Greatdesigns require the deep consideration of strong, vigorous and investigating minds. Imposing events open a wide field for fame and bring to view powers of intellect that would never unfold their beauties under ordinary circumstances. Hence the brilliancy of talent that illuminated the glorious era of the American Revolution. Many who became eminent statesmen and renowned heroes during that memorable struggle would have remained within the sphere of their particular occupation in time of peace. The public gaze would never have been fixed upon them—they would have passed away with a rich mine of undeveloped mental powers. Hence the erroneous expressionI have heard from men who do not analyze all they read, hear and see—that we have no men among usnowwith the exalted talents of the sages of '76. Just such an occasion would explode the error.
That many of the patriots of that eventful period were men of unusual ability and acquirements—I freely—proudly admit. That the momentous transactions that engaged their attention served to add an unequalled lustre to their names is emphatically true. The perils that encompassed them—the dangers that surrounded them—the mighty work they conceived, planned and consummated—all combine to shed a sacred halo around their well earned fame.
Prominent among them was Thomas McKean, a native of Chester County, Pennsylvania, born on the 19th of March 1731. He was the son of William McKean who immigrated from Ireland at an early age. He placed this son under the tuition of Rev. Francis Allison then principal of the most popular seminary of the province. He was a gentleman of profound erudition and science.
The intellect of Thomas budded and bloomed like the rose of spring. He was a close student—his rapid attainments gave an earnest of a bright future. He left the seminary a thorough linguist, a practical mathematician, a moral philosopher, a finished scholar, an accomplished gentleman—esteemed, respected and admired by his numerous friends.
He then commenced the study of Law under David Kinney, of Newcastle, Delaware. He explored the interminable field of this science with unusual success and was admitted to the bar under the most favorable auspices. He commenced his professional career at Newcastle—soon acquiring a lucrative practice and proud reputation. He extended his business into his native province and was admitted to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in 1757. His strict attention to business and superior legal acumen made him extensively and favorably known. He avoided the modern error of too many young lawyers who suppose an admission to the bar closes the toils of the student. Fatal mistake my young friends. You are at the very threshold of your reading. Relaxation is professional suicide. This is a rock on which many have been shipwrecked in all the learned professions. The laws of nature demand a constant supply of food in the intellectual as well as in the physical economy. Themanrequires more and stronger food then thechild. The corroding rust of forgetfulness will mar the most brilliant acquirements of science if laid upon the shelf of neglect. Much study is required to keep up with the march of mind and the ever varying changes produced by the soaring intellect and reachinggenius of man. It has been said that the basis of law is as unchangeable as a rock of adamant. Of elementary law this is true. It does not follow,a priori, that the superstructure is so. Precocious legislators have madethata labyrinthian maze.Theyuse a political kaleidoscope in legislating and that not skilfully. It puzzlescompetentjudges to arrive at a satisfactory construction of statute laws. Theincompetent—not few and far between—use the instrument above named carelessly if not politically. Hence no lawyer can succeed without an endless round of reading.
In 1762 Mr. McKean was elected to the Delaware Assembly from Newcastle county and continued in that body for eleven consecutive years. He then removed to Philadelphia. So much attached were the Delawarians to him that they continued to elect him to their Assembly for six years after his removal although he could not serve them in that. Under the old regimen, he was claimed by both Delaware and Pennsylvania and served them conjointly in the Continental Congress.
In 1765 he was a member from Delaware to the Congress in New York. He was upon the committee that drafted the memorable address to the House of Commons. His patriotism, love of liberty and firmness of purpose were fully demonstrated in that instrument and by his subsequent acts. He was republican to the core—despised the chains of political slavery—the baubles of monarchy and the trappings of kingly courts. He struck high for Liberty and scorned to be a slave.
On his return from New York he was appointed Judge of the Common Pleas, Quarter Sessions and Orphans' Court of Newcastle county. The Stamp Act was then in fulllifebut not in full force in Delaware. Judge McKean was the first judicial officer who put a veto on stamped paper—directing the officers of the courts over which he presided not to use it, as had been ordered by the hirelings of the crown. He set them at defiance and was sustained by the people of the nation. That circumstance, trifling as it maynowseem to superficial readers, was big with consequences. It was one of the entering wedges to the Revolution that made an awful opening in the monarchical mass that was ultimately split into atoms and annihilated by the wedges and malls of the hard-fisted sons of America. From that time Judge McKean was hailed as one of the boldest champions of Freedom—one of the ablest defenders of his country's Rights.
He was a prominent member of the Congress of 1774. He had talent to design—energy to execute and at once made himself useful.He was the only man who served in the Continental Congress during the whole time of its duration. He was a strong advocate for the Declaration of Independence and promptly put his name to that revered instrument. When it came up for final action, so anxious was he that it should passunanimously—that he sent an express for Mr. Rodney who arrived just in time to give an affirmative vote.
Notwithstanding the arduous duties that devolved on him as a member of Congress—of several important committees and Chief Justice of Pennsylvania—so ardent was his patriotism that he accepted a colonel's commission—took command of a Philadelphia regiment and marched to the aid of Gen. Washington, remaining with him until a new supply of recruits was raised. During his absence his Delaware constituents had elected him to a convention to form a constitution. On his return he proceeded to Newcastle, put up at a tavern and without consulting men or books, hastily penned the constitution that was adopted by the convention. Understanding the feelings and wants of the people—well versed in law and republicanism—a ready writer, he performed the labor in a few hours that has required a large number of men nearly a year to accomplish in more modern times. How changed are men and things since the glorious era of '76. How changed the motives that impel many politicians to action—how different the amount of useful labor performed in the same time and for the same money.Thenall were anxious to listen—nownearly all are anxious to speak.Thenlegislators loved their countrymoreand the loaves and fisheslessthan at the present day. I do not blame the politicians—it is their trade and living. Office seeking has become a card game in which the applicants are the pack—demagogues the players and thedearpeople and government the table played upon. The bone and sinew of our country can and should block this ruinous game at once. We have as good men as lived in '76 and afewof them on duty. There should be no others selected. They will notseekoffice but we should be careful to seekthemand cleanse the temple of our Liberty from political peculation and venality. If our country is ruined it will be the fault of the mass.
On the 10th of July 1781, Judge McKean was elected President of Congress but declined serving in consequence of his duties as Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. He was then urged to occupy the chair until the court should commence the next term. To this he assented and made an able presiding officer. On the 7th of November he vacated the chair and was complimented by the following resolution:—"Resolved—That the thanks of Congress be given to the Honorable Thomas McKean, late President of Congress in testimony of their approbation of his conduct inthe chair and in the execution of public business." His duties upon the Bench of the Supreme Court commenced in 1777 and were extremely onerous. He did not recognize the power of the crown and held himself amenable only to his country and his God. An able jurist—an unbending patriot—at the hazard of his life he punished all who were brought before him and convicted of violating the laws of the new government. No threats could intimidate—no influence reach him when designed to divert him from the independent discharge of his duty. His profound legal acquirements—ardent zeal—equal justice—vigorous energy and noble patriotism—enabled him to outride every storm and calm the raging billows that often threatened to overwhelm him. He marched on triumphantly to the goal of Liberty and hailed the star spangled banner as it waived in grandeur from the lofty spire of the temple ofFreedom. He beheld, with the eye of a sage, philosopher and philanthropist, the rising glory of Columbia's new world. He viewed, with emotions of pleasing confidence, the American eagle descend from the ethereal regions beyond the altitude of a tyrant's breath and pounce upon the British lion. With increasing vigor and redoubled fury the mighty bird continued the awful conflict until the king of beasts retreated to his lair and proclaimed, in a roar of thunder—AMERICA IS FREE! Angels rejoiced—monarchs trembled—patriots shouted a loud—AMEN!!! The torch of England's power over the Colonies expired in its socket—the birth of a new nation was celebrated by happy millions basking beneath the genial rays of the refulgent glories of the sun of Liberty. The harvest was past—the summer ended—our country saved. The stupendous work of political regeneration was accomplished—the Independence of the United States acknowledged—an honorable peace consumated. Judge McKean then sat down under his own fig tree to enjoy the full fruition of the comforts resulting from his faithful labors in the cause of equal rights.
He continued to discharge the important duties of Chief Justice up to 1799 illuminating his judicial path with profound learning, sound discretion and impartial decisions. His Supreme Court opinions, based, as they generally are—upon equal justice, correct law and strict equity—delivered when the form of government was changed, the laws unsettled, the stale constitution just formed, the Federal Government under its Constitution bursting from embryo—are monuments of legal fame enduring as social order—revered, respected—canonized.
He was a member of the convention that formed the constitution of Pennsylvania adopted in 1790 and exercised a salutary influence in that body. In 1799 he was elected Governor of the Keystone state and contributed largely in adding new strength and beauty to the arch of our Union. For nine successive years he directed the destinies of the land of Penn—commencing at a period when the mountain waves of party spirit were rolling fearfully over the United States with a fury before not dreamed of. Amidst the foaming and conflicting elements, Governor McKean stood at the helm of his commonwealth calm as a summer morning—firm as a granite rock and guided his noble ship through the whirling storm—unscathed and unharmed. He proved himself a safe and skilful pilot.
For elegance and force of language—correct and liberal views of policy—a luminous exposition of law and the principles of government—his annual messages to the legislature stand unrivalled. The clamors of his political enemies he passed by as the idle wind. The suggestions of his friends he scanned with the most rigid scrutiny. Neither flattery or censure could drive him from the strong citadel of his own matured judgment.
The fawning sycophant—the designing demagogue he spurned with contempt. By honest means only he desired the advancement of the party that had elevated him to a post of honor. Open and avowed principles—fully proclaimed and strictly carried out were frankly and without prevarication or disguise submitted to the people by him. He was a politician of the old school when each party had plain and distinctive landmarks, significant names and fixed principles. Political chemists had not then opened shop and introduced the modern mode of amalgamation—producing a heterogeneous mass that defies the power of analysis, analyzation or scientific arrangement. No one of the yclepped classes is homogeneous.
Governor McKean respected those who honestly differed from him in politics and had among them many valued friends. He was free from that narrow minded policy based upon self, which is too prominent at the present day among those who assume the high responsibility of becoming the arbiters of the minds of their fellow men. His views were expanding, liberal—broad—charitable. He aimed at distributing equal justice to all—the rich and poor, the public officer and private citizen. He preferred future good to present aggrandizement. To lay the deep foundations of increasing and lasting prosperity in his own state and through our nation was the object of this pure patriot, enlightened statesman and able jurist. The vast resources of our country, her wide spread territory, majestic rivers, silvery lakes, mineral wealth, rich valleys, majestic mountains, rolling uplands, beautiful prairies, extensive sea board, enterprising sons and her virtuous daughters—were all arrayed before his graspingmind and passed in grand review. He was firmly convinced that our people have only to be wise and good to be great and happy. With this end in view he embraced every opportunity in public and private life to inculcate those great principles of moral rectitude, inflexibly virtue, purity of motive and nobleness of action—that alone can preserve a nation. He cast a withering frown upon vice in all its deluding forms. He exerted his strongest powers to arrest the career of crime. He was a terror to evil doers and inspired confidence in those who did well.
In 1808 he retired from public life. He had devoted forty-six years to the faithful service of his country and had earned an imperishable fame. He stood approved at the bar of his country—his conscience and his God. He had acted well his part and contributed largely in raising our country to a proud elevation among the nations of the earth. He outlived all the animosities that a faithful discharge of duty too often creates. On the 24th of June 1817 he resigned his immortal spirit to Him who gave it and fell asleep in the arms of death as peacefully as a babe slumbers. He died at Philadelphia.
The private character of Judge McKean was unsullied as the virgin sheet. His person was tall and erect—his countenance intelligent, bold and commanding—his manners urbane, gentlemanly and affable—his feelings noble, generous and humane—his actions open, frank and republican. He was a refined philanthropist, a sterling patriot, an acute philosopher, an enlightened statesman, a profound lawyer, an impartial judge, an able magistrate and a truly good man. Legislators, statesmen, magistrates and judges—imitate the bright examples of this friend to his country—then our Republic is secure—our UNION safe.
Thepatriots of '76 proved the purity of their motives in the pursuit of emancipation more byactsthanwords. They were a united band of brothers who aimed at the general good of theirwholecountry—pledged to make her free or perish in the effort. No local interests—no sectional jealousies—no fire-brands of discord couldthendisorganize the phalanx of sages and heroes who struck forliberty. Under the guidance of Heaven they were crowned with victory. They purchasedfreedomwith torrents of blood and millions of treasure. That sacred boon they transmitted to us in pristine purity. Do weallfully appreciate this priceless legacy? Far from it. For years it has been the foot-ball of reckless demagogues—the neglected nursling of our people.Manytalkloud and long of their patriotism—sing the pæans of ourfreedom—laud the dear sovereign people to the skies—whoseactstoo plainly show that they look upon our UNION as a mere rope of sand and not as an invaluable treasure to be preserved at all hazards. They look upon the people as a mass of hood-winked worshippers at the shrine of party spirit—not as those who can, should andmustbanish them from our councils or be plunged into the vortex of fearful destruction. People of America! open your eyes to our true position! Look at the mighty struggles, the herculean labors, the gigantic efforts of the few pure patriots in our national council who have nobly warded off the lightning thunderbolts of the disorganizers. See the upheaving throes of the volcano that is rocking us in the consuming cradle of civil discord! Ponder well the danger of concentrating men in Congress whose boiling passions cannot be restrained by the safety-valve of reason—men who do not prize our UNION above all other considerations—whose burning zeal for local measures—party success and self interest would be their ruling passion amidst the smoking ruins of the temple of ourliberty. People of America! it is for you to perpetuate this expanding Republic. Youcanandshouldpreserve it. Banish all questions that can place it in jeopardy—permit all agitators to remain at home—let the people of each state strictly observe the eleventh commandment—then we may fondly hope that our course may be onward and upward for centuries to come.
Among those who acted a noble part in the American Revolution and exemplified patriotism by his acts—was Francis Marion who was born in 1733 near Georgetown in South Carolina. His early inclination led him to embark on board a vessel bound for the West Indies at the age of sixteen. During the voyage the vessel was upset in a gale and nothing saved but the boat in which the crew and a dog took refuge. They had no provisions but the raw flesh of Carlo and were out a week during which time several of them died. The sufferings and perils then endured cured Marion of his partiality for Neptune. As soon as possible he planted himself on terra firma and devoted his time to agriculture until 1759 when he received the commission of a lieutenant under Capt. Moultrie who was engaged in the expedition against the Cherokee Indians conducted by Gov. Lyttleton. Two years subsequent Marion was raised to the post of captain and served under Col. Grant in a second attempt to chastise the Cherokees. At the commencement of the Revolution of Independence he was on hand and ready for action. He was soon raised to the rank of major and served under Col. Moultrie in his gallant defence of the fort named in honorof that officer. He was then promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel and commanded a regiment at the siege of Charleston. In the early part of the siege one of his legs was fractured which saved him a journey to the Spanish Castle in Florida where all the unwounded prisoners were sent.
On his recovery he proceeded to North Carolina and was commissioned a Brigadier General of the militia and became one of the severest scourges the enemy had to encounter. He was enthusiastic in the cause of freedom and imparted this enthusiasm to all who rallied under him. He was remarkably shrewd, bold, energetic and persevering. With a small chosen band around him he retired to the intricate retreats in the low grounds of the Pedee and Black rivers, from which he would suddenly emerge and strike a sanguinary blow into the ranks of the enemy at an unexpected moment and retreat so quickly that they knew not from what direction he came or where to follow him. Even his friends were often ignorant of his location for days. He became a terror to the British army and led detached parties into many a quagmire where they frequently surrendered at discretion—knowing him to be as humane and generous as he was brave and wary. Col. Horry relates the following pleasing incident of Marion.
"About this time we received a flag from the enemy in Georgetown S. C. the object of which was to make arrangements about the exchange of prisoners. The flag, after the usual ceremony of blindfolding, was conducted into Marion's encampment. Having heard great talk about Gen. Marion, his fancy had naturally enough sketched out for him some stout figure of a warrior, such as O'Hara or Cornwallis himself, of martial aspect and flaming regimentals. But what was his surprise when led into Marion's presence and the bandage taken from his eyes, he beheld in our hero, a swarthy, smoke-dried little man with scarcely enough of thread-bare homespun to cover his nakedness and instead of tall ranks of gay dressed soldiers, a handful of sun burnt, yellow legged militia-men—some roasting potatoes and some asleep, with their black firelocks and powder horns lying by them on the logs. Having recovered a little from his surprise, he presented his letter to Gen. Marion, who perused it and settled everything to his satisfaction.
"The officer took up his hat to retire. 'Oh no'—said Marion—'it is now about our time of dining and I hope, sir, you will give us the pleasure of your company at dinner.'
"At the mention of the word dinner, the British officer looked around him, but to his great mortification, could see no sign of a pot,pan, Dutch oven, or any other cooking utensil that could raise the spirits of a hungry man.
"'Well Tom'—said the General to one of his men—'come give us our dinner.' The dinner he alluded to was no other than a heap of sweet potatoes that were snugly roasting under the embers and which Tom, with his pine stick poker soon liberated from their ashy confinement—pinching them every now and then with his fingers, especially the big ones, to see whether they were well done or not. Then, having cleansed them of the ashes, partly by blowing them with his breath and partly by brushing them with the sleeve of his old cotton shirt, he piled some of the best on a large piece of bark and placed them between the British officer and Marion on the trunk of the fallen pine on which they sat."
"'I fear sir'—said the General—'our dinner will not prove as palatable to you as I could wish—but it is the best we have.'
"The officer, who was a well bred man, took up one of the potatoes and affected to feed, as if he had found a great dainty—but it was very plain he ate more from good manners than good appetite. Presently he broke out into a hearty laugh. Marion looked surprised. 'I beg pardon General'—said he—'but one cannot, you know, always command one's conceits. I was thinking how drolly some of my brother officers would look if our government were to give them such a bill of fare as this.'
"'I suppose'—replied Marion—'it is not equal to their style of dining.'
"'No, indeed'—quoth the officer—'and this I imagine is one of your accidental dinners—a sort ofban yan. In general, no doubt, you live a great deal better.'
"'Rather worse'—answered the General—'for often we don't get enough of this.'
"'Heaven!' rejoined the officer—'but probably what you lose inmealyou make up inmalt—though stinted inprovisionsyou draw noblepay.'
"'Not a cent'—said Marion—'not a cent.'
"'Heavens and earth! then you must be in a bad box. I don't see, General, how you can stand it?'
"'Why, sir'—replied Marion with a smile of self approbation—'these things depend on feeling.'
"The Englishman said—'he did not believe it would be an easy matter to reconcilehis feelingsto a soldier's life on Gen. Marion's terms—all fighting, no pay and no provisions but potatoes.'
"'Why sir'—answered the General—'theheartis all and when thatis much interested a man can do anything. Many a youth would think it hard to indent himself a slave for fourteen years. But let him be over head and ears in love and with such a beauteous sweetheart as Rachel and he will think no more of fourteen years servitude than young Jacob did. Well now this is exactly my case. I am in love andmysweetheart isliberty. Be that heavenly nymph my champion and these woods shall have charms beyond London and Paris in slavery. To have no proud monarch driving over me with his gilt coaches—nor his host of excisemen and tax gatherers insulting and robbing—gloriously preserving my national dignity and pursuing my true happiness—planting my vineyards and eating their luscious fruit—sowing my fields and reaping the golden grain and seeing millions of brothers all around me equally free and happy as myself. This, sir, is what I long for.'
"The officer replied 'that both as man and a Briton he must certainly subscribe to this as a happy state of things.'
"'Happy'—quoth Marion—'yes, happy indeed. I would rather fight for such blessings for my country and feed on roots, than keep aloof though wallowing in all the luxuries of Solomon. For now, sir, I walk the soil that gave me birth and exult in the thought that I am not unworthy of it. I look upon these venerable trees around me and feel that I do not dishonor them. I think of my own sacred rights and rejoice that I have not basely deserted them. And when I look forward to the long-long ages of posterity, I glory in the thought that I am fighting their battles. The children of distant generations may never hear my name but still it gladdens my heart to think that I am now contending fortheirfreedom with all its countless blessings.'
"I looked at Marion as he uttered these sentiments and fancied I felt as when I heard the last words of the brave De Kalb. The Englishman hung his honest head and looked, I thought, as if he had seen the upbraiding ghosts of his illustrious countrymen—Sidney and Hamden. On his return to Georgetown he was asked by Col. Watson why he looked so serious?
"'I have cause, sir, to look serious.'
"'What! has Gen. Marion refused to treat?'
"'No, sir.'
"'Well then, has old Washington defeated Sir Henry Clinton and broke up our army?'
"'No sir, not that neither—butworse.'
"'Ah! what can be worse?'
"'Why sir, I have seen an American General and his officerswithoutpayand almostwithout clothes, living onrootsand drinkingwater—all forLiberty! What chance have we against such men?'
It is said Col. Watson was not much obliged to him for his speech. But the young officer was so struck with Marion's sentiments that he never rested until he threw up his commission and retired from the service."
It would be well if more of our own countrymen were as deeply impressed with the sentiments of Marion as was that honest Briton. It would be a new and glorious era in the later history of our Republic if the unadulterated patriotism of Marion could be revived in the bosoms of the increasing millions of our land. Then our national council would not be disgraced by wrangling, pugnacious, reckless demagogues. They would be left to blow off their explosive gas in retirement instead of exerting their thunder for nearly a year at a time at the capitol at an enormous expense and with less sense and benefit than boys exhibit with fire crackers in the streets.
Gen. Marion continued in active service until that Liberty was won with which he was so deeply in love. He then retired to private life, had the good sense to marry an amiable lady and continued to enjoy the fruits of his toils in the camp until February 1795 when, an arrow from the quiver of death pierced the shining mark and consigned his mortal remains to the peaceful tomb. In life he was beloved by all who knew him—in death he was deeply mourned. His whole course had been marked by a stern integrity—an untarnished virtue—a lofty patriotism—that ever command sincere respect and merited admiration. He was small in stature but large in soul. Strong common sense guided him in every action. He rarely said or did what was not absolutely necessary and for the best. Few men have lived who were as free from all surplusage. Let every reader ponder well the useful career of the noble Marion and profit by his examples. Then our UNION will be safe.
Acareful examination of the history of England—of her Magna Charta and Constitution—of the rights by them secured and of the gross violation of those rights at various periods will show the reader why so many men of high attainments and liberal minds came to America. Disgusted with oppression at home they sought Liberty abroad. They fled from religious and political persecution as from a pestilence. The same cause that induced them to leave their native land prompted them tovigorous action when imported tyranny invaded their well earned privileges. The mind of every man and woman who came to this asylum of the oppressed for the sake of freedom was as well prepared to meet the crisis of the Revolution as were our native citizens. The feelings created by remembered injuries which drove them from the mother country rendered them as formidable opponents to the unjust pretensions of the crown as those who had never breathed the atmosphere of Europe. In tracing our own history back to the early settlements we find frequent struggles between the people and the officers sent by the king to rule them—the former claiming their inherent rights—the latter often infringing them. The time finally arrived when forbearance was no longer a virtue.
Among those who espoused the cause of inalienable rights at an early period was Edward Middleton the great grandfather of the younger Arthur. He came from England to S. C. near the close of the 17th century. He left a son Arthur who imbibed the liberal views of his father. In 1719 he headed an opposition that boldly demanded and obtained the removal of the insolent crown officers then in power. He left a son Henry, one of the same sort who was the father of the subject of this sketch and took an active part at the commencement of the Revolution by rousing his fellow citizens to action.
His son Arthur was born at Middleton place on the bank of Ashley rivers S. C. in 1743. His mother was the daughter of Mr. Williams a wealthy planter and was faithful to her children. She lived until 1814, esteemed in life—lamented in death. Arthur was the eldest child and received the best advantages of an early education. At the age of twelve years he was placed in the celebrated seminary at Hackney near London and two years after entered the classic school of Westminster. His industry was unremitting—his conduct unexceptionable. At eighteen he became a student in the University of Cambridge and at the age of twenty-two graduated. He was a profound scholar and untarnished in his morals. Trivial amusements and dissipation had no charms for him. Although liberally supplied with money economy was a governing principle, wisdom his constant guide. Students of our country will do well to imitate his example. After the completion of his education he made the tour of Europe. Familiar with the Greek and Roman classics he enjoyed great pleasure in visiting the ancient seats of learning. He was well versed in all the technicalities of sculpture and architecture and had an exquisite taste for poetry, music and painting. He took notes of all he saw—improved by all he learned.
After travelling for two years he returned to his native home andbosom of his family and friends. His education completed he took the next wise step of a young man about to enter upon business and married a worthy daughter of Walter Izard. The next year the happy pair visited their relatives in England—spent some time in France and Spain—returned in 1773 and took possession of the old paternal mansion which his father had conveyed to him placing him in affluent circumstances.
Possessed of an observing mind his knowledge of English policy and of the principles of monarchy was of a superior order. The effects of this policy and of these principles were painfully visible throughout the American Colonies. Rocked in the cradle of patriotism by his father—tracing its fair lines in the history of his genealogy—Libertywas to him an heir-loom. Everything around him prompted his onward course towards the goal of freedom. He boldly espoused the cause of the people which is uniformly the cause ofright. The Middletons were the nucleus of the opposition to tyranny in South Carolina. Their influence reached over the entire province. Although wealthy, aristocracy found no resting place with them. They were Republicans of the first water. They freely and promptly pledged life, fortune and honor in behalf of rational liberty.
Arthur Middleton was upon the various committees of the people to devise means of safety. He was one of the committee of five that decided a recourse to arms and led the people into the royal magazine who removed the deposits in defiance of the threats and growls of the British lion. This occurred on the 17th April 1775. On the 14th of June following the provincial Congress appointed a Committee of Safety composed of thirteen of which Arthur Middleton was one. This committee was fully authorized to organize a military force and adopt such measures as might seem most expedient to arrest the mad career of the royalists.
During the session of the first provincial Congress of South Carolina Lord William Campbell, the new governor, arrived fresh from the British office mint. He was to reduce the rebels at one bold stroke. At first he was all mildness and did not pretend to justify the oppressions of which the people complained. To prove the insincerity of which Mr. Middleton believed him guilty, Adam McDonald, a member of Council, was introduced to him as a Tory from the upper country who seemed anxious to have the rebels put down. The governor requested him to keep quiet a short time as troops would soon arrive to put a quietus upon thenew fangledauthorities. When this report was made known to the Council Mr. Middleton moved to have the governor arrested although nearly related to him by marriage. His colleagues were too timidthenfor such a measure, but so rapidly did their courage increase that his excellency soon retired on board a sloop of war to avoid the popular fury. In a few days Sir Henry Clinton and Sir Peter Parker arrived with an armed fleet and troops to enforce the authority of Lord Campbell and teach peace to the rebels. An immediate attack was made on Fort Moultrie which was a perfect failure. The governor was wounded and Sir Peter had the nether part of his silk unmentionables badly mutilated by an unpolished rebel cannon ball.
On the 11th February 1776 Mr. Middleton was one of the committee that drafted the first constitution of his native State. Soon after he was elected to the Continental Congress and became a conspicuous member. He boldly advocated and by his signature sanctioned the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. He used but few words in debate briefly presenting the strong points of the subject under discussion. He was always heard with attention and had great influence. He stood at the head of the delegation of his State. He exemplified strong common sense—attending to the business of his constituents and the good of his country. He was an intimate friend of John Hancock who held him in high estimation.
In 1778 he was elected governor of his native State without his knowledge, advice or consent. The mode of election was by the legislature and secret ballot. Caucuses, insulated with intrigue and corruption, were then unknown. Love of Liberty and country, exemplified by the acts of freemen, were all the "pledges" required. He declined accepting the office for the reason that a constitution was before the legislature not as republican as he desired and if adopted required the assent of the executive. Believing it would be sanctioned and could be amended at some future time he preferred not placing himself in the way. Rawlin Lowndes was then elected who approved of the constitution on the 19th March 1778.
Political honesty was a marked trait in the character of Arthur Middleton. No inducements could turn him from the path of rectitude and duty. He weighed measures, men and things in the unerring scales of justice. He went with no man unless he believed him clearly right. He was sound at the core. His mind was pure and free as mountain air—his purposes noble, bold and patriotic. In 1779, when the British troops were devastating S. Carolina, he took the field with Gov. Rutledge and cheerfully endured the privations of the camp. At the attack upon Charleston by Gen. Provost, he manifested great coolness andcourage. His family was driven away by the destroying enemy and his property plundered. Several valuable paintings were mutilated in the most shameful manner. At the surrender of Charleston in 1780, he was among the prisoners sent to the Spanish Castle at St. Augustine, Florida and manfully endured the cowardly indignities there imposed upon the Americans. In July 1781 a general exchange of prisoners took place when he returned to Philadelphia. He was again elected to Congress and resumed the important duties of legislation. Soon after this the last important act of the revolutionary tragedy was closed at Yorktown, where the Heroes of the revolutionary stage took a closing benefit at the expense of British pride and kingly ambition. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis the last hope of the crown in America expired in all the agonies of mortification.
In 1782 Mr. Middleton was again returned to Congress where he continued until November when he returned to his long neglected home. He declined remaining in Congress that he might serve his own state. He did much towards restoring order, harmony and stability in the new government of South Carolina. He was several times a member of her legislature and used his best efforts to advance her prosperity. At intervals he improved his desolated plantation and looked forward to years of domestic felicity. But alas! how uncertain are all sublunary things. In the autumn of 1786 he was attacked with the intermittent fever which terminated in serious disease and caused his death on the first day of January 1787, leaving a wife, two sons and six daughters to mourn their irreparable loss. He was deeply lamented by the nation at large. He was held in great veneration by every friend of freedom in the country. He had only to be known to be loved and admired. He was a consolation to his friends, a shining light in the cause of freedom, an ornament to society, a good and honest man. The examples of such a man are living epistles, worthy to be known and read by all who desire the happiness of our beloved country and the perpetuity of our glorious UNION.
A militarydespotism is a national curse, a blighting sirocco, a foe to liberty. Laws that require the bayonet to enforce them for an extended length of time are bad or the people for whom they are made are unworthy of freedom. Moments of excitement do occur in the best organized communities arising from a sudden local impulse that requirea show of military power and even its force—but in a little time reason resumes her sway, the spirit of mobocracy subsides, the soldier again becomes the peaceful citizen and rests for security upon the strong arm of civil power.
Quartering the military upon the citizens of a community is full of danger. After having enjoyed the bounty and hospitality of the inhabitants let that military be directed to enforce laws that are obnoxious to the people—an indignation is roused that is increased tenfold from the circumstance of previous familiarity. The citizen conceives he has bestowed a special favor upon the soldier. He looks upon the attempt to force unjust laws upon him as base ingratitude—the blackest crime out of pandemonium. Favors forgotten and ingratitude displayed add desperation to revenge. Previous to the American Revolution the military were quartered upon or drew their support directly from the people. The Colonies had contributed largely in money and blood to aid the mother country in conquering her most inveterate foe in America—the French in Canada. No return was asked but the quiet enjoyment of chartered privileges guarantied by the constitution. This was denied them. Petitions were treated contumely—remonstrances were laughed to scorn. Then it was that a band of Sages and Heroes rose in all the majesty of man's native dignity and vindicated their inalienable rights.
Among the boldest of the bold was Lewis Morris, born at Morrisania in the vicinity of the city of New York in 1726. The preserved documents of this family trace their genealogy back to Rhice Fitzgerald. Rhys or Rhice Fitzgerald was a Cambrian chieftain who carried his military operations and conquests into Ireland during the reign of Henry II. By his valor and success he obtained the name of Maur [great] Rhice and the penultimate Fitzgerald being dropped gives us the name in plain English—Morris. In tracing genealogy we find names more changed than this. Genealogy and the origin of names is an amusing study—if you have leisure try it.
Lewis was the son of Judge Morris of the same Christian name who retained possession of the paternal estate formerly purchased by his grandfather, Richard Morris, who was a leader under Cromwell and came from Barbadoes in 1663 and purchased a tract of land near Harlaem on York Island. He left an only son, Lewis, who was Chief Justice of New York and subsequently governor of New Jersey.
After his preparatory studies Lewis entered Yale College at the age of sixteen. From the President, Dr. Clap, he imbibed a relish for moral and religious principles and became a good scholar. In 1746he graduated—returned to his estate and became extensively engaged in agriculture. At that period the Colonies were free, prosperous and happy. The mother country had not discovered the philosopher's stone of taxing her distant children to support royalty. They were left to pursue their own course—enjoy the fruit of their labors and repose in peace. In this delightful retirement Mr. Morris continued to improve his farm and mind. By his suavity of manners, moral rectitude and honorable course he gained the confidence and esteem of all who made his acquaintance. He was the nucleus to a circle of friends of the highest attainments and respectability. He became a great favorite among the people and did all in his power to improve their condition and promote general good. He was a philanthropist and patriot.
The time rolled on rapidly when colonial repose was to be plucked up from the roots and perish under the burning heat of British oppression. The treasury of England had been drained by extravagance and war—her national debt had become frightfully large. The story of prosperity and wealth in America had been told to Mr. Grenville by an evil person in an evil hour. The plan of imperious taxation was devised. The Stamp Act was passed as a feeler. The descendants of the pilgrim fathers thought its feeling rather rough and recoiled from the touch with amazement. They loved their king but they loved their chartered privileges and country more. Legal remedies were resorted to. A Congress was convened at New York and several Colonies ably represented. Powerful addresses to the throne and people of Great Britain were prepared breathing the purest allegiance conditioned on the restoration of constitutional rights. The Stamp Act was repealed only to give place to a more voracious and obnoxious budget of Acts. The ministry bent all their force to accomplish their impolitic designs. They did more to prepare the people of America for Independence than the combined energies of the Sages could have effected without their co-operation. In devising a great evil they consummated a great good.
Mr. Morris took a deep interest in passing events—at first only as an adviser. Although Massachusetts took the lead in resisting oppression New York was not tardy in coming to the rescue. In 1767 an Act was passed by Parliament compelling the people of that Province to furnish the British soldiers that were quartered among them with provisions. By this order the burden fell upon certain portions of the inhabitants exclusively and notpro rotaupon the whole. It was a direct invasion of personal rights and was most severely felt by thecitizens of the city of New York and its vicinity. This measure brought Mr. Morris out. He publicly proclaimed it unconstitutional and tyrannical and contributed largely towards influencing the legislature to place a veto upon it. Might triumphed over right and enforced the contribution from the citizens. Spirits like that of Lewis Morris were not to be subdued. An unquenchable fire was only smothered to gather volcanic force under the brittle crust that covered it. It was constantly increased by supplies of fuel from Mr. Grenville and his more subtle successor Lord North. The statute of Henry VIII. was revived which doomed the disobedient to be sent to England for trial. Its eldest daughter—the Boston Port Bill was ushered into life and other screws of the rack tightened. The last petitions and remonstrances in the magazine of patience were finally exhausted. It was speedily replenished with materials more weighty than paper. Mr. Morris had become a prominent leader, a bold and substantial whig, rather too highly charged for the conciliatory Congress of 1774. The time came on apace when the people required just such a man and in April 1775 elected him to the Continental Congress. Even then most people attributed their sufferings to the venal ministry and hoped the king would cease to be an automaton and prove himself a man worthy of the high station he occupied. But hopes were vain—the olive branch withered beneath the scorching rays of corrupted power. The virtues of steel, powder and lead were then to be tried. Already had the purple current of Americans saturated the streets of Boston and the heights of Lexington. Already had the groans of dying citizens, slain by the hands of those whom they had fed—pierced the ears of thousands. Already were widows weeping for husbands weltering in blood and orphans for fathers covered in gore. If imagination sickens—if language fails, if history is impotent in conveying but a faint idea of the consuming anguish, the bitter grief, the palsying terrors, the boiling revenge, the deep resolves of those dark hours—how heart breaking—how overwhelming must have been the dreadful reality to living witnesses.
Soon after he took his seat in Congress Mr. Morris was placed upon a committee of which the illustrious Washington was chairman to devise measures to obtain the munitions of war. This was adesideratumrather problematical. Comparatively a sling and a few smooth stones were all the patriots had with which to combat the British Goliah. But the battle of Bunker Hill convinced all parties that rusty guns in hands with nerves of steel guided by hearts of oak could do good service and that men resolved on liberty or death were not to betamely yoked without a desperate effort to be free. Mr. Morris became an active member and advocated strong measures. The year previous he was considered rash—the time had arrived when all saw the necessity of pursuing the course he had marked out. He became early convinced that an honorable arrangement could not be hadunderGreat Britain—nothing but a triumphoverher would restore the equilibrium of justice. He was one of a committee to visit the Indian tribes to persuade them not to enlist under the blood stained banner of England. But British gold was stronger than the most eloquent reasoning. To the eternal disgrace of those who were then wielding the destinies of the mother country, a premium was given forscalpsnot for prisoners. So dark, so deep, so damming a blot rests not upon the escutcheon of any other nation upon earth. Why? Because that kingdom had been the proclaimed conservator of the peaceful, humane religion of the Cross for centuries—the crowning glory of which is love. The foul deed was committed in the full blaze of Gospel light and boasted civilization. There were noble souls in parliament at that time and millions of British subjects who looked upon the horrors of that demoniac policy with as much indignity as an American can. Mr. Morris also visited the New England States for the purpose of maturing plans to raise supplies and commence concentrated vigorous action.
In 1776 he again took his seat in Congress and was pleased to find the general pulse beating in unison with his own—a determination to sever the Gordian knot and proclaim an eternal separation from a nation that held power only to abuse it. He was on many important committees—was all activity in and out of the House. In his native neighborhood he had a herculean task in rousing the people to a sense of their true position. Gov. Tryon mingled the poison with the wisdom of the serpent—affected to be harmless as a dove and exercised a powerful influence over the people of the city of New York in favor of the crown. He pointed them to the certain destruction of the commercial interests by a war—the inequality of the two powers—the impossibility of Whig success and construed self interest into self preservation. To paralyze his influence required great exertion. Mr. Morris and his friends put forth their noblest energies in the mighty work. What they could not effect, British oppression and the powder and ball of Gen. Howe soon accomplished.
When the Declaration of Independence was proposed Mr. Morris became one of its ardent supporters. At that very time his large estate was within the power of the enemy. He well knew that his signature to the proposed instrument would be destructive to all his property within the reach of British hirelings. Most faithfully was the work executed. Even his extensive woodlands of a thousand acres were subjected to axe and fire—his family driven from home and every species of devastation resorted to that malice could invent, hatred design, revenge execute. ButLibertywas dearer to this devoted patriot than earth and all its riches. He boldly sanctioned and fearlessly affixed his name to the great certificate of our national birth and rejoiced in freedom illumined by the conflagration of his own Elysian Morrisania. His family and himself suffered many privations during the remainder of the war. They endured every hardship with heroic fortitude without regret for the past and with buoyant hope for the bright future.
In 1777 he resigned his seat in Congress and rendered important services in the legislature of his native State. He also served in the tented field and rose to the rank of major-general of militia. He was a good disciplinarian and reduced the state troops to an excellent organization. In every situation he ably and zealously discharged all his duties and did not leave the service of his country until the American arms were triumphant and the Independence of our nation acknowledged by Great Britain. Then he retired to his desolated plantation—converted his sword into a pruning hook—his musket into a ploughshare and his farm into a delightful retreat where his friends from the city often visited him to enjoy his agreeable society—talk of times gone by and rejoice in the consolations of blood-bought Liberty. Peacefully and calmly he glided down the stream of time until January 1798 when his immortal spirit left its frail bark and launched upon the ocean of eternity in a more substantial vessel. He died serene and happy surrounded by an affectionate family and kind friends. His remains were deposited in the family vault upon his farm under the honors of an epic and civic procession.
The private virtues and public services of Mr. Morris rendered him dear to all who knew him. His appearance was in every way commanding. A noble and graceful figure, a fine and intelligent face, an amiable and agreeable disposition, a warm and ardent temperament, a benevolent and generous heart, an independent and patriotic soul—crowned with intelligence, refinement and goodness—he was in all respects worthy to be admired and beloved. His examples illustrate the patriotism that impelled to action during the Revolution. He had everything that could be destroyed to lose if successful—if not—death was his probable doom. Previous to the war he was a favorite of the king—his brother Staats was a member of Parliament and a general officer under the crown. But few made as great personal sacrificesand no one made them more cheerfully. Like Marion—he preferred a morsel of bread, a meal of roasted potatoes with Liberty—to all the trappings of royalty and all the honors that could be conferred by a king. So long as this kind of patriotism finds a resting place in the bosoms of a respectable majority of Columbia's sons—our UNION is safe. Let this be banished by the majority as it is by a fearful minority—the fair temple of ourLibertywill perish in flames kindled by its professed guardians. Freemen of America! I warn you to preserve, in original purity, thefreedompurchased with the rich blood of our fathers.
Selfis the Sahara of the human heart where all the noble powers of the soul are buried in its scorching sands. We may pour upon it floods of human woe and streams of melting kindness without producing the least appearance of sympathy or gratitude. The blighting sirocco of cold indifference sweeps over this desert mind, increases the powers of absorption—annihilates all that is cheering and lovely. The keenest miseries of a fellow man cannot move it—the mournful obsequies of his death cannot shame it. It is one of the foul blots imprinted on human nature by Lucifer and should be hurled back to Pandemonium. It dwells only in little minds and pinches them as dandy boots do the feet—covering them with excrescences as painful as corns and chilblains. He who is a slave to self could calmly look on the "wreck of matter and the crash of worlds" if it would add one item to his sordid gains.
Man was created a social being—benevolent, sympathetic, kind, affectionate—quick to feel and prompt to alleviate the misfortunes of his fellow man. But for the soul-killing influence of self these noble germs of human nature, as originally cast in the mould of creative wisdom, would bud and blossom as the rose and crown the human family with millennial glory.
On the pages of history we find many bright spots of self sacrifice and blooming benevolence. Individuals have lived who banished self and devoted their lives, fortunes and sacred honors to promote the best interests of the human race—men whose motives, impelling them to action, were chastened by purity, who aimed to promote public good and personal happiness.
In the history of the American Revolution we find a cheering catalogue of such philanthropists whose memories we delight to honor.No one among them did more to accomplish the great end in view than Robert Morris. He was born at Liverpool, Lancashire, England on the 20th of January 1734. His father was a respectable merchant and settled at Oxford on the eastern shore of Maryland in 1746. He then sent for this son who arrived at Oxford at the age of thirteen. He received only a good commercial education. At the age of fifteen he lost his father by death. He was then in the counting house of Charles Willing one of the most thorough and enterprising merchants of Philadelphia. After having served a faithful apprenticeship Mr. Willing set him up in business and remained his fast friend and adviser. For several years he prosperedalonebut finding the cares of life pressing upon him he wisely resolved to take a partner to accompany him in his pilgrimage through this vale of tears. That partner was the meritorious Mary, daughter of Col. White and sister to the pious and learned Bishop White. She possessed every quality that adorns her sex and renders connubial felicity complete. What isnowmore thanthenconsidered by too many heartless bipeds asine qua non—she brought with her—wealth. Thisdesideratumis often a blighting substitute for genuine affection—too often the corroding mildew of matrimonial happiness. No man or woman with a good heart, clear head and sound discretion—ever marriedrichesinstead of theperson. It is the quintessence of self.
Not so with Mr. Morris and his partner. Their richest treasure was mutual esteem flowing from the pure fountain of their kindred hearts anxious to promote the reciprocal happiness of each other and the felicity of all around them. Nothing occurred to mar their refined enjoyments until the revolutionary storm burst upon the Colonies.
Mr. Morris was a sterling patriot and did not look upon the commoving political elements with indifference. He had inhaled the atmosphere of inherent freedom—his soul was roused to god-like action—he resolved to hold his life and fortune subject to the drafts ofLiberty. If self had held her withering sway he would have remained a loyal slave. His interests were entirely commercial—his wealth was exposed to the destructive power of the mother country. He amassed it only to do good. He was not fastidious as to the manner it was distributed so that his noble aim might be accomplished—the salvation of his country.
He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and took an unflinching stand against British oppression. Extensively and favorably known—his influence was of high importance to the friends of justice. Being an able financier he was hailed as the most efficient manager of the monetary department. To provide ways and means he was fully authorized.Most nobly did he discharge his duty. Unfortunately no office of finance was then created to enable him to control the disbursements. The money he continued to provide—often from his private funds. When Congress fled before the conquering foe to Baltimore in 1776 Mr. Morris remained in Philadelphia some days after his colleagues left, for the purpose of raising government funds. In so doing he periled his life, as he had placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence—then sneeringly called the death warrant of the signers by the Tories and their coadjutors—the British. During his stay it became necessary for Congress to raise a specific sum. The treasury was empty. Notice of the wants of the army was communicated to him. Shortly after he met a member of the Society of Friends whose confidence he had. "What news friend Robert?" "The news is—I am in immediatewant of——dollars hard money and you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note of hand and my word of honor." "Robert thou shall have it." The money was promptly forwarded to Washington which enabled him to meet the enemy at Trenton with signal success.
Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his duties and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction of secrecy who then had the credit of affording relief on their own account. When Gen. Greene took command of the troops in S. C. they were deplorably destitute of food, clothing and ammunition. To the agreeable astonishment of the army and people Mr. Hall of that state advanced the money to purchase supplies and enabled the General to commence vigorous operations. After the war had closed the accounts of disbursements showed that Mr. Hall had acted under Mr. Morris who furnished the needful from his private purse and saved the army from dissolution. On being made acquainted with the fact at the finance office, General Greene was at first displeased with the act but on analyzing it applauded the wisdom of this secrecy and said—"If I had known that I might have drawn on Robert Morris I should have demanded larger sums and effected no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my hands." His advances to the Southern army nearly produced his pecuniary ruin.
As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found every government resource exhausted—the credit of the infant Republic paralyzed—the army writhing under the keenest privations—had his mind been of ordinary calibre he would have abandoned the ship of state amidst the breakers that were dashing over her and reported her to the underwriters as wrecked. But he had resolved never to desert her so long as a plank remained upon the hull or a beam retained its fasteningsupon the keel. His own resources were large and his credit upon a firm basis. These were thrown in the breach and warded off the threatened destruction. To save himself and his country he proposed the plan of establishing the Bank of North America. This was sanctioned by Congress and a charter granted on the 7th of January 1782. This bank has ever stood firm amidst all the pecuniary panics and revolutions that have occurred to the present time.
As astounding as the fact may appear the office of Finance was not created until 1781. Up to that time there was no disbursing agent and large sums of money were placed in the hands of irresponsible agents and never reached their legitimate destination. When established it was placed under the control of Mr. Morris who reduced the expenditures of military operations three millions in a single year, showing that self can convert ostensible patriots into knaves no matter how sacred the cause engaged in or how binding the obligation to do justice. Avaunt! thou thing infernal! Had the office of Finance been established at the commencement of hostilities and Mr. Morris made the disbursing agent, the means of prosecuting the war would have been ample—our army would have been full and saved from the dreadful privations endured—our country would have been saved from a large portion of the devastations committed by the enemy—the struggle would probably have been terminated in half the time and the government been able to redeem every dollar of its paper issues. With so much concentrated talent and wisdom as were in the Continental Congress at all times, the problem of this disastrous omission cannot be solved by any approved rules of government or legislation. I have ever looked at it with deep regret and surprise.
Mr. Morris was the Roman Curtius of America, pledging his own fortune to save his country and deliver her from worse than Egyptian bondage. As a demonstration I will particularize one other instance of supplies furnished upon his private credit, which was the means of closing the unequal contest.
When the expedition against Cornwallis was planned by Washington the government treasury was empty and her credit shivering in the wind. The army was in a destitute situation and without the means of prosecuting a siege. Impressed deeply with the importance of the plan Mr. Morris undertook the herculean task of providing supplies for the expedition upon his private credit. Such confidence had Washington in this able financier that he at once took up the line of march. In the short space of four weeks he furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and one hundred pieces of field artillery with other necessary supplies not furnished by the South. Although aided by the patriotic Richard Peters he gave his own notes to the amount of one million four hundred thousand dollars which were all paid at maturity. This enabled the Americans to triumphantly close the long and bloody struggle of the Revolution and lay firmly the foundations of the prosperity and government we now enjoy. There was disinterested benevolence crowned with all the majesty of pure devotion to the interests of country and the human family—as free from self as angels are.
Under cover of the firm in which he was a partner—Willing, Morris & Co. many important and advantageous transactions were made for government although apparently for the firm, the large profits of which were placed to the credit of the public treasury. This was conclusively shown by an investigation instituted in Congress on motion of Mr. Laurens at the instance of Mr. Morris in order to repel base slanders put in circulation against this pure and honest patriot.
All the accusations that have been brought against Robert Morris before and since his death, charging him with peculation or speculation in government funds or of any improper conduct towards his country as a public agent are without foundation in fact and out of the record. From the numerous documents I have examined, I am fully convinced that Robert Morris was one of the most disinterested patriots of the Revolution and one of the most efficient instruments in consummating that glorious enterprise. He was so considered by the illustrious Washington—the Continental Congress and by all who were and are properly posted on the subject. General Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose biographer—long after thesageand theherohad gone where none but slanderers dare rake up the sacred ashes of the dead, published a tirade of abuse against Mr. Morris that has impaired his dignity as an impartial writer so as to render his envy abortive—his malice powerless. His extracts from public documents are garbled—his conclusions are based on false premises—his innuendos are ungenerous—his attack gratuitous and has justly recoiled upon the proud escutcheon of his literary fame.
The shafts of slander can never mar the fair reputation of this benefactor of our country although hurled like lightning thunderbolts from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring records of our nation his acts are written. There they stand in bold relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun and as withering to his enemies as the burning sand of Sahara.
Congress elected Mr. Morris Superintendent of Finance on the 20th of February 1781. It was only from a deep sense of duty he could beurged to accept the office. It was at a dark and fearful period of the Revolution. His duties were onerous and multiform. He immediately instituted an examination of the public debts, revenue and expenditures—reduced to economical system the mode of regulating the finances and disbursing the public funds—executed the plans of Congress relative to monetary affairs—superintended the action of all persons employed in obtaining and distributing supplies for the army—attended to the collection of all monies due the United States—held a supervision over all the contractors for military supplies—provided for the civil list—corresponded with the Executive of each state and with ministers of our government in Europe and transacted business with all the public departments. Through the agency of the Bank of North America and with his own proverbial responsibility he improved the national credit so far that money was obtained from Europe on loan and a brighter prospect opened before the desponding patriots. He introduced rigid economy through all the avenues of public operations. He boldly entered the Ægean stable and was the Hercules to cleanse it. Corrupt agents and corrupting speculators fled before his searching scrutiny—hissing like serpents disturbed in their dens. Perfect system pervaded all his transactions reducing them all to writing so that he was able to produce a conclusive voucher for each and every public act during his term of service. He believed system to be the ballast, main-mast and helm of business.
At the time of his resignation he placed himself in the crucible of an examining committee of Congress before whom he exhibited a schedule of all his public transactions. The report of the committee placed him on a lofty eminence as an able and skilful financier—a patriotic and honest man. President Washington tendered him the office of Secretary of the Treasury, which he respectfully declined. He was a member of the convention that framed the Federal Constitution and a Senator in the first Congress that convened under it. He seldom spoke in debate but when he did he was eloquent, chaste and logical. He was heard with profound attention and had great influence with his colleagues. He possessed an inexhaustible store of useful information applicable to all the relations of public and private life. When the peace of 1783 was consummated Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial business. He favored every kind of improvement and did all in his power to promote general good and individual happiness. He first introduced ice and hot-houses in our country. He was a rare specimen of industry, system, punctuality and honesty.
After spending a long life in skilfully wielding a capital of millionshe at last foundered upon the rock of land speculation and closed his eventful career in poverty on the 8th of May 1806 at the city of Philadelphia sincerely mourned by his country and most deeply lamented by those who knew him best. He met the grim messenger of death with resignation and calmness—bid a cheerful farewell to friends, the toils of earth and all sublunary things.
Mr. Morris was a large man with an open countenance, pleasing in his manners and agreeable in all his associations. His private character was as pure as his public career was illustrious. Dying poor, no marble monument is reared to his memory but his name is deeply engraved upon the tablet of meritorious fame and will be revered by every true American and patriot until the historic page shall be blotted from the world—social order submerged by chaos.