Roman history, and from the great popularity of their legend, which was reproduced in connexion with later battles[1329]. The spread of the cult through Southern Italy to Latium and Etruria (where it was also a favourite) is the subject of a French monograph[1330].