SATIRE XV.

Who knows not, O Volusius[1055]of Bithynia, the sort of monsters Egypt,[1056]in her infatuation, worships? One partvenerates the crocodile:[1057]another trembles before an Ibis gorged with serpents. The image of a sacred monkey glitters in gold, where the magic chords sound from Memnon[1058]broken in half, and ancient Thebes lies buried in ruins, with her hundred gates. In one place they venerate sea-fish, in another river-fish; there, whole towns worship a dog;[1059]no one Diana. It is an impious act to violate or break with the teeth a leek or an onion.[1060]O holy nations! whose gods grow for them in their gardens![1061]Every table abstains from animals that have wool: it is a crime there to kill a kid. But human flesh is lawful food.

Were Ulysses[1062]to relate at supper such a deed as this to the amazed Alcinous, he would perhaps have excited the ridicule or anger of some, as a lying babbler.[1063]"Does no one hurl this fellow into the sea, that deserves indeed a savage Charybdis and a real one[1064]too, for inventing[1065]his huge Læstrygones[1066]and Cyclops. For I would far more readily believein Scylla, or the Cyanean rocks that clash together,[1067]and the skins filled with stormy winds; or that Elpenor, struck with the light touch of Circe's wand, grunted in company with his messmates turned to hogs. Does he suppose the heads of the Phæacians so void[1068]of brains?"

So might any one with reason have argued, who was not yet drunk,[1069]and had taken but a scanty draught[1070]of the potent wine from the Corcyræan[1071]bowl; for the Ithacan[1072]told his adventures alone, with none to attest his veracity. We are about to relate events, wondrous indeed, but achieved only lately, while Junius[1073]was consul, above the walls of sultry Coptos.[1074]We shall recount the crime of a whole people, deedsmore atrocious than any tragedy could furnish. For from the days of Pyrrha,[1075]though you turn over every tragic theme,[1076]in none is a whole people[1077]made the perpetrators of the guilt. Here, then, an instance which even in our own days ruthless barbarism[1078]produced. There is an inveterate and long-standing grudge,[1079]a deathless hatred and a rankling wound that knows no cure, burning fiercely still between Ombos[1080]and Tentyra, two neighboring peoples. On both sides the principal rancor arises from the fact that each place hates its neighbor's gods,[1081]and believes those onlyought to be held as deities which itself worships. But at a festive period of one of those peoples, the chiefs and leaders of their enemies determined that the opportunity must be seized, to prevent their enjoying their day of mirth and cheerfulness, and the delights of a grand dinner, when their tables were spread near the temples and cross-ways, and the couch that knows not sleep, since occasionally even the seventh day's sun finds it still there, spread without intermission of either night or day.[1082]Savage,[1083]in truth, is Egypt! But in luxury, so far as I myself remarked, even the barbarous mob does not fall short of the infamous Canopus.[1084]

Besides, victory is easily gained over men reeking[1085]with wine, stammering[1086]and reeling. On one side there was a crew of fellows dancing to a black piper; perfumes, such as they were; and flowers, and garlands in plenty round their brows. On the other side was ranged fasting hate. But,with minds inflamed, they begin first of all to give vent to railings[1087]in words.

This was the signal-blast[1088]of the fray. Then with shouts from both sides, the conflict begins; and in lieu of weapons,[1089]the unarmed hand rages.

Few cheeks were without a wound. Scarcely one, if any, had a whole nose out of the whole line of combatants. Now you might see, through all the hosts engaged, mutilated faces,[1090]features not to be recognized, bones showing ghastly beneath the lacerated cheek, fists dripping with blood from their enemies' eyes. But still the combatants themselves consider they are only in sport, and engaged in a childish[1091]encounter, because they do not trample any corpses under foot. What, forsooth, is the object of so many thousands mixing in the fray, if no life is to be sacrificed? The attack, therefore, is more vigorous; and now with arms inclined along the ground they begin to hurl stones[1092]they have picked up—Sedition's[1093]own peculiar weapons.

Yet not such stones as Ajax[1094]or as Turnus[1095]hurled; norof the weight of that with which Tydides[1096]hit Æneas' thigh; but such as right hands far different to theirs, and produced in our age, have power to project. For even in Homer's[1097]lifetime men were beginning to degenerate. Earth now gives birth to weak and puny mortals.[1098]Therefore every god that looks down on them sneers and hates them!

After this digression[1099]let us resume our story. When they had been re-enforced by subsidies, one of the parties is emboldened to draw the sword, and renew the battle with deadly-aiming[1100]arrows. Then they who inhabit Tentyra,[1101]bordering on the shady palms, press upon their foes, who all in rapid flight leave their backs exposed. Here one of them, in excess of terror urging his headlong course, falls[1102]and is caught.Forthwith the victorious crowd having cut him up into numberless bits and fragments, in order that one dead man might furnish a morsel for many, eat him completely up, having gnawed his very bones. They neither cooked him in a seething caldron, nor on a spit. So wearisome[1103]and tedious did they think it to wait for a fire, that they were even content with the carcass raw. Yet at this we should rejoice, that they profaned not the deity of fire which Prometheus[1104]stole from highest heaven and gave to earth. I congratulate[1105]the element! and you too, I ween, are glad.[1106]But he that could bear to chew a human corpse, never tasted a sweeter[1107]morsel than this flesh. For in a deed of such horrid atrocity, pause not to inquire or doubt whether it was the first maw alone that felt the horrid delight! Nay! he that came up last,[1108]when the whole body was now devoured, by drawing his fingers along the ground, got a taste of the blood!

The Vascones,[1109]as report says, protracted their lives by theuse of such nutriment as this. But the case is very different. There we have the bitter hate of fortune! the last extremity of war, the very climax of despair, the awful destitution[1110]of a long-protracted siege. For the instance of such food of which we are now speaking, ought to call forth our pity.[1111]Since it was only after they had exhausted herbs of all kinds,[1112]and every animal to which the gnawings of an empty stomach drove them, and while their enemies themselves commiserated their pale and emaciated features and wasted limbs, they in their ravenous famine tore in pieces others' limbs, ready to devour even their own! What man, or what god even, would refuse his pardon to brave men[1113]suffering such fierce extremities? men, whom the very spirits of those whose bodies they fed on, could have forgiven! The precepts of Zeno teach us a better lesson. For he thinks thatsomethings only, and notall, ought to be done to preserve life.[1114]But whence could a Cantabrian learn the Stoics' doctrines? especially in the days of old Metellus. Now the whole world has the Grecian and our Athens.

Eloquent Gaul[1115]has taught the Britons[1116]to become pleaders; and even Thule[1117]talks of hiring a rhetorician.

Yet that noble people whom we have mentioned, and their equal in courage and fidelity, their more than equal in calamity, Saguntum,[1118]hassome excuse to plead for such a deed as this! Whereas Egypt is more barbarous even than the altar of Mæotis. Since that Tauric[1119]inventress of the impious rite (if you hold as worthy of credit all that poets sing) only sacrifices men; the victim has nothing further or worse to fear than the sacrificial knife. But what calamity was it drovetheseto crime? What extremity of hunger, or hostile arms that bristled round their ramparts, that forced these to dare a prodigy of guilt so execrable? What greater enormity[1120]than this could they commit, when the land of Memphis was parched with drought to provoke the wrath[1121]of Nile when unwilling to rise?

Neither the formidable Cimbri, nor Britons, nor fierce Sarmatians or savage Agathyrsi, ever raged with such frantic brutality, as did this weak and worthless rabble, that wont to spread their puny sails in pinnaces of earthenware,[1122]and ply the scanty paddles of their painted pottery-canoe. You could not invent a punishment adequate to the guilt, or a torture bad enough for a people in whose breasts "anger" and "hunger" are convertible terms.

Nature confesses that she has bestowed on the human race hearts of softest mould, in that she has given us tears.[1123]Of all our feeling this is the noblest part. She bids us therefore bewail the misfortunes of a friend in distress, and the squalid appearance of one accused, or an orphan[1124]summoning to justice the guardian who has defrauded him. Whose girl-like hair throws doubt[1125]upon the sex of those cheeks bedewed with tears!

It is at nature's dictate that we mourn when we meet the funeral of a virgin of marriageable years, or see an infant[1126]laid in the ground, too young for the funeral pyre. For what good man, who that is worthy of the mystic torch,[1127]such an one as Ceres' priest would have him be, ever deems the ills of others[1128]matter that concerns not himself?

This it is that distinguishes us from the brute herd. And therefore we alone, endued with that venerable distinction of reason[1129]and a capacity for divine things, with an aptitude for the practice as well as the reception of all arts and sciences, have received, transmitted to us from heaven's high citadel,[1130]a moral sense, which brutes prone[1131]and stooping toward earth, are lacking in. In the beginning of the world, the common Creator of all vouchsafed to them only the principle of vitality; to us he gave souls[1132]also, that an instinct of affection reciprocallyshared, might urge us to seek for, and to give, assistance; to unite in one people, those before widely-scattered;[1133]to emerge from the ancient wood, and abandon the forests[1134]where our fathers dwelt; to build houses, to join another's dwelling to our own homes, that the confidence mutually engendered by a neighbor's threshold might add security[1135]to our slumbers; to cover with our arms a fellow-citizen[1136]when fallen or staggering from a ghastly wound; to sound the battle-signal from a common clarion; to be defended by the same ramparts, and closed in by the key of a common portal.

But now the unanimity[1137]of serpents is greater than ours. The wild beast of similar genus spares his kindred[1138]spots. When did ever lion, though stronger, deprive his fellow-lion of life? In what wood did ever boar perish by the tusks of a boar[1139]larger than himself? The tigress of India[1140]maintainsunbroken harmony with each tigress that ravens. Bears, savage to others, are yet at peace among themselves. But for man![1141]he is not content with forging on the ruthless anvil the death-dealing steel! While his progenitors, those primæval smiths, that wont to hammer out naught save rakes and hoes, and wearied out with mattocks and plowshares, knew not the art of manufacturing swords.[1142]Here we behold a people whose brutal passion is not glutted with simple murder, but deem[1143]their fellows' breasts and arms and faces a kind of natural food.

What then would Pythagoras[1144]exclaim; whither would henot flee, could he be witness in our days to such atrocities as these! He that abstained from all that was endued with life as from man himself; and did not even indulge his appetite with every kind of pulse.

FOOTNOTES:[1055]Volusiusis unknown. Some suppose him to be the same person as the Bithynicus to whom Plutarch wrote a treatise on Friendship.[1056]Ægyptus.So Cicero, "Ægyptiorum morem quis ignorat? Quorum imbutæ mentes pravitatis erroribus, quamvis carnificinam prius subierint quam ibin aut aspidem aut felem aut canem aut crocodilum violent; quorum etiam imprudentes si quidquam fecerint, pœnam nullam recusent." Tusc. Qu., v., 27. Cf. Athen., vol. ii., p. 650, Dind.[1057]Crocodilon.Vid. Herod., ii., 69.—Ibin.Cic., de Nat. Deor., i., 36.[1058]Memnone.His statue stood in the temple of Serapis at Thebes. Plin., xxvi., 7. Strabo, xvii., c. 1, τὰ ἄνω μέρη τὰ ἀπο τῆς καθέδρας πέπτωκε σεισμοῦ γεννηθέντος. He says the ψόφος comes from "the lower part remaining on the base." Cf. 1. 56, "Vultus dimidios." Sat. viii., 4, "Et Curios jam dimidios." iii., 219, "Mediamque Minervam." Cf. Clinton, Fasti Romani, inA.D.130.[1059]Canem.Cf. Lucan, viii., 832, "Semideosque canes." The allusion is to the worship of Anubis, cf. vi., 533.[1060]Porrum."And it is dangerous here to violate an onion, or to stainThe sanctity of leeks with teeth profane." Gifford.[1061]Hortis."Ye pious nations, in whose gardens riseA constant crop of earth-sprung deities!" Badham.[1062]Ulyxes.Vid. Hom., Odyss., ix., 106,seq.; x., 80,seq.[1063]Aretalogus."Parasitus, et circulator philosophus." A discourser onvirtuewho frequented feasts; hence, one who tells pleasing tales, a romancer. The philosopher at last degenerated into the buffoon. Cicero uses "Ethologus" in nearly the same sense, cf. de Orat., ii., 59, cum not. Harles. Suet., Aug., 74, "Acroamata et histriones, aut etiam triviales ex Circo ludios, interponebat, ac frequentius aretalogos." Salmas., ad Flav. Vopisc., 42. Lucian, de Ver. Hist., i., 709, B. Shaksp., Othello, Act i., sc. 3.[1064]Verâ.Cf. viii., 188, "Judice me dignusverâcruce."[1065]Fingentem, i. e., "that they fed onhumanvictims."[1066]Læstrygones.Their fabulous seat was Formiæ, now "Mola," whither they were led from Sicily by Lamus, their leader. Hor., iii., Od. xvii., 1; xvi., 34. Horn., Odyss., x., 81.[1067]Concurrentia saxa.These rocks were at the northern entrance of the Thracian Bosphorus, now the Channel of Constantinople; and were fabled to have floated and crushed all vessels that passed the straits, till Minerva guided the ship Argo through in safety and fixed them forever. They were hence called συμπληγάδες, συνδρομάδες, πλαγκταὶ, and κυάνεαι, from the deep blue of the surrounding water. Homer places them near Sicily. Odyss., xii., 61; xxiii., 327. Pind., Pyth., iv., 370. Cf. Herod., iv., 85. Eur., Med., 2; Androm., 794. Theoc., Idyll., xiii., 22. Ov., Her., xii., 121. "Compressos utinam Symplegades elisissent," Trist., I., x., 34. They are now called "Pavorane."[1068]Vacui.Cf. xiv., 57, "Vacuumque cerebro jampridem caput." Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 567, "Non obtusa adeo gestamus pectora Pœni.""But men to eat men human faith surpasses,This traveler takes us islanders for asses." Dryden.[1069]Nondum ebrius."So might some sober hearer well have said,Ere Corcyræan stingo turned his head." Hodgson.[1070]Temetum, an old word of doubtful etymology: from it is derived "temulentus" and "abstemius" (cf. Hor., ii., Ep. 163), and the phrase "Temeti timor" for a parasite.[1071]Corcyræâ.The Phæacians were luxurious fellows, as Horace implies: "Pinguis ut inde domum possim Phæaxque reverti." i., Ep., xv., 24.[1072]Ithacus.So x., 257; xiv., 287.[1073]Junio.Salmasius supposes this Junius to be Q. Junius Rusticus, or Rusticius, consul with Hadrian, A.U.C. 872, A.D. 119. (Plin., Exerc., p. 320.) Others refer it to an Appius Junius Sabinus, consul with Domitian,A.U.C.835,A.D.82. But the name of Domitian's colleague wasTitus Flavius; and no person of the name of Junius appears in the lists of consuls till Rusticus. Some read Junco, or Vinco, to avoid the synizesis; but neither of these names occur. See Life.[1074]Copti, now Kypt or Koft, about twelve miles from Tentyra, thirty from Thebes, and one hundred and twenty from Syene, where Juvenal was stationed. Ptolemy Philadelphus connected it by a road with Berenice.[1075]Pyrrha.Cf. i., 84.[1076]Syrmata.Properly the "long sweeping train of tragedy." Vid. Hor., A. P., 278, "Personæ pallæque repertor honestæ." Sat., viii., 229, "Longum tu pone Thyestæ Syrma vel Antigones vel personam Menalippes." So Milton, Il Pens., "Sometimes let gorgeous tragedy in sceptred pall come sweeping by." Cf. Mart., xii., Ep. xcv., 3, 4; iv., Ep. xlix., 8.[1077]Populus.i. e., "Tragedy only relates the atrocious crimes ofindividuals: from the days of the Deluge, you can find no instance of wickedness extending toa whole nation."[1078]Feritas.Aristotle enumerates as one of the characteristics of θηριότης, τὸ χαίρειν κρέασιν ἀνθρώπων.[1079]Simultasis properly "the jealousy or rivalry of two persons candidates for the same office," fromsimulo, synom. with æmulari; or fromsimul. Vid. Doederlein, iii., 72.[1080]Ombos, now "Koum-Ombou," lies on the right bank of the Nile, not far from Syene, and consequently a hundred miles at least from Tentyra. To avoid the difficulty, therefore, in the word "finitimos," Salmasius would read "Coptos," this place being only twelve miles distant; but all the best editions have Ombos. Tentyra, now "Denderah," lies on the left bank of the river, and is well known from the famous discoveries in its Temple by Napoleon's savans. The Tentyrites, as Strabo tells us (xvii., p. 460; cf. Plin., H. N., viii., 25), differed from the rest of their countrymen in their hatred and persecution of the crocodile, πάντα τρόπον ἀνιχνεύουσι καὶ διαφθείρουσιν αὐτούς, being the only Egyptians who dared attack or face them; and hence when some crocodiles were conveyed to Rome for exhibition, some Tentyrite keepers accompanied them, and displayed some curious feats of courage and dexterity. Aphrodite was their patron deity. The men of Coptos, Ombos, and Arsinoë, on the other hand, paid the crocodile the highest reverence; considering it an honor to have their children devoured by them; and crucified kites out of spite to the Tentyrites, who adored them. These religious differences are said by Diodorus (ii., 4) to have been fostered by the policy of the ancient kings, to prevent the conspiracies which might have resulted from the cordial union and coalition of the various nomes.[1081]Alterius populi, i. e., the Tentyrites. Cf. l. 73,seq.[1082]Pervigili.Cf. viii., 158, "Sed quum pervigiles placet instaurare popinas.""The board, where oft their wakeful revels lastTill seven returning days and nights are past." Hodgson.[1083]Horrida.So viii., 116, "Horrida vitanda est Hispania." ix., 12, "Horrida siccæ sylva comæ." vi., 10, "Et sæpe horridior glandem ructante marito.""For savage as the country is, it viesIn luxury, if I may trust my eyes,With dissolute Canopus." Gifford.[1084]Canopus.Cf. i., 26. Said to have been built by Menelaus, and named after his pilot. It lies on the Bay of Aboukir, not far from Alexandria, and was notorious for its luxury and debauchery, carried on principally in the temple of Serapis. Cf. vi., 84, "Prodigia et mores Urbis damnante Canopo." Sen., Epist. 51. Propert., iii., El. xi., 39. These lines prove that Juvenal was,at some time of his life, in Egypt; but whether he traveled thither in early life to gratify his curiosity, or, as the common story goes, was banished there in his old age to appease the wrath of Paris, is doubtful. The latter story is inconsistent with chronology, history, and probability.[1085]Madidis.So vi., 207, "Atque coronatum et petulans madidumque Tarentum." βεβρεγμένος, ὑπομεθύων. Hesych., Sil., xii., 18, "Molli luxu madefacta meroque Illecebris somni torpentia membra fluebant." Cf. Plaut., Truc., IV., iv., 2, "Si alia membra vino madeant." Most., I., iv., 7, "Ecquid tibi videor madere?" Tibull., II., i., 29, "Non festâ luce madere est rubor, errantes et male ferre pedes:" and II., ii., 8.[1086]Blæsis.Cf. Mart., x., Ep. 65. So Virgil (Georg., ii., 94) speaks of the vine as "Tentatura pedes olim vincturaque linguam." Propert., II., xxxiv., 22. Sen., Epist., 83.[1087]Jurgia.So v., 26, "Jurgia proludunt." iii., 288, "Miseræ cognosce proœmia rixæ." Tac., Hist., i., 64, "Jurgia primum: mox rixa inter Batavos et legionarios."[1088]Tuba.Cf. i., 169, and Virg., Æn., xi., 424. The whole of the following passage may be compared with Virg., Æn., vii., 505-527.[1089]Vice teli.Ov., Met., xii., 381, "Sæviquevicempræstantiateli."[1090]Vultus dimidios.viii., 4, "Curios jam dimidios, humeroque minorem Corvinum et Galbam auriculis nasoque carentem.""Then might you see, amid the desperate fray,Features disfigured, noses torn away;Hands, where the gore of mangled eyes yet reeks,And jaw-bones starting through the cloven cheeks." Gifford.[1091]Pueriles.Virg., Æn., v., 584-602."But hitherto both parties think the frayBut mockery of war, mere children's play!And scandal think it t' have none slain outright,Between two hosts that for religion fight." Dryden.[1092]Saxa."Stones, the base rabble's home-artillery." Hodgson.[1093]Seditioni.Henninius' correction forseditione. For "domestica" in this sense, cf. Sat. ix., 17. So Virg., Æn., i., 150, "Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor arma ministrat." vii., 507, "Quod cuique repertum rimanti telum ira facit."[1094]Ajax.Hom., Il., vii., 268, δεύτερος αὖτ' Αἴας πολὺ μείζονα λᾶαν ἀείρας ἦκ' ἐπιδινήσας ἐπέρεισε δὲ ἶν' ἀπέλεθρον.[1095]Turnus.Virg., Æn., xii., 896, "Saxum circumspicit ingens: saxum antiquum ingens, campo quod forte jacebat Limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret arvis. Vix illud lecti bis sex cervice subirent, Qualia nunc hominûm producit corpora tellus." Cf. Hom., Il., xxi., 405.[1096]Tydides.Il., v., 802, ὁ δὲ χερμάδιον λάβε χειρὶ Τυδείδης μέγα ἔργον ὃ οὐ δύο γ' ἄνδρε φέροιεν οἷοι νῦν βροτοί εἰσ' ὁ δέ μιν ῥέα πάλλε καὶ οἶος.[1097]Homero.Il., i., 271, κείνοισι δ' ἂν οὔτις τῶν οἵ νῦν βροτοί εἰσιν ἐπιχθόνιοι μαχέοιτο.[1098]Malos homines.Cf. Herod., i., 68. Plin., vii., 16. Lucretius, ii., 1149, "Jamque adeo fracta est ætas, effœtaque tellus Vix animalia parva creat, quæ cuncta creavit sæcla." Sen., de Ben., I., c. x., "Hoc majores nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos esse mores, regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas labi." Hor., iii., Od. vi., 46, "Ætas parentum, pejor avis, tulit nos nequiores, mox daturos Progeniem vitiosiorem."[1099]Diverticulo.Properly "a cross-road," then "a place to which we turn aside from the high road; halting or refreshing place." Cf. Liv., ix., 17.[1100]Infestis.So Virg., Æn., v., 582, "Convertêre vias,infestaque tela tulere." 691, "Vel tu quod superestinfestofulmine morti, Si mereor dimitte." x., 877, "Infestâsubit obvius hastâ." Liv., ii., 19, "Tarquinius Superbus quanquam jam ætate et viribus gravior, equuminfestusadmisit."[1101]Tentyra.Cf. ad l. 35. Salmasius proposes to read here "Pampæ" (the name of a small town) forPalmæon account of the difficulty stated above; and supposes this to be Juvenal's way of distinguishing Tentyra: but Pampa is a muchsmallerplace than Tentyra; and no one would describe London, as Browne observes, as "London near Chelsea." He imagines also that Juvenal is describing an affray that took place between the people of Cynopolis and Oxyrynchis about this time, mentioned by Plutarch (de Isid. et Osirid.), and that he has changed the names for the sake of the metre. Heinrich leaves the difficulty unsolved. Browne supposestwoplaces of the name of Tentyra.[1102]Labitur.Gifford compares Hesiod., Herc. Scut., 251, Δῆριν ἔχον περὶ πιπτόντων· πᾶσαι δ' ἄρ ἵεντο αἷμα μέλαν πιέειν· ὃν δὲ πρῶτον μεμάποιεν κείμενον ἢ πίπτοντα νεούτατον, ἀμφὶ μὲν αὐτῷ βάλλ' ὄνυχας μεγάλους.[1103]Longum."'T had been lost time to dress him; keen desireSupplies the want of kettle, spit, and fire." Dryden.[1104]Prometheus.Vid. Hesiod., Op. et Di., 49,seq.Theog., 564. Æsch., P. Vinct., 109. Hor., i., Od. iii., 27. Cic., Tusc. Qu., II., x., 23. Mart., xiv., Ep. 80.[1105]Gratulor.So Ov., Met., x., 305, "Gentibus Ismariis et nostro gratulor orbi, gratulor huic terræ, quod abest regionibus illis, Quæ tantum genuere nefas."[1106]Te exsultare.Juvenal's friend Volusius is supposed to have had a leaning toward the doctrine of the fire-worshipers. At least this is the puerile way in which most of the commentators endeavor to escape the difficulty.[1107]Libentius."But he who tasted first the human food,Swore never flesh was so divinely good." Hodgson.[1108]Ultimus."And the last comer, of his dues bereft,Sucks from the bloodstain'd soil some flavor left." Badham.[1109]Vascones.Sil. Ital., x., 15. The Vascones lived in the northeast of Spain, near the Pyrenees, in parts of Navarre, Aragon, and old Castile. They and the Cantabri were the most warlike people of Hispania Tarrocensis. Their southern boundary was the Iberus (Ebro). Their chief cities were Calagurris Nassica (now Calahorra in New Castile), on the right bank of the Iberus; and Pompelon (now Pampeluna), at the foot of the Pyrenees, said to have been founded by Cn. Pompeius Magnus, vid. Plin., III., iii., 4. It is doubtful which of these two cities held out in the manner alluded to in the text. Sertorius was assasinatedB.C.72, and the Vascones, whose faith was pledged to him, sooner than submit to Pompey and Metellus, suffered the most horrible extremities, even devouring their wives and children. Cf. Liv., Epit. xciii. Flor., III., xxxii. Val. Max., VII., vi. Plut. in v. Sert. The Vascones afterward crossed the Pyrenees into Aquitania, and their name is still preserved in the province of Gascogne.[1110]Egestas."When frowning war against them stood array'dWith the dire famine of a long blockade." Hodgson.[1111]Miserabile.ii., 18, "Horum simplicitasmiserabilis."[1112]Post omnes herbas."For after every root and herb were gone,And every aliment to hunger known;When their lean frames and cheeks of sallow hueStruck e'en the foe with pity at the view;And all were ready their own flesh to tear,They first adventured on this horrid fare." Gifford.[1113]Viribus.The abstract used for the concrete. Another reading is,Urbibus, referring to Calagurris and Saguntus. Valesius proposed to read "Ventribus," which Orellius receives.[1114]Quædam pro vita.Cf. Arist., Eth., iii., 1, Ἔνια δ' ἴσως οὐκ ἔστιν ἀναγκασθῆναι ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἀποθνητέον, παθόντα τὰ δεινότατα. Plin., xxviii., 1, "Vitam quidem non adeo expetendam censemus ut quoquo modo protrahenda sit." Sen., Ep. 72, "Non omni pretio vita emenda est."[1115]Gallia.Cf. ad i., 44. Suet., Cal., xx., "Caligula instituit in Gallia, Lugduni, certamen Græcæ Latinæque facundiæ." Quintil., x., 1. Sat., vii., 148, "Accipiat te Gallia, vel potius nutricula causidicorum Africa, si placuit mercedem ponere linguæ."[1116]Britannos.Tac., Agric., xxi, "Ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre: ut qui modo linguam Romanam abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent."[1117]Thule.Used generally for the northernmost region of the earth. Its position shifted with the advance of their geographical knowledge; hence it is used for Sweden, Norway, Shetland, or Iceland. Virg., Georg., i., 30, "Tibi serviat ultima Thule."[1118]Saguntus, now "Mur Viedro" in Valencia, is memorable for its obstinate resistance to Hannibal, during a siege of eight months (described Liv., xxi., 5-15). Their fidelity to Rome was as famous as that of the Vascones to Sertorius; but their fate was more disastrous; as Hannibal took Saguntus and razed it to the ground, after they had endured the most horrible extremities, whereas the siege of Calagurris was raised. Cf. ad v., 29.[1119]Taurica.The Tauri, who lived in the peninsula called from them Taurica Chersonesus (now Crimea), on the Palus Mæotis, used to sacrifice shipwrecked strangers on the altar of Diana; of which barbarous custom Thoas their king is said to have been the inventor. Ov., Trist., IV., iv., 93; Ib., 386, "Thoanteæ Taurica sacra Deæ." Pont., I., ii., 80: III., ii., 59. Plin., H. N., IV., xii., 26. On this story is founded the Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides, and from this was derived the custom of scourging boys at the altar of Artemis Orthias in Sparta.[1120]Gravius cultro."There the pale victim only fears the knife,But thy fell zeal asks something more than life." Hodgson.[1121]Invidiam facerent.Cf. Ov., Art. Am., i., 647, "Dicitur Ægyptos caruisse juvantibus arva Imbribus, atque annos sicca fuisse novem. Cum Thracius Busirin adit, monstratque piari Hospitis effuso sanguine posse Jovem. Illi Busiris, Fies Jovis hostia primus, Inquit et Ægypto tu dabis hospes opem." It is to this story Juvenal probably alludes. Butinvidiam faceremeans also "to bring into odium and unpopularity" (cf. Ov., Met., iv., 547), and so Gifford understands it. "What more effectual means could these cannibals devise to incense the god and provoke him to withhold his fertilizing waters, thereby bringing him into unpopularity." Cf. Lucan, ii., 36, "Nullis defuit aris Invidiam factura parens," with the note of Cortius.[1122]Fictilibus phaselis.Evidently taken from Virg., Georg., iv., 287, "Nam quâ Pellæi gens fortunata Canopi Accolit effuso stagnantem flumine Nilum Et circumpictisvehitur sua ruraphaselis." The deficiency of timber in Egypt forced the inhabitants to adopt any expedient as a substitute. Strabo (lib. xvii.) mentions these vessels of pottery-ware, varnished over to make them water-tight. Phaselus is properly the long Egyptian kidney bean, from which the boats derived their name, from their long and narrow form. From their speed they were much used by pirates, and seem to have been of the same build as the Myoparones mentioned by Cicero in Verrem, ii., 3. Cf. Catull., iv., 1, "Phaselus ille quem videtis hospites Ait fuisse navium celerrimus." Mart., x., Ep. xxx., 12, "Viva sed quies Ponti Pictam phaselon adjuvante fert aurâ." Cf. Lucan, v., 518. Hor., iii., Od. ii., 29. Virg., Georg., i., 277. Arist., Pax, 1144."Or through the tranquil water's easy swell,Work the short paddles of their painted shell." Hodgson.[1123]Lacrymas.So the Greek proverb, ἀγαθοὶ δ' ἀριδάκρυες ἄνδρες.[1124]Pupillum.Cf. i., 45, "Quum populum gregibus comitum premit hic spoliator Pupilli prostantis," x., 222, "Quot Basilus socios, quot circumscripserit Hirrus pupillos."[1125]Incerta.Hor., ii., Od. v., "Quem si puellarum insereres choro Miré sagaces falleret hospites Discrimen obscurum solutis Crinibus ambiguoque vultu.""So soft his tresses, filled with trickling pearl,You'd doubt his sex, and take him for a girl." Dryden.[1126]Minor igne rogi.Infants under forty days old were not burned, but buried; and the place was called "Suggrundarium." Vid. Facc. in voc. Cf. Plin., H. N., vii., 16.[1127]Arcana.Hor., iii., Od. ii., 26, "Vetabo quiCererissacrum vulgâritarcanæ, sub îsdem sit trabibus fragilemve mecum solvat phaselon." Cf. Sat. vi., 50, "Paucæ adeo Cereris vittas contingere dignæ." None were admitted to initiation in the greater mysteries without a strict inquiry into their moral character; as none but the chastest matrons were allowed to be priestesses of Ceres. For the origin of the use of the torch in the sacred processions of Ceres, see Ovid, Fast., iv., 493,seq.[1128]Aliena.From Ter., Heaut., I., i., 25, "Homo sum; humani nihil à me alienum puto." Cf. Cic., Off., i., 9.[1129]Sortiti ingenium.Cf. Cic., Nat. Deor., ii., 56, "Sunt enim homines non ut incolæ atque habitatores, sed quasi spectatores superarum rerum atque cœlestium, quarum spectaculum ad nullum aliud genus animantium pertinet."[1130]Cœlesti.Virg., Æn., vi., 730, "Igneus est ollis vigor et cœlestis origo." Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 79, "Divinæ particulam auræ."[1131]Prona.Ov., Met., i., 84, "Pronaque cum spectent animalia cætera terram, Os homini sublime dedit, cœlumque tueri jussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus." Sall., Bell. Cat., init., "Omnes homines qui sese student præstare cæteris animalibus quæ Natura prona et ventri obedientia finxit."[1132]Animam.i., 83. Cf. ad vi., 531."To brutes our Maker, when the globe was new,Lent only life: to men, a spirit too.That mutual kindness in our hearts might burn,The good which others did us, to return:That scattered thousands might together come,Leave their old woods, and seek a general home." Hodgson.[1133]Dispersos.Cic., Tusc. Qu., v., 2, "Tu dissipatos homines in societatem vitæ convocâsti; tu eos inter se primo domiciliis, deinde conjugiis, tum literarum et vocum communione junxisti." Hor., i., Sat. iii., 104, "Dehinc absistere bello: oppida cœperunt munire et ponere leges." Ar. Poet., 391, "Sylvestres homines sacer interpresque deorum Cædibus et victu fœdo deterruit Orpheus."[1134]Sylvas.Ov., Met., i., 121, "Tum primum subiere domos. Domus antra fuerunt, et densi frutices, et vinctæ cortice virgæ." Lucr., v., 953, "Sed nemora atque cavos montes sylvasque colebant, Et frutices inter condebant squalida membra."[1135]Collata fiducia."Thus more securely through the night to rest,And add new courage to our neighbor's breast." Hodgson.[1136]Civem.Hence the proud inscription on the civic crown, OB. CIVES. SERVATOS.[1137]Concordia.Plin., H. N., vii., in., "Cætera animantia in suo genere probè degunt; congregari videmus, et stare contra dissimilia: Leonum feritas inter se non dimicat: serpentum morsus non petit serpentes; nec maris quidem belluæ nisi in diversa genera sæviunt. At Hercule, homini plurima ex homine sunt mala." Hor., Epod., vii., 11, "Neque hic lupis mos nec fuit leonibus, nunquam nisi in dispar feris." "Homo homini lupus." Prov. Rom.[1138]Cognatis."His kindred spots the very pard will spare." Badham.[1139]Dentibus apri."Nor from his larger tusks the forest boarCommission takes his brother swine to gore." Dryd.[1140]Indica tigris.Plin., H. N., vin., 18, "Tigris Indica fera velocitatis tremendæ est, quæ vacuum reperiens cubile fertur præceps odore vestigans,"et seq."In league of Friendship tigers roam the plain,And bears with bears perpetual peace maintain." Gifford.[1141]Ast homini."But man, fell man, is not content to makeThe deadly sword for murder's impious sake,Though ancient smiths knew only to produceSpades, rakes, and mattocks for the rustic's use;And guiltless anvils in those ancient timesWere not subservient to the soldier's crimes." Hodgson.[1142]Gladios.Virg., Georg., ii., 538."Aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat.Necdum etiam audierant inflari classica, necdumImpositos duris crepitare incudibus enses."[1143]"Ev'n this is trifling. We have seen a rageToo fierce for murder only to assuage;Seen a whole state their victim piecemeal tear,And count each quivering limb delicious fare!" Gifford.[1144]Pythagoras.iii., 228, "Culti villicus horti unde epulum possis centum dare Pythagoreis." Holding the doctrine of the Metempsychosis, Pythagoras was averse to shedding the blood of any animal. Various reasons are assigned for his abstaining from beans; from their shape—from their turning to blood if exposed to moonshine, etc. Diog. Laert. says (lib. viii. cap. i.), τῶν δὲ κυάμων ἀπηγόρευεν ἔχεσθαι διὰ τὸ πνευματώδεις ὄντας μᾶλλον μετέχειν τοῦ ψυχικοῦ—καὶ τὰς καθύπνους φαντασίας λείας καὶ ἀταράχους ἀποτελεῖν. In which view Cicero seems to concur: De Div., ii., 119, "Pythagoras et Plato, quo in somnis certiora videamus, præparatos quodam cultu atque victu proficisci ad dormiendum jubent: Faba quidem Pythagorei utique abstinuere, quasi vero eo cibo mens non venter infletur." Cf. Ov., Met., xv., 60,seq.See Browne's Vulgar Errors, book i., chap. iv. (Bohn's Antiquarian Library): "When (Pythagoras) enjoined his disciples an abstinence frombeans, ... he had no other intention than to dissuade men from magistracy, or undertaking the public offices of the state; for by beans was the magistrate elected in some parts of Greece; and after his days, we read in Thucydides of the Council of the Bean in Athens. It hath been thought by some an injunction only of continency."

[1055]Volusiusis unknown. Some suppose him to be the same person as the Bithynicus to whom Plutarch wrote a treatise on Friendship.

[1055]Volusiusis unknown. Some suppose him to be the same person as the Bithynicus to whom Plutarch wrote a treatise on Friendship.

[1056]Ægyptus.So Cicero, "Ægyptiorum morem quis ignorat? Quorum imbutæ mentes pravitatis erroribus, quamvis carnificinam prius subierint quam ibin aut aspidem aut felem aut canem aut crocodilum violent; quorum etiam imprudentes si quidquam fecerint, pœnam nullam recusent." Tusc. Qu., v., 27. Cf. Athen., vol. ii., p. 650, Dind.

[1056]Ægyptus.So Cicero, "Ægyptiorum morem quis ignorat? Quorum imbutæ mentes pravitatis erroribus, quamvis carnificinam prius subierint quam ibin aut aspidem aut felem aut canem aut crocodilum violent; quorum etiam imprudentes si quidquam fecerint, pœnam nullam recusent." Tusc. Qu., v., 27. Cf. Athen., vol. ii., p. 650, Dind.

[1057]Crocodilon.Vid. Herod., ii., 69.—Ibin.Cic., de Nat. Deor., i., 36.

[1057]Crocodilon.Vid. Herod., ii., 69.—Ibin.Cic., de Nat. Deor., i., 36.

[1058]Memnone.His statue stood in the temple of Serapis at Thebes. Plin., xxvi., 7. Strabo, xvii., c. 1, τὰ ἄνω μέρη τὰ ἀπο τῆς καθέδρας πέπτωκε σεισμοῦ γεννηθέντος. He says the ψόφος comes from "the lower part remaining on the base." Cf. 1. 56, "Vultus dimidios." Sat. viii., 4, "Et Curios jam dimidios." iii., 219, "Mediamque Minervam." Cf. Clinton, Fasti Romani, inA.D.130.

[1058]Memnone.His statue stood in the temple of Serapis at Thebes. Plin., xxvi., 7. Strabo, xvii., c. 1, τὰ ἄνω μέρη τὰ ἀπο τῆς καθέδρας πέπτωκε σεισμοῦ γεννηθέντος. He says the ψόφος comes from "the lower part remaining on the base." Cf. 1. 56, "Vultus dimidios." Sat. viii., 4, "Et Curios jam dimidios." iii., 219, "Mediamque Minervam." Cf. Clinton, Fasti Romani, inA.D.130.

[1059]Canem.Cf. Lucan, viii., 832, "Semideosque canes." The allusion is to the worship of Anubis, cf. vi., 533.

[1059]Canem.Cf. Lucan, viii., 832, "Semideosque canes." The allusion is to the worship of Anubis, cf. vi., 533.

[1060]Porrum."And it is dangerous here to violate an onion, or to stainThe sanctity of leeks with teeth profane." Gifford.

[1060]Porrum.

"And it is dangerous here to violate an onion, or to stainThe sanctity of leeks with teeth profane." Gifford.

"And it is dangerous here to violate an onion, or to stainThe sanctity of leeks with teeth profane." Gifford.

[1061]Hortis."Ye pious nations, in whose gardens riseA constant crop of earth-sprung deities!" Badham.

[1061]Hortis.

"Ye pious nations, in whose gardens riseA constant crop of earth-sprung deities!" Badham.

"Ye pious nations, in whose gardens riseA constant crop of earth-sprung deities!" Badham.

[1062]Ulyxes.Vid. Hom., Odyss., ix., 106,seq.; x., 80,seq.

[1062]Ulyxes.Vid. Hom., Odyss., ix., 106,seq.; x., 80,seq.

[1063]Aretalogus."Parasitus, et circulator philosophus." A discourser onvirtuewho frequented feasts; hence, one who tells pleasing tales, a romancer. The philosopher at last degenerated into the buffoon. Cicero uses "Ethologus" in nearly the same sense, cf. de Orat., ii., 59, cum not. Harles. Suet., Aug., 74, "Acroamata et histriones, aut etiam triviales ex Circo ludios, interponebat, ac frequentius aretalogos." Salmas., ad Flav. Vopisc., 42. Lucian, de Ver. Hist., i., 709, B. Shaksp., Othello, Act i., sc. 3.

[1063]Aretalogus."Parasitus, et circulator philosophus." A discourser onvirtuewho frequented feasts; hence, one who tells pleasing tales, a romancer. The philosopher at last degenerated into the buffoon. Cicero uses "Ethologus" in nearly the same sense, cf. de Orat., ii., 59, cum not. Harles. Suet., Aug., 74, "Acroamata et histriones, aut etiam triviales ex Circo ludios, interponebat, ac frequentius aretalogos." Salmas., ad Flav. Vopisc., 42. Lucian, de Ver. Hist., i., 709, B. Shaksp., Othello, Act i., sc. 3.

[1064]Verâ.Cf. viii., 188, "Judice me dignusverâcruce."

[1064]Verâ.Cf. viii., 188, "Judice me dignusverâcruce."

[1065]Fingentem, i. e., "that they fed onhumanvictims."

[1065]Fingentem, i. e., "that they fed onhumanvictims."

[1066]Læstrygones.Their fabulous seat was Formiæ, now "Mola," whither they were led from Sicily by Lamus, their leader. Hor., iii., Od. xvii., 1; xvi., 34. Horn., Odyss., x., 81.

[1066]Læstrygones.Their fabulous seat was Formiæ, now "Mola," whither they were led from Sicily by Lamus, their leader. Hor., iii., Od. xvii., 1; xvi., 34. Horn., Odyss., x., 81.

[1067]Concurrentia saxa.These rocks were at the northern entrance of the Thracian Bosphorus, now the Channel of Constantinople; and were fabled to have floated and crushed all vessels that passed the straits, till Minerva guided the ship Argo through in safety and fixed them forever. They were hence called συμπληγάδες, συνδρομάδες, πλαγκταὶ, and κυάνεαι, from the deep blue of the surrounding water. Homer places them near Sicily. Odyss., xii., 61; xxiii., 327. Pind., Pyth., iv., 370. Cf. Herod., iv., 85. Eur., Med., 2; Androm., 794. Theoc., Idyll., xiii., 22. Ov., Her., xii., 121. "Compressos utinam Symplegades elisissent," Trist., I., x., 34. They are now called "Pavorane."

[1067]Concurrentia saxa.These rocks were at the northern entrance of the Thracian Bosphorus, now the Channel of Constantinople; and were fabled to have floated and crushed all vessels that passed the straits, till Minerva guided the ship Argo through in safety and fixed them forever. They were hence called συμπληγάδες, συνδρομάδες, πλαγκταὶ, and κυάνεαι, from the deep blue of the surrounding water. Homer places them near Sicily. Odyss., xii., 61; xxiii., 327. Pind., Pyth., iv., 370. Cf. Herod., iv., 85. Eur., Med., 2; Androm., 794. Theoc., Idyll., xiii., 22. Ov., Her., xii., 121. "Compressos utinam Symplegades elisissent," Trist., I., x., 34. They are now called "Pavorane."

[1068]Vacui.Cf. xiv., 57, "Vacuumque cerebro jampridem caput." Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 567, "Non obtusa adeo gestamus pectora Pœni.""But men to eat men human faith surpasses,This traveler takes us islanders for asses." Dryden.

[1068]Vacui.Cf. xiv., 57, "Vacuumque cerebro jampridem caput." Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 567, "Non obtusa adeo gestamus pectora Pœni."

"But men to eat men human faith surpasses,This traveler takes us islanders for asses." Dryden.

"But men to eat men human faith surpasses,This traveler takes us islanders for asses." Dryden.

[1069]Nondum ebrius."So might some sober hearer well have said,Ere Corcyræan stingo turned his head." Hodgson.

[1069]Nondum ebrius.

"So might some sober hearer well have said,Ere Corcyræan stingo turned his head." Hodgson.

"So might some sober hearer well have said,Ere Corcyræan stingo turned his head." Hodgson.

[1070]Temetum, an old word of doubtful etymology: from it is derived "temulentus" and "abstemius" (cf. Hor., ii., Ep. 163), and the phrase "Temeti timor" for a parasite.

[1070]Temetum, an old word of doubtful etymology: from it is derived "temulentus" and "abstemius" (cf. Hor., ii., Ep. 163), and the phrase "Temeti timor" for a parasite.

[1071]Corcyræâ.The Phæacians were luxurious fellows, as Horace implies: "Pinguis ut inde domum possim Phæaxque reverti." i., Ep., xv., 24.

[1071]Corcyræâ.The Phæacians were luxurious fellows, as Horace implies: "Pinguis ut inde domum possim Phæaxque reverti." i., Ep., xv., 24.

[1072]Ithacus.So x., 257; xiv., 287.

[1072]Ithacus.So x., 257; xiv., 287.

[1073]Junio.Salmasius supposes this Junius to be Q. Junius Rusticus, or Rusticius, consul with Hadrian, A.U.C. 872, A.D. 119. (Plin., Exerc., p. 320.) Others refer it to an Appius Junius Sabinus, consul with Domitian,A.U.C.835,A.D.82. But the name of Domitian's colleague wasTitus Flavius; and no person of the name of Junius appears in the lists of consuls till Rusticus. Some read Junco, or Vinco, to avoid the synizesis; but neither of these names occur. See Life.

[1073]Junio.Salmasius supposes this Junius to be Q. Junius Rusticus, or Rusticius, consul with Hadrian, A.U.C. 872, A.D. 119. (Plin., Exerc., p. 320.) Others refer it to an Appius Junius Sabinus, consul with Domitian,A.U.C.835,A.D.82. But the name of Domitian's colleague wasTitus Flavius; and no person of the name of Junius appears in the lists of consuls till Rusticus. Some read Junco, or Vinco, to avoid the synizesis; but neither of these names occur. See Life.

[1074]Copti, now Kypt or Koft, about twelve miles from Tentyra, thirty from Thebes, and one hundred and twenty from Syene, where Juvenal was stationed. Ptolemy Philadelphus connected it by a road with Berenice.

[1074]Copti, now Kypt or Koft, about twelve miles from Tentyra, thirty from Thebes, and one hundred and twenty from Syene, where Juvenal was stationed. Ptolemy Philadelphus connected it by a road with Berenice.

[1075]Pyrrha.Cf. i., 84.

[1075]Pyrrha.Cf. i., 84.

[1076]Syrmata.Properly the "long sweeping train of tragedy." Vid. Hor., A. P., 278, "Personæ pallæque repertor honestæ." Sat., viii., 229, "Longum tu pone Thyestæ Syrma vel Antigones vel personam Menalippes." So Milton, Il Pens., "Sometimes let gorgeous tragedy in sceptred pall come sweeping by." Cf. Mart., xii., Ep. xcv., 3, 4; iv., Ep. xlix., 8.

[1076]Syrmata.Properly the "long sweeping train of tragedy." Vid. Hor., A. P., 278, "Personæ pallæque repertor honestæ." Sat., viii., 229, "Longum tu pone Thyestæ Syrma vel Antigones vel personam Menalippes." So Milton, Il Pens., "Sometimes let gorgeous tragedy in sceptred pall come sweeping by." Cf. Mart., xii., Ep. xcv., 3, 4; iv., Ep. xlix., 8.

[1077]Populus.i. e., "Tragedy only relates the atrocious crimes ofindividuals: from the days of the Deluge, you can find no instance of wickedness extending toa whole nation."

[1077]Populus.i. e., "Tragedy only relates the atrocious crimes ofindividuals: from the days of the Deluge, you can find no instance of wickedness extending toa whole nation."

[1078]Feritas.Aristotle enumerates as one of the characteristics of θηριότης, τὸ χαίρειν κρέασιν ἀνθρώπων.

[1078]Feritas.Aristotle enumerates as one of the characteristics of θηριότης, τὸ χαίρειν κρέασιν ἀνθρώπων.

[1079]Simultasis properly "the jealousy or rivalry of two persons candidates for the same office," fromsimulo, synom. with æmulari; or fromsimul. Vid. Doederlein, iii., 72.

[1079]Simultasis properly "the jealousy or rivalry of two persons candidates for the same office," fromsimulo, synom. with æmulari; or fromsimul. Vid. Doederlein, iii., 72.

[1080]Ombos, now "Koum-Ombou," lies on the right bank of the Nile, not far from Syene, and consequently a hundred miles at least from Tentyra. To avoid the difficulty, therefore, in the word "finitimos," Salmasius would read "Coptos," this place being only twelve miles distant; but all the best editions have Ombos. Tentyra, now "Denderah," lies on the left bank of the river, and is well known from the famous discoveries in its Temple by Napoleon's savans. The Tentyrites, as Strabo tells us (xvii., p. 460; cf. Plin., H. N., viii., 25), differed from the rest of their countrymen in their hatred and persecution of the crocodile, πάντα τρόπον ἀνιχνεύουσι καὶ διαφθείρουσιν αὐτούς, being the only Egyptians who dared attack or face them; and hence when some crocodiles were conveyed to Rome for exhibition, some Tentyrite keepers accompanied them, and displayed some curious feats of courage and dexterity. Aphrodite was their patron deity. The men of Coptos, Ombos, and Arsinoë, on the other hand, paid the crocodile the highest reverence; considering it an honor to have their children devoured by them; and crucified kites out of spite to the Tentyrites, who adored them. These religious differences are said by Diodorus (ii., 4) to have been fostered by the policy of the ancient kings, to prevent the conspiracies which might have resulted from the cordial union and coalition of the various nomes.

[1080]Ombos, now "Koum-Ombou," lies on the right bank of the Nile, not far from Syene, and consequently a hundred miles at least from Tentyra. To avoid the difficulty, therefore, in the word "finitimos," Salmasius would read "Coptos," this place being only twelve miles distant; but all the best editions have Ombos. Tentyra, now "Denderah," lies on the left bank of the river, and is well known from the famous discoveries in its Temple by Napoleon's savans. The Tentyrites, as Strabo tells us (xvii., p. 460; cf. Plin., H. N., viii., 25), differed from the rest of their countrymen in their hatred and persecution of the crocodile, πάντα τρόπον ἀνιχνεύουσι καὶ διαφθείρουσιν αὐτούς, being the only Egyptians who dared attack or face them; and hence when some crocodiles were conveyed to Rome for exhibition, some Tentyrite keepers accompanied them, and displayed some curious feats of courage and dexterity. Aphrodite was their patron deity. The men of Coptos, Ombos, and Arsinoë, on the other hand, paid the crocodile the highest reverence; considering it an honor to have their children devoured by them; and crucified kites out of spite to the Tentyrites, who adored them. These religious differences are said by Diodorus (ii., 4) to have been fostered by the policy of the ancient kings, to prevent the conspiracies which might have resulted from the cordial union and coalition of the various nomes.

[1081]Alterius populi, i. e., the Tentyrites. Cf. l. 73,seq.

[1081]Alterius populi, i. e., the Tentyrites. Cf. l. 73,seq.

[1082]Pervigili.Cf. viii., 158, "Sed quum pervigiles placet instaurare popinas.""The board, where oft their wakeful revels lastTill seven returning days and nights are past." Hodgson.

[1082]Pervigili.Cf. viii., 158, "Sed quum pervigiles placet instaurare popinas."

"The board, where oft their wakeful revels lastTill seven returning days and nights are past." Hodgson.

"The board, where oft their wakeful revels lastTill seven returning days and nights are past." Hodgson.

[1083]Horrida.So viii., 116, "Horrida vitanda est Hispania." ix., 12, "Horrida siccæ sylva comæ." vi., 10, "Et sæpe horridior glandem ructante marito.""For savage as the country is, it viesIn luxury, if I may trust my eyes,With dissolute Canopus." Gifford.

[1083]Horrida.So viii., 116, "Horrida vitanda est Hispania." ix., 12, "Horrida siccæ sylva comæ." vi., 10, "Et sæpe horridior glandem ructante marito."

"For savage as the country is, it viesIn luxury, if I may trust my eyes,With dissolute Canopus." Gifford.

"For savage as the country is, it viesIn luxury, if I may trust my eyes,With dissolute Canopus." Gifford.

[1084]Canopus.Cf. i., 26. Said to have been built by Menelaus, and named after his pilot. It lies on the Bay of Aboukir, not far from Alexandria, and was notorious for its luxury and debauchery, carried on principally in the temple of Serapis. Cf. vi., 84, "Prodigia et mores Urbis damnante Canopo." Sen., Epist. 51. Propert., iii., El. xi., 39. These lines prove that Juvenal was,at some time of his life, in Egypt; but whether he traveled thither in early life to gratify his curiosity, or, as the common story goes, was banished there in his old age to appease the wrath of Paris, is doubtful. The latter story is inconsistent with chronology, history, and probability.

[1084]Canopus.Cf. i., 26. Said to have been built by Menelaus, and named after his pilot. It lies on the Bay of Aboukir, not far from Alexandria, and was notorious for its luxury and debauchery, carried on principally in the temple of Serapis. Cf. vi., 84, "Prodigia et mores Urbis damnante Canopo." Sen., Epist. 51. Propert., iii., El. xi., 39. These lines prove that Juvenal was,at some time of his life, in Egypt; but whether he traveled thither in early life to gratify his curiosity, or, as the common story goes, was banished there in his old age to appease the wrath of Paris, is doubtful. The latter story is inconsistent with chronology, history, and probability.

[1085]Madidis.So vi., 207, "Atque coronatum et petulans madidumque Tarentum." βεβρεγμένος, ὑπομεθύων. Hesych., Sil., xii., 18, "Molli luxu madefacta meroque Illecebris somni torpentia membra fluebant." Cf. Plaut., Truc., IV., iv., 2, "Si alia membra vino madeant." Most., I., iv., 7, "Ecquid tibi videor madere?" Tibull., II., i., 29, "Non festâ luce madere est rubor, errantes et male ferre pedes:" and II., ii., 8.

[1085]Madidis.So vi., 207, "Atque coronatum et petulans madidumque Tarentum." βεβρεγμένος, ὑπομεθύων. Hesych., Sil., xii., 18, "Molli luxu madefacta meroque Illecebris somni torpentia membra fluebant." Cf. Plaut., Truc., IV., iv., 2, "Si alia membra vino madeant." Most., I., iv., 7, "Ecquid tibi videor madere?" Tibull., II., i., 29, "Non festâ luce madere est rubor, errantes et male ferre pedes:" and II., ii., 8.

[1086]Blæsis.Cf. Mart., x., Ep. 65. So Virgil (Georg., ii., 94) speaks of the vine as "Tentatura pedes olim vincturaque linguam." Propert., II., xxxiv., 22. Sen., Epist., 83.

[1086]Blæsis.Cf. Mart., x., Ep. 65. So Virgil (Georg., ii., 94) speaks of the vine as "Tentatura pedes olim vincturaque linguam." Propert., II., xxxiv., 22. Sen., Epist., 83.

[1087]Jurgia.So v., 26, "Jurgia proludunt." iii., 288, "Miseræ cognosce proœmia rixæ." Tac., Hist., i., 64, "Jurgia primum: mox rixa inter Batavos et legionarios."

[1087]Jurgia.So v., 26, "Jurgia proludunt." iii., 288, "Miseræ cognosce proœmia rixæ." Tac., Hist., i., 64, "Jurgia primum: mox rixa inter Batavos et legionarios."

[1088]Tuba.Cf. i., 169, and Virg., Æn., xi., 424. The whole of the following passage may be compared with Virg., Æn., vii., 505-527.

[1088]Tuba.Cf. i., 169, and Virg., Æn., xi., 424. The whole of the following passage may be compared with Virg., Æn., vii., 505-527.

[1089]Vice teli.Ov., Met., xii., 381, "Sæviquevicempræstantiateli."

[1089]Vice teli.Ov., Met., xii., 381, "Sæviquevicempræstantiateli."

[1090]Vultus dimidios.viii., 4, "Curios jam dimidios, humeroque minorem Corvinum et Galbam auriculis nasoque carentem.""Then might you see, amid the desperate fray,Features disfigured, noses torn away;Hands, where the gore of mangled eyes yet reeks,And jaw-bones starting through the cloven cheeks." Gifford.

[1090]Vultus dimidios.viii., 4, "Curios jam dimidios, humeroque minorem Corvinum et Galbam auriculis nasoque carentem."

"Then might you see, amid the desperate fray,Features disfigured, noses torn away;Hands, where the gore of mangled eyes yet reeks,And jaw-bones starting through the cloven cheeks." Gifford.

"Then might you see, amid the desperate fray,Features disfigured, noses torn away;Hands, where the gore of mangled eyes yet reeks,And jaw-bones starting through the cloven cheeks." Gifford.

[1091]Pueriles.Virg., Æn., v., 584-602."But hitherto both parties think the frayBut mockery of war, mere children's play!And scandal think it t' have none slain outright,Between two hosts that for religion fight." Dryden.

[1091]Pueriles.Virg., Æn., v., 584-602.

"But hitherto both parties think the frayBut mockery of war, mere children's play!And scandal think it t' have none slain outright,Between two hosts that for religion fight." Dryden.

"But hitherto both parties think the frayBut mockery of war, mere children's play!And scandal think it t' have none slain outright,Between two hosts that for religion fight." Dryden.

[1092]Saxa."Stones, the base rabble's home-artillery." Hodgson.

[1092]Saxa.

"Stones, the base rabble's home-artillery." Hodgson.

"Stones, the base rabble's home-artillery." Hodgson.

[1093]Seditioni.Henninius' correction forseditione. For "domestica" in this sense, cf. Sat. ix., 17. So Virg., Æn., i., 150, "Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor arma ministrat." vii., 507, "Quod cuique repertum rimanti telum ira facit."

[1093]Seditioni.Henninius' correction forseditione. For "domestica" in this sense, cf. Sat. ix., 17. So Virg., Æn., i., 150, "Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor arma ministrat." vii., 507, "Quod cuique repertum rimanti telum ira facit."

[1094]Ajax.Hom., Il., vii., 268, δεύτερος αὖτ' Αἴας πολὺ μείζονα λᾶαν ἀείρας ἦκ' ἐπιδινήσας ἐπέρεισε δὲ ἶν' ἀπέλεθρον.

[1094]Ajax.Hom., Il., vii., 268, δεύτερος αὖτ' Αἴας πολὺ μείζονα λᾶαν ἀείρας ἦκ' ἐπιδινήσας ἐπέρεισε δὲ ἶν' ἀπέλεθρον.

[1095]Turnus.Virg., Æn., xii., 896, "Saxum circumspicit ingens: saxum antiquum ingens, campo quod forte jacebat Limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret arvis. Vix illud lecti bis sex cervice subirent, Qualia nunc hominûm producit corpora tellus." Cf. Hom., Il., xxi., 405.

[1095]Turnus.Virg., Æn., xii., 896, "Saxum circumspicit ingens: saxum antiquum ingens, campo quod forte jacebat Limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret arvis. Vix illud lecti bis sex cervice subirent, Qualia nunc hominûm producit corpora tellus." Cf. Hom., Il., xxi., 405.

[1096]Tydides.Il., v., 802, ὁ δὲ χερμάδιον λάβε χειρὶ Τυδείδης μέγα ἔργον ὃ οὐ δύο γ' ἄνδρε φέροιεν οἷοι νῦν βροτοί εἰσ' ὁ δέ μιν ῥέα πάλλε καὶ οἶος.

[1096]Tydides.Il., v., 802, ὁ δὲ χερμάδιον λάβε χειρὶ Τυδείδης μέγα ἔργον ὃ οὐ δύο γ' ἄνδρε φέροιεν οἷοι νῦν βροτοί εἰσ' ὁ δέ μιν ῥέα πάλλε καὶ οἶος.

[1097]Homero.Il., i., 271, κείνοισι δ' ἂν οὔτις τῶν οἵ νῦν βροτοί εἰσιν ἐπιχθόνιοι μαχέοιτο.

[1097]Homero.Il., i., 271, κείνοισι δ' ἂν οὔτις τῶν οἵ νῦν βροτοί εἰσιν ἐπιχθόνιοι μαχέοιτο.

[1098]Malos homines.Cf. Herod., i., 68. Plin., vii., 16. Lucretius, ii., 1149, "Jamque adeo fracta est ætas, effœtaque tellus Vix animalia parva creat, quæ cuncta creavit sæcla." Sen., de Ben., I., c. x., "Hoc majores nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos esse mores, regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas labi." Hor., iii., Od. vi., 46, "Ætas parentum, pejor avis, tulit nos nequiores, mox daturos Progeniem vitiosiorem."

[1098]Malos homines.Cf. Herod., i., 68. Plin., vii., 16. Lucretius, ii., 1149, "Jamque adeo fracta est ætas, effœtaque tellus Vix animalia parva creat, quæ cuncta creavit sæcla." Sen., de Ben., I., c. x., "Hoc majores nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos esse mores, regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas labi." Hor., iii., Od. vi., 46, "Ætas parentum, pejor avis, tulit nos nequiores, mox daturos Progeniem vitiosiorem."

[1099]Diverticulo.Properly "a cross-road," then "a place to which we turn aside from the high road; halting or refreshing place." Cf. Liv., ix., 17.

[1099]Diverticulo.Properly "a cross-road," then "a place to which we turn aside from the high road; halting or refreshing place." Cf. Liv., ix., 17.

[1100]Infestis.So Virg., Æn., v., 582, "Convertêre vias,infestaque tela tulere." 691, "Vel tu quod superestinfestofulmine morti, Si mereor dimitte." x., 877, "Infestâsubit obvius hastâ." Liv., ii., 19, "Tarquinius Superbus quanquam jam ætate et viribus gravior, equuminfestusadmisit."

[1100]Infestis.So Virg., Æn., v., 582, "Convertêre vias,infestaque tela tulere." 691, "Vel tu quod superestinfestofulmine morti, Si mereor dimitte." x., 877, "Infestâsubit obvius hastâ." Liv., ii., 19, "Tarquinius Superbus quanquam jam ætate et viribus gravior, equuminfestusadmisit."

[1101]Tentyra.Cf. ad l. 35. Salmasius proposes to read here "Pampæ" (the name of a small town) forPalmæon account of the difficulty stated above; and supposes this to be Juvenal's way of distinguishing Tentyra: but Pampa is a muchsmallerplace than Tentyra; and no one would describe London, as Browne observes, as "London near Chelsea." He imagines also that Juvenal is describing an affray that took place between the people of Cynopolis and Oxyrynchis about this time, mentioned by Plutarch (de Isid. et Osirid.), and that he has changed the names for the sake of the metre. Heinrich leaves the difficulty unsolved. Browne supposestwoplaces of the name of Tentyra.

[1101]Tentyra.Cf. ad l. 35. Salmasius proposes to read here "Pampæ" (the name of a small town) forPalmæon account of the difficulty stated above; and supposes this to be Juvenal's way of distinguishing Tentyra: but Pampa is a muchsmallerplace than Tentyra; and no one would describe London, as Browne observes, as "London near Chelsea." He imagines also that Juvenal is describing an affray that took place between the people of Cynopolis and Oxyrynchis about this time, mentioned by Plutarch (de Isid. et Osirid.), and that he has changed the names for the sake of the metre. Heinrich leaves the difficulty unsolved. Browne supposestwoplaces of the name of Tentyra.

[1102]Labitur.Gifford compares Hesiod., Herc. Scut., 251, Δῆριν ἔχον περὶ πιπτόντων· πᾶσαι δ' ἄρ ἵεντο αἷμα μέλαν πιέειν· ὃν δὲ πρῶτον μεμάποιεν κείμενον ἢ πίπτοντα νεούτατον, ἀμφὶ μὲν αὐτῷ βάλλ' ὄνυχας μεγάλους.

[1102]Labitur.Gifford compares Hesiod., Herc. Scut., 251, Δῆριν ἔχον περὶ πιπτόντων· πᾶσαι δ' ἄρ ἵεντο αἷμα μέλαν πιέειν· ὃν δὲ πρῶτον μεμάποιεν κείμενον ἢ πίπτοντα νεούτατον, ἀμφὶ μὲν αὐτῷ βάλλ' ὄνυχας μεγάλους.

[1103]Longum."'T had been lost time to dress him; keen desireSupplies the want of kettle, spit, and fire." Dryden.

[1103]Longum.

"'T had been lost time to dress him; keen desireSupplies the want of kettle, spit, and fire." Dryden.

"'T had been lost time to dress him; keen desireSupplies the want of kettle, spit, and fire." Dryden.

[1104]Prometheus.Vid. Hesiod., Op. et Di., 49,seq.Theog., 564. Æsch., P. Vinct., 109. Hor., i., Od. iii., 27. Cic., Tusc. Qu., II., x., 23. Mart., xiv., Ep. 80.

[1104]Prometheus.Vid. Hesiod., Op. et Di., 49,seq.Theog., 564. Æsch., P. Vinct., 109. Hor., i., Od. iii., 27. Cic., Tusc. Qu., II., x., 23. Mart., xiv., Ep. 80.

[1105]Gratulor.So Ov., Met., x., 305, "Gentibus Ismariis et nostro gratulor orbi, gratulor huic terræ, quod abest regionibus illis, Quæ tantum genuere nefas."

[1105]Gratulor.So Ov., Met., x., 305, "Gentibus Ismariis et nostro gratulor orbi, gratulor huic terræ, quod abest regionibus illis, Quæ tantum genuere nefas."

[1106]Te exsultare.Juvenal's friend Volusius is supposed to have had a leaning toward the doctrine of the fire-worshipers. At least this is the puerile way in which most of the commentators endeavor to escape the difficulty.

[1106]Te exsultare.Juvenal's friend Volusius is supposed to have had a leaning toward the doctrine of the fire-worshipers. At least this is the puerile way in which most of the commentators endeavor to escape the difficulty.

[1107]Libentius."But he who tasted first the human food,Swore never flesh was so divinely good." Hodgson.

[1107]Libentius.

"But he who tasted first the human food,Swore never flesh was so divinely good." Hodgson.

"But he who tasted first the human food,Swore never flesh was so divinely good." Hodgson.

[1108]Ultimus."And the last comer, of his dues bereft,Sucks from the bloodstain'd soil some flavor left." Badham.

[1108]Ultimus.

"And the last comer, of his dues bereft,Sucks from the bloodstain'd soil some flavor left." Badham.

"And the last comer, of his dues bereft,Sucks from the bloodstain'd soil some flavor left." Badham.

[1109]Vascones.Sil. Ital., x., 15. The Vascones lived in the northeast of Spain, near the Pyrenees, in parts of Navarre, Aragon, and old Castile. They and the Cantabri were the most warlike people of Hispania Tarrocensis. Their southern boundary was the Iberus (Ebro). Their chief cities were Calagurris Nassica (now Calahorra in New Castile), on the right bank of the Iberus; and Pompelon (now Pampeluna), at the foot of the Pyrenees, said to have been founded by Cn. Pompeius Magnus, vid. Plin., III., iii., 4. It is doubtful which of these two cities held out in the manner alluded to in the text. Sertorius was assasinatedB.C.72, and the Vascones, whose faith was pledged to him, sooner than submit to Pompey and Metellus, suffered the most horrible extremities, even devouring their wives and children. Cf. Liv., Epit. xciii. Flor., III., xxxii. Val. Max., VII., vi. Plut. in v. Sert. The Vascones afterward crossed the Pyrenees into Aquitania, and their name is still preserved in the province of Gascogne.

[1109]Vascones.Sil. Ital., x., 15. The Vascones lived in the northeast of Spain, near the Pyrenees, in parts of Navarre, Aragon, and old Castile. They and the Cantabri were the most warlike people of Hispania Tarrocensis. Their southern boundary was the Iberus (Ebro). Their chief cities were Calagurris Nassica (now Calahorra in New Castile), on the right bank of the Iberus; and Pompelon (now Pampeluna), at the foot of the Pyrenees, said to have been founded by Cn. Pompeius Magnus, vid. Plin., III., iii., 4. It is doubtful which of these two cities held out in the manner alluded to in the text. Sertorius was assasinatedB.C.72, and the Vascones, whose faith was pledged to him, sooner than submit to Pompey and Metellus, suffered the most horrible extremities, even devouring their wives and children. Cf. Liv., Epit. xciii. Flor., III., xxxii. Val. Max., VII., vi. Plut. in v. Sert. The Vascones afterward crossed the Pyrenees into Aquitania, and their name is still preserved in the province of Gascogne.

[1110]Egestas."When frowning war against them stood array'dWith the dire famine of a long blockade." Hodgson.

[1110]Egestas.

"When frowning war against them stood array'dWith the dire famine of a long blockade." Hodgson.

"When frowning war against them stood array'dWith the dire famine of a long blockade." Hodgson.

[1111]Miserabile.ii., 18, "Horum simplicitasmiserabilis."

[1111]Miserabile.ii., 18, "Horum simplicitasmiserabilis."

[1112]Post omnes herbas."For after every root and herb were gone,And every aliment to hunger known;When their lean frames and cheeks of sallow hueStruck e'en the foe with pity at the view;And all were ready their own flesh to tear,They first adventured on this horrid fare." Gifford.

[1112]Post omnes herbas.

"For after every root and herb were gone,And every aliment to hunger known;When their lean frames and cheeks of sallow hueStruck e'en the foe with pity at the view;And all were ready their own flesh to tear,They first adventured on this horrid fare." Gifford.

"For after every root and herb were gone,And every aliment to hunger known;When their lean frames and cheeks of sallow hueStruck e'en the foe with pity at the view;And all were ready their own flesh to tear,They first adventured on this horrid fare." Gifford.

[1113]Viribus.The abstract used for the concrete. Another reading is,Urbibus, referring to Calagurris and Saguntus. Valesius proposed to read "Ventribus," which Orellius receives.

[1113]Viribus.The abstract used for the concrete. Another reading is,Urbibus, referring to Calagurris and Saguntus. Valesius proposed to read "Ventribus," which Orellius receives.

[1114]Quædam pro vita.Cf. Arist., Eth., iii., 1, Ἔνια δ' ἴσως οὐκ ἔστιν ἀναγκασθῆναι ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἀποθνητέον, παθόντα τὰ δεινότατα. Plin., xxviii., 1, "Vitam quidem non adeo expetendam censemus ut quoquo modo protrahenda sit." Sen., Ep. 72, "Non omni pretio vita emenda est."

[1114]Quædam pro vita.Cf. Arist., Eth., iii., 1, Ἔνια δ' ἴσως οὐκ ἔστιν ἀναγκασθῆναι ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἀποθνητέον, παθόντα τὰ δεινότατα. Plin., xxviii., 1, "Vitam quidem non adeo expetendam censemus ut quoquo modo protrahenda sit." Sen., Ep. 72, "Non omni pretio vita emenda est."

[1115]Gallia.Cf. ad i., 44. Suet., Cal., xx., "Caligula instituit in Gallia, Lugduni, certamen Græcæ Latinæque facundiæ." Quintil., x., 1. Sat., vii., 148, "Accipiat te Gallia, vel potius nutricula causidicorum Africa, si placuit mercedem ponere linguæ."

[1115]Gallia.Cf. ad i., 44. Suet., Cal., xx., "Caligula instituit in Gallia, Lugduni, certamen Græcæ Latinæque facundiæ." Quintil., x., 1. Sat., vii., 148, "Accipiat te Gallia, vel potius nutricula causidicorum Africa, si placuit mercedem ponere linguæ."

[1116]Britannos.Tac., Agric., xxi, "Ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre: ut qui modo linguam Romanam abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent."

[1116]Britannos.Tac., Agric., xxi, "Ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre: ut qui modo linguam Romanam abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent."

[1117]Thule.Used generally for the northernmost region of the earth. Its position shifted with the advance of their geographical knowledge; hence it is used for Sweden, Norway, Shetland, or Iceland. Virg., Georg., i., 30, "Tibi serviat ultima Thule."

[1117]Thule.Used generally for the northernmost region of the earth. Its position shifted with the advance of their geographical knowledge; hence it is used for Sweden, Norway, Shetland, or Iceland. Virg., Georg., i., 30, "Tibi serviat ultima Thule."

[1118]Saguntus, now "Mur Viedro" in Valencia, is memorable for its obstinate resistance to Hannibal, during a siege of eight months (described Liv., xxi., 5-15). Their fidelity to Rome was as famous as that of the Vascones to Sertorius; but their fate was more disastrous; as Hannibal took Saguntus and razed it to the ground, after they had endured the most horrible extremities, whereas the siege of Calagurris was raised. Cf. ad v., 29.

[1118]Saguntus, now "Mur Viedro" in Valencia, is memorable for its obstinate resistance to Hannibal, during a siege of eight months (described Liv., xxi., 5-15). Their fidelity to Rome was as famous as that of the Vascones to Sertorius; but their fate was more disastrous; as Hannibal took Saguntus and razed it to the ground, after they had endured the most horrible extremities, whereas the siege of Calagurris was raised. Cf. ad v., 29.

[1119]Taurica.The Tauri, who lived in the peninsula called from them Taurica Chersonesus (now Crimea), on the Palus Mæotis, used to sacrifice shipwrecked strangers on the altar of Diana; of which barbarous custom Thoas their king is said to have been the inventor. Ov., Trist., IV., iv., 93; Ib., 386, "Thoanteæ Taurica sacra Deæ." Pont., I., ii., 80: III., ii., 59. Plin., H. N., IV., xii., 26. On this story is founded the Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides, and from this was derived the custom of scourging boys at the altar of Artemis Orthias in Sparta.

[1119]Taurica.The Tauri, who lived in the peninsula called from them Taurica Chersonesus (now Crimea), on the Palus Mæotis, used to sacrifice shipwrecked strangers on the altar of Diana; of which barbarous custom Thoas their king is said to have been the inventor. Ov., Trist., IV., iv., 93; Ib., 386, "Thoanteæ Taurica sacra Deæ." Pont., I., ii., 80: III., ii., 59. Plin., H. N., IV., xii., 26. On this story is founded the Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides, and from this was derived the custom of scourging boys at the altar of Artemis Orthias in Sparta.

[1120]Gravius cultro."There the pale victim only fears the knife,But thy fell zeal asks something more than life." Hodgson.

[1120]Gravius cultro.

"There the pale victim only fears the knife,But thy fell zeal asks something more than life." Hodgson.

"There the pale victim only fears the knife,But thy fell zeal asks something more than life." Hodgson.

[1121]Invidiam facerent.Cf. Ov., Art. Am., i., 647, "Dicitur Ægyptos caruisse juvantibus arva Imbribus, atque annos sicca fuisse novem. Cum Thracius Busirin adit, monstratque piari Hospitis effuso sanguine posse Jovem. Illi Busiris, Fies Jovis hostia primus, Inquit et Ægypto tu dabis hospes opem." It is to this story Juvenal probably alludes. Butinvidiam faceremeans also "to bring into odium and unpopularity" (cf. Ov., Met., iv., 547), and so Gifford understands it. "What more effectual means could these cannibals devise to incense the god and provoke him to withhold his fertilizing waters, thereby bringing him into unpopularity." Cf. Lucan, ii., 36, "Nullis defuit aris Invidiam factura parens," with the note of Cortius.

[1121]Invidiam facerent.Cf. Ov., Art. Am., i., 647, "Dicitur Ægyptos caruisse juvantibus arva Imbribus, atque annos sicca fuisse novem. Cum Thracius Busirin adit, monstratque piari Hospitis effuso sanguine posse Jovem. Illi Busiris, Fies Jovis hostia primus, Inquit et Ægypto tu dabis hospes opem." It is to this story Juvenal probably alludes. Butinvidiam faceremeans also "to bring into odium and unpopularity" (cf. Ov., Met., iv., 547), and so Gifford understands it. "What more effectual means could these cannibals devise to incense the god and provoke him to withhold his fertilizing waters, thereby bringing him into unpopularity." Cf. Lucan, ii., 36, "Nullis defuit aris Invidiam factura parens," with the note of Cortius.

[1122]Fictilibus phaselis.Evidently taken from Virg., Georg., iv., 287, "Nam quâ Pellæi gens fortunata Canopi Accolit effuso stagnantem flumine Nilum Et circumpictisvehitur sua ruraphaselis." The deficiency of timber in Egypt forced the inhabitants to adopt any expedient as a substitute. Strabo (lib. xvii.) mentions these vessels of pottery-ware, varnished over to make them water-tight. Phaselus is properly the long Egyptian kidney bean, from which the boats derived their name, from their long and narrow form. From their speed they were much used by pirates, and seem to have been of the same build as the Myoparones mentioned by Cicero in Verrem, ii., 3. Cf. Catull., iv., 1, "Phaselus ille quem videtis hospites Ait fuisse navium celerrimus." Mart., x., Ep. xxx., 12, "Viva sed quies Ponti Pictam phaselon adjuvante fert aurâ." Cf. Lucan, v., 518. Hor., iii., Od. ii., 29. Virg., Georg., i., 277. Arist., Pax, 1144."Or through the tranquil water's easy swell,Work the short paddles of their painted shell." Hodgson.

[1122]Fictilibus phaselis.Evidently taken from Virg., Georg., iv., 287, "Nam quâ Pellæi gens fortunata Canopi Accolit effuso stagnantem flumine Nilum Et circumpictisvehitur sua ruraphaselis." The deficiency of timber in Egypt forced the inhabitants to adopt any expedient as a substitute. Strabo (lib. xvii.) mentions these vessels of pottery-ware, varnished over to make them water-tight. Phaselus is properly the long Egyptian kidney bean, from which the boats derived their name, from their long and narrow form. From their speed they were much used by pirates, and seem to have been of the same build as the Myoparones mentioned by Cicero in Verrem, ii., 3. Cf. Catull., iv., 1, "Phaselus ille quem videtis hospites Ait fuisse navium celerrimus." Mart., x., Ep. xxx., 12, "Viva sed quies Ponti Pictam phaselon adjuvante fert aurâ." Cf. Lucan, v., 518. Hor., iii., Od. ii., 29. Virg., Georg., i., 277. Arist., Pax, 1144.

"Or through the tranquil water's easy swell,Work the short paddles of their painted shell." Hodgson.

"Or through the tranquil water's easy swell,Work the short paddles of their painted shell." Hodgson.

[1123]Lacrymas.So the Greek proverb, ἀγαθοὶ δ' ἀριδάκρυες ἄνδρες.

[1123]Lacrymas.So the Greek proverb, ἀγαθοὶ δ' ἀριδάκρυες ἄνδρες.

[1124]Pupillum.Cf. i., 45, "Quum populum gregibus comitum premit hic spoliator Pupilli prostantis," x., 222, "Quot Basilus socios, quot circumscripserit Hirrus pupillos."

[1124]Pupillum.Cf. i., 45, "Quum populum gregibus comitum premit hic spoliator Pupilli prostantis," x., 222, "Quot Basilus socios, quot circumscripserit Hirrus pupillos."

[1125]Incerta.Hor., ii., Od. v., "Quem si puellarum insereres choro Miré sagaces falleret hospites Discrimen obscurum solutis Crinibus ambiguoque vultu.""So soft his tresses, filled with trickling pearl,You'd doubt his sex, and take him for a girl." Dryden.

[1125]Incerta.Hor., ii., Od. v., "Quem si puellarum insereres choro Miré sagaces falleret hospites Discrimen obscurum solutis Crinibus ambiguoque vultu."

"So soft his tresses, filled with trickling pearl,You'd doubt his sex, and take him for a girl." Dryden.

"So soft his tresses, filled with trickling pearl,You'd doubt his sex, and take him for a girl." Dryden.

[1126]Minor igne rogi.Infants under forty days old were not burned, but buried; and the place was called "Suggrundarium." Vid. Facc. in voc. Cf. Plin., H. N., vii., 16.

[1126]Minor igne rogi.Infants under forty days old were not burned, but buried; and the place was called "Suggrundarium." Vid. Facc. in voc. Cf. Plin., H. N., vii., 16.

[1127]Arcana.Hor., iii., Od. ii., 26, "Vetabo quiCererissacrum vulgâritarcanæ, sub îsdem sit trabibus fragilemve mecum solvat phaselon." Cf. Sat. vi., 50, "Paucæ adeo Cereris vittas contingere dignæ." None were admitted to initiation in the greater mysteries without a strict inquiry into their moral character; as none but the chastest matrons were allowed to be priestesses of Ceres. For the origin of the use of the torch in the sacred processions of Ceres, see Ovid, Fast., iv., 493,seq.

[1127]Arcana.Hor., iii., Od. ii., 26, "Vetabo quiCererissacrum vulgâritarcanæ, sub îsdem sit trabibus fragilemve mecum solvat phaselon." Cf. Sat. vi., 50, "Paucæ adeo Cereris vittas contingere dignæ." None were admitted to initiation in the greater mysteries without a strict inquiry into their moral character; as none but the chastest matrons were allowed to be priestesses of Ceres. For the origin of the use of the torch in the sacred processions of Ceres, see Ovid, Fast., iv., 493,seq.

[1128]Aliena.From Ter., Heaut., I., i., 25, "Homo sum; humani nihil à me alienum puto." Cf. Cic., Off., i., 9.

[1128]Aliena.From Ter., Heaut., I., i., 25, "Homo sum; humani nihil à me alienum puto." Cf. Cic., Off., i., 9.

[1129]Sortiti ingenium.Cf. Cic., Nat. Deor., ii., 56, "Sunt enim homines non ut incolæ atque habitatores, sed quasi spectatores superarum rerum atque cœlestium, quarum spectaculum ad nullum aliud genus animantium pertinet."

[1129]Sortiti ingenium.Cf. Cic., Nat. Deor., ii., 56, "Sunt enim homines non ut incolæ atque habitatores, sed quasi spectatores superarum rerum atque cœlestium, quarum spectaculum ad nullum aliud genus animantium pertinet."

[1130]Cœlesti.Virg., Æn., vi., 730, "Igneus est ollis vigor et cœlestis origo." Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 79, "Divinæ particulam auræ."

[1130]Cœlesti.Virg., Æn., vi., 730, "Igneus est ollis vigor et cœlestis origo." Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 79, "Divinæ particulam auræ."

[1131]Prona.Ov., Met., i., 84, "Pronaque cum spectent animalia cætera terram, Os homini sublime dedit, cœlumque tueri jussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus." Sall., Bell. Cat., init., "Omnes homines qui sese student præstare cæteris animalibus quæ Natura prona et ventri obedientia finxit."

[1131]Prona.Ov., Met., i., 84, "Pronaque cum spectent animalia cætera terram, Os homini sublime dedit, cœlumque tueri jussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus." Sall., Bell. Cat., init., "Omnes homines qui sese student præstare cæteris animalibus quæ Natura prona et ventri obedientia finxit."

[1132]Animam.i., 83. Cf. ad vi., 531."To brutes our Maker, when the globe was new,Lent only life: to men, a spirit too.That mutual kindness in our hearts might burn,The good which others did us, to return:That scattered thousands might together come,Leave their old woods, and seek a general home." Hodgson.

[1132]Animam.i., 83. Cf. ad vi., 531.

"To brutes our Maker, when the globe was new,Lent only life: to men, a spirit too.That mutual kindness in our hearts might burn,The good which others did us, to return:That scattered thousands might together come,Leave their old woods, and seek a general home." Hodgson.

"To brutes our Maker, when the globe was new,Lent only life: to men, a spirit too.That mutual kindness in our hearts might burn,The good which others did us, to return:That scattered thousands might together come,Leave their old woods, and seek a general home." Hodgson.

[1133]Dispersos.Cic., Tusc. Qu., v., 2, "Tu dissipatos homines in societatem vitæ convocâsti; tu eos inter se primo domiciliis, deinde conjugiis, tum literarum et vocum communione junxisti." Hor., i., Sat. iii., 104, "Dehinc absistere bello: oppida cœperunt munire et ponere leges." Ar. Poet., 391, "Sylvestres homines sacer interpresque deorum Cædibus et victu fœdo deterruit Orpheus."

[1133]Dispersos.Cic., Tusc. Qu., v., 2, "Tu dissipatos homines in societatem vitæ convocâsti; tu eos inter se primo domiciliis, deinde conjugiis, tum literarum et vocum communione junxisti." Hor., i., Sat. iii., 104, "Dehinc absistere bello: oppida cœperunt munire et ponere leges." Ar. Poet., 391, "Sylvestres homines sacer interpresque deorum Cædibus et victu fœdo deterruit Orpheus."

[1134]Sylvas.Ov., Met., i., 121, "Tum primum subiere domos. Domus antra fuerunt, et densi frutices, et vinctæ cortice virgæ." Lucr., v., 953, "Sed nemora atque cavos montes sylvasque colebant, Et frutices inter condebant squalida membra."

[1134]Sylvas.Ov., Met., i., 121, "Tum primum subiere domos. Domus antra fuerunt, et densi frutices, et vinctæ cortice virgæ." Lucr., v., 953, "Sed nemora atque cavos montes sylvasque colebant, Et frutices inter condebant squalida membra."

[1135]Collata fiducia."Thus more securely through the night to rest,And add new courage to our neighbor's breast." Hodgson.

[1135]Collata fiducia.

"Thus more securely through the night to rest,And add new courage to our neighbor's breast." Hodgson.

"Thus more securely through the night to rest,And add new courage to our neighbor's breast." Hodgson.

[1136]Civem.Hence the proud inscription on the civic crown, OB. CIVES. SERVATOS.

[1136]Civem.Hence the proud inscription on the civic crown, OB. CIVES. SERVATOS.

[1137]Concordia.Plin., H. N., vii., in., "Cætera animantia in suo genere probè degunt; congregari videmus, et stare contra dissimilia: Leonum feritas inter se non dimicat: serpentum morsus non petit serpentes; nec maris quidem belluæ nisi in diversa genera sæviunt. At Hercule, homini plurima ex homine sunt mala." Hor., Epod., vii., 11, "Neque hic lupis mos nec fuit leonibus, nunquam nisi in dispar feris." "Homo homini lupus." Prov. Rom.

[1137]Concordia.Plin., H. N., vii., in., "Cætera animantia in suo genere probè degunt; congregari videmus, et stare contra dissimilia: Leonum feritas inter se non dimicat: serpentum morsus non petit serpentes; nec maris quidem belluæ nisi in diversa genera sæviunt. At Hercule, homini plurima ex homine sunt mala." Hor., Epod., vii., 11, "Neque hic lupis mos nec fuit leonibus, nunquam nisi in dispar feris." "Homo homini lupus." Prov. Rom.

[1138]Cognatis."His kindred spots the very pard will spare." Badham.

[1138]Cognatis.

"His kindred spots the very pard will spare." Badham.

"His kindred spots the very pard will spare." Badham.

[1139]Dentibus apri."Nor from his larger tusks the forest boarCommission takes his brother swine to gore." Dryd.

[1139]Dentibus apri.

"Nor from his larger tusks the forest boarCommission takes his brother swine to gore." Dryd.

"Nor from his larger tusks the forest boarCommission takes his brother swine to gore." Dryd.

[1140]Indica tigris.Plin., H. N., vin., 18, "Tigris Indica fera velocitatis tremendæ est, quæ vacuum reperiens cubile fertur præceps odore vestigans,"et seq."In league of Friendship tigers roam the plain,And bears with bears perpetual peace maintain." Gifford.

[1140]Indica tigris.Plin., H. N., vin., 18, "Tigris Indica fera velocitatis tremendæ est, quæ vacuum reperiens cubile fertur præceps odore vestigans,"et seq.

"In league of Friendship tigers roam the plain,And bears with bears perpetual peace maintain." Gifford.

"In league of Friendship tigers roam the plain,And bears with bears perpetual peace maintain." Gifford.

[1141]Ast homini."But man, fell man, is not content to makeThe deadly sword for murder's impious sake,Though ancient smiths knew only to produceSpades, rakes, and mattocks for the rustic's use;And guiltless anvils in those ancient timesWere not subservient to the soldier's crimes." Hodgson.

[1141]Ast homini.

"But man, fell man, is not content to makeThe deadly sword for murder's impious sake,Though ancient smiths knew only to produceSpades, rakes, and mattocks for the rustic's use;And guiltless anvils in those ancient timesWere not subservient to the soldier's crimes." Hodgson.

"But man, fell man, is not content to makeThe deadly sword for murder's impious sake,Though ancient smiths knew only to produceSpades, rakes, and mattocks for the rustic's use;And guiltless anvils in those ancient timesWere not subservient to the soldier's crimes." Hodgson.

[1142]Gladios.Virg., Georg., ii., 538."Aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat.Necdum etiam audierant inflari classica, necdumImpositos duris crepitare incudibus enses."

[1142]Gladios.Virg., Georg., ii., 538.

"Aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat.Necdum etiam audierant inflari classica, necdumImpositos duris crepitare incudibus enses."

"Aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat.Necdum etiam audierant inflari classica, necdumImpositos duris crepitare incudibus enses."

[1143]"Ev'n this is trifling. We have seen a rageToo fierce for murder only to assuage;Seen a whole state their victim piecemeal tear,And count each quivering limb delicious fare!" Gifford.

[1143]

"Ev'n this is trifling. We have seen a rageToo fierce for murder only to assuage;Seen a whole state their victim piecemeal tear,And count each quivering limb delicious fare!" Gifford.

"Ev'n this is trifling. We have seen a rageToo fierce for murder only to assuage;Seen a whole state their victim piecemeal tear,And count each quivering limb delicious fare!" Gifford.

[1144]Pythagoras.iii., 228, "Culti villicus horti unde epulum possis centum dare Pythagoreis." Holding the doctrine of the Metempsychosis, Pythagoras was averse to shedding the blood of any animal. Various reasons are assigned for his abstaining from beans; from their shape—from their turning to blood if exposed to moonshine, etc. Diog. Laert. says (lib. viii. cap. i.), τῶν δὲ κυάμων ἀπηγόρευεν ἔχεσθαι διὰ τὸ πνευματώδεις ὄντας μᾶλλον μετέχειν τοῦ ψυχικοῦ—καὶ τὰς καθύπνους φαντασίας λείας καὶ ἀταράχους ἀποτελεῖν. In which view Cicero seems to concur: De Div., ii., 119, "Pythagoras et Plato, quo in somnis certiora videamus, præparatos quodam cultu atque victu proficisci ad dormiendum jubent: Faba quidem Pythagorei utique abstinuere, quasi vero eo cibo mens non venter infletur." Cf. Ov., Met., xv., 60,seq.See Browne's Vulgar Errors, book i., chap. iv. (Bohn's Antiquarian Library): "When (Pythagoras) enjoined his disciples an abstinence frombeans, ... he had no other intention than to dissuade men from magistracy, or undertaking the public offices of the state; for by beans was the magistrate elected in some parts of Greece; and after his days, we read in Thucydides of the Council of the Bean in Athens. It hath been thought by some an injunction only of continency."

[1144]Pythagoras.iii., 228, "Culti villicus horti unde epulum possis centum dare Pythagoreis." Holding the doctrine of the Metempsychosis, Pythagoras was averse to shedding the blood of any animal. Various reasons are assigned for his abstaining from beans; from their shape—from their turning to blood if exposed to moonshine, etc. Diog. Laert. says (lib. viii. cap. i.), τῶν δὲ κυάμων ἀπηγόρευεν ἔχεσθαι διὰ τὸ πνευματώδεις ὄντας μᾶλλον μετέχειν τοῦ ψυχικοῦ—καὶ τὰς καθύπνους φαντασίας λείας καὶ ἀταράχους ἀποτελεῖν. In which view Cicero seems to concur: De Div., ii., 119, "Pythagoras et Plato, quo in somnis certiora videamus, præparatos quodam cultu atque victu proficisci ad dormiendum jubent: Faba quidem Pythagorei utique abstinuere, quasi vero eo cibo mens non venter infletur." Cf. Ov., Met., xv., 60,seq.See Browne's Vulgar Errors, book i., chap. iv. (Bohn's Antiquarian Library): "When (Pythagoras) enjoined his disciples an abstinence frombeans, ... he had no other intention than to dissuade men from magistracy, or undertaking the public offices of the state; for by beans was the magistrate elected in some parts of Greece; and after his days, we read in Thucydides of the Council of the Bean in Athens. It hath been thought by some an injunction only of continency."


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